Britain Is Out, Europe Is In.

on the Brexit referendum

June 26th, 2016

There has rarely been a more interesting or important time to study or understand ‘Europe’. Prof. Kevin Featherstone, Head of the London School of Economics European Institute.

Split

‘We’re out’. It is so ordered.

After all the UK may not be part of the European area, and still dreams of Empire lands and New World horizons. But if there is a tradition of conflict with the old continent, the United Kingdom has changed its face with a forty year membership. Aside from the United States, from its former colonies, the Heath government has looked to Europe, peaceful docking port. Caught between two worlds, the new European world was a space full of new opportunities for Britons.

If the European entreprise has united part of the British for a while, convinced by the need for greater openness and economic integration, times have changed. Vote Leave’s arguments were essentially based on the idea that this new world promised by the European Economic Community had transformed into a Brave New World — tyrannical and bureaucratic, defying democratic values.

Conflict of mythologies

For us, continental folks, the Union is the conclusion of years of war, the prospect of peace and prosperity. But for the British — or should I say, for the English — this spirit of Union never emerged. The EU is an economic and financial market they think at their service, making sure to say that the EU is only a Liberal machine still in the hands of Britons. The Leave campaign movie, Brexit: the movie, tries to show how the Union is damaging for British people, how instead of making the Kingdom more powerful and influent, it makes it an equal of its European partners. I do not think that a common economic policy can foster a European identity on its own. Sharing sovereignty in order to receive new rights and opportunities is also a way not to transfer power to less accountable governments but to coordinate, to empower at larger scale a market, a society, which now retains its place in a multipolar world.

Throughout this short campaign, what was initially striking was the absence of common sense from both sides. Britons have voted with their guts. Some advocated Europe as it is today — idealising it — , the others dreamed of the United Kingdom as it once was. Nothing new under the sun.

Truth is, pro-EU campaigners show a lack of vision, of a clear goal both feasible and with real impact. If tomorrow we are able to propose guidelines for better security in Europe for instance, a roadmap that we may be able to follow for once, we shall convince undoubtedly those among us who think that safety is primarily a national affair.

An age of uncertainty

The era which was opened after this announcement is part of an environment plagued with uncertainty. In our times, when unemployment and crisis forged a new generation of Eurosceptics, we should be questioning the EU status. But far from finishing with this exit of the Union, it is a much less prosperous economic environment that the Brexit is likely to offer to the British. Market volatility after the referendum highlights the opening of a period of instability — trust has disappeared. Undoubtedly the economic and financial power of the United Kingdom will not be reduced to nothing: probably the European economy will come out, as the United Kingdom’s will. But the problem lies mainly in the period of uncertainty which could last until the actual departure of the United Kingdom and the negotiations of the exit agreement. A Norwegian model of association must be rejected by the EU, as well as a complete free trade agreement without any free movement. Even if loosing access to the UK market could damage EU economy for a while, I think this is important that the EU authorities show their strengths and resolution to enforce our values. Other deals should not be considered as they may threaten the integrity of the Union.

Whatever the choice may be, the HM Treasury Analysis: the immediate economic impact of leaving the EU, presented by the Chancellor of the Exchequer last month, was clear: ‘the UK would be permanently poorer if it left the EU and adopted any of these alternative relationships’.

Inside the British Isles, this referendum has destroyed the social and geographical unity. Between England and other countries, the young and the old, the more educated and the least educated the social divide — with which Vote Leave, and UKIP, have played more than once — will reshape the political scene of the Kingdom. Following Nicola Sturgeon stance, Scotland cannot be part of a country which will undermine European Scottish interests, that is why she already asked for a new independence referendum. Some NI leaders join Scotland in a new quest for Europe ; and Irish politicians had already referred to the possibility of a Union of Ireland as expressed in the third article of the Irish Republic Constitution. Hence the fact that surely the whole British Isles map will be redesigned in the following years.

A hypothetical ‘London Exit from the United Kingdom’ (aka Lexit on social networks) shows the classical gap between rural England and Greater London (where 60% stands for Remain). Also, a petition for a second referendum (which will soon be examined by the House of Commons), NUS campaign regretting that the vote for 16–18-year old cannot be caught for such decision (contrary to the Scottish vote in 2014), or #Regrexit trend on Twitter show that if the margin of winning was clear (51,9% for Leave), Britons are still divided on this issue. A ComRes report on June 26th, 2016 even shows that 88% of British voters declared themselves ‘unhappy’ with the results of their vote.

The unenthusiastic victory speech by Boris Johnson (former EU custodian) and the reticence to trigger article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty enacted how ambiguous the current situation is.

Rebuilding Europe

Admittedly, this referendum is only the first of a long series. The peoples of Europe are increasingly tempted by populists and isolationism, be it in Hungary, Poland, Austria or even in France. We must show that isolationism is not a way to find more sovereignty but to cut ourselves from the rest of the world, and all its opportunities.

We must take this occasion to put forward the European project. To propose and set new goals, to clarify or reshape our institutions, and of course to involve European citizens in decision-making processes are objectives that will undertake tomorrow’s Europe. For it is not an end but a new beginning for Europe, if politicians bring fresh ideas and visions it will be possible to propose a new European project to people’s vote. A referendum on a project is more efficient than a referendum on the membership as it may define the kind of relationship EU Nationals want with their institutions.

Certainly the Union is still imperfect, as every non-merging union is. Analogically, the Acts of Union were imperfect. Of course we still have many points of improvement to work on. But stopping now, by leaving the Union, is neglecting the unprecedented efforts that led to the realisation of this project, denying close ties with neighbours and friends, but also ruining future opportunities on the economic course and also in a cultural way. If British society is multicultural, Britons must look back, for instance, on the fact that nearly one million of Europeans live, work and study in London today. And a million of Britons are settled in the Continent where they bring their culture and habits.

Speaking as a convinced European makes less sense than speaking as a convincing European. Explaining the EU more clearly and pedagogically — to avoid people typing ‘What is the EU?’ en masse on Google after this major vote — will relaunch this beautiful construction which Europe is. It is through education that we could have prevented the headlines on the Daily Mirror’s website to present young people regretting their vote on the referendum’s day.

We must not remember June 23, 2016 in the same way we remember April 21, 2002, here in France. We must act — react — to expand European dream and promote further cooperation.

Alexis Chalopin

Student in European Studies (Sciences Po & London School of Economics)

alexis.chalopin(at)sciencespo.fr

© Alexis Chalopin, juin 2016