The suppression of Catalan independence: the historical context
It is heartbreaking watching the countless videos of Catalan independence supporters and advocates of self-determination being beaten up by Spanish state authorities. For the Catalans that feel they are a distinct people with a separate language and culture this referendum is an extremely important expression of their voice. The fact that so many people are risking injury and violence sanctioned by the Spanish government shows just how significant this all is.
Over in Madrid, however, is a different response. Many have come out to rally in protest at plans by the Catalan regional government to hold a referendum. Among their number are fascists, Francoists and nationalist supporters (see the picture above).
This is all very familiar territory. The history of Catalonia is one of suppression. Not only had Barcelona fallen to the Bourbons in 1714 but its self-determination and dignity has been crippled by dictatorship since. Attempts of self-determination in the form of the Manconvent of Catalonia in 1914 was overturned by General Primo de Rivera in 1923. After General Franco had won the Spanish Civil War between 1936–1939 all his gripes against Catalan independence and self-determination were expressed and oppression thus realised. He even banned speaking Catalan in public.
Today there are Francoists — who are either avowed or disavow their affinity to the Spanish Fascist period — within the Partido Popular (Nb PP opposed taking down the last statue of General Franco standing in Madrid when they were the opposition party in 2005) and its hard not to assume that the resistance President Mariano Rajoy Brey puts up to listening to a perfectly legitimate Catalan case is an appeasement to a nasty element sat within his own party.
In 2012 1.5m Catalans marched through the streets of Barcelona to support that self-determination nearly 300 years later. The sentiment is still felt. Walking through the streets of Barcelona one cannot help be overwhelmed by the sheer number of flags of The Estelada, the unofficial flag flown by Catalan separatists to express their support for an independent Catalonia (banned in 2016 by the Spanish government for football fans watching the final match between Barcelona and Sevilla, held in Madrid, on the grounds of the article 2.1 of the Law on Sports, which prohibits the display of symbols that “incite, foment or help violent or terrorist behavior”, only later to be overturned by a Madrid judge citing freedom of expression).
Almost to preempt the heavy handed actions of the police department today, after the 2012 march President Rajoy outright refused to look at the proposals handed him for Catalan independence, which subsequently forced Catalonia’s President Artur Mas to call a snap election. The result of which, for the non-binding vote of two questions “Do you want Catalonia to become a State?” and “Do you want this State to be independent?”, was 80.8% of the cast votes supporting the Yes-Yes option, 10.1% the Yes-No, 4.5% the No option (the turnout was somewhere between 37 per cent and 41 per cent).
Reading Enric Pujol Casademont recently, who obtained a Ph.D from the University of Barcelona, I was interested to learn about the relations Catalonia has with the US. At the height of imperialism from many European countries, but Spain in particular, the US supported Cuban independence while Catalonia gave all its support to the Spanish since in practice Cuba was a Catalan colony. Since then times have changed. President Woodrow Wilson drew up his Fourteen Points, outlined in a January 8, 1918 speech on war aims and peace terms to the United States Congress, in order that Europe would never go to war with each other again — you might say as a precursor to the EU’s pledge for internal peace; one of Woodrow’s fourteen points proposed “the recognition of the right of a people to self-determination”. This pledge is one that rings both true and yet forgotten for the people of Catalonia.
What for me is the most interesting thing about the case for Catalan independence is the fact that it is being advocated on as a matter of principle first and foremost. Irrespective of the political and economic consequences in the immediate aftermath, the decision about pulling out of Spain is being done on the grounds of dignity and an emotional appreciation for a country that is independent of Spain proper, but internationalist and outward looking.
As Joan Camadell of the Catalan Business Circle has put it: “while no plan is clear, Catalan could go it alone”.
With only 6 per cent of Spanish geographical territory, and 16 per cent of the Spanish population, we should note that Catalonia is the creator of 20 per cent of Spanish Gross Domestic Product, 24 per cent of industry, 26 per cent of exports, 31 per cent of the highly valued technological exports. This fact is very important for the economic case for independence.
We do a country down by saying it has no place in the world unless it’s sucked into a Whole to which it feels no particular affinity. Catalonia is no different.
Political elites like Rahoy says there’s no place for an independent Catalonia. But the Catalans feel Catalan and European without the need to be Spanish. This, for them, isn’t some weird contradiction.
But today, unfortunately, that dignity is being challenged by a Spanish government on the backfoot, resorting to violence rather than humility. It’s looking a lot like its recent fascist past.
