International humanitarian aid in Gaza: lessons learned and their relevance to the current situation in Afghanistan
Agenda for Afghanistan: preventing diversion of funds, dependency and support for autocratic governance and extremist education
In previous publications, I described lessons learned from 20 years of war in Afghanistan that are relevant to the current conflict in Gaza. Looking back at the impact of UNRWA with decades of international humanitarian aid to the Palestinian population, lessons from Gaza also seem relevant to the current situation in Afghanistan.
Billions are flowing into Afghanistan, yet there is uncertainty on how to deal with the Taliban regime
Since the fall of Kabul in August 2021, when Afghanistan came under Taliban control after a brief blitzkrieg, there has been increasing division over how to engage with the Taliban. The U.S. has provided $2 billion in humanitarian aid since the Taliban takeover, and the EU over half a billion dollars.
After 70 years humanitarian assistance in Gaza: many questions
After 70 years, we face questions in Gaza: has the nature of governance under Hamas ever been scrutinized? Why do generations of students from UN-supported education seem so radicalized, and how did Palestinians become so dependent on external support, reinforcing an autocratic regime?
As we stand at the beginning of what could become a nearly permanent external aid infusion in Afghanistan, these questions are relevant to our interactions with the Taliban. I address these questions and the current situation in Afghanistan.
Governance in Gaza: never addressed?
The prolonged conflict in Gaza led to extensive involvement by UNRWA, which has played a crucial role in providing humanitarian aid to Palestinian refugees for 70 years. Since 2006, UNRWA has operated in Gaza under the constraints of Hamas — a listed terrorist organization that is de facto governing Gaza without democratic control and that has never been held accountable through elections. Remarkably, this status quo has apparently never raised a moral dilemma for the UN and donor community. Criticism over the decades has focused solely on the Israeli occupation and later blockade of Gaza.
Impact on Education and Radicalization
Another aspect from which lessons can be drawn is the role of education and its influence on radicalization and conflict. UNRWA has been providing education to Palestinian schoolchildren in refugee camps across the Middle East for 70 years. The current materials used for educating over half a million Palestinian children have come under scrutiny since October 7, 2023. UNRWA has faced criticism for the curriculum used in schools, directly or indirectly contributing to anti-Israeli sentiments and radicalization among Palestinian youth. UNRWA-established schools have educated three generations of Palestinians, indirectly fostering anti-Israeli sentiments and the veneration of martyrs in the jihad against Israel.
Dependency and Facilitation of Hamas in Exercising Autocratic Governance
While UNRWA performs crucial work in Gaza, its prolonged presence has created a significant level of dependency, necessitating a broader political and diplomatic engagement to reach a sustainable solution of the present conflict. With a workforce comprising local Palestinians and a limited number of international UN professionals, UNRWA is closely intertwined with the interests of those who also receive the organization’s services, vice versa. Moreover, members of various Palestinian groups, including Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, work in hospitals and clinics under UNRWA supervision.
In Afghanistan: Over 20 Million Afghans Need Humanitarian Aid
In Afghanistan, we stand on the brink of a similar situation. In 2024, more than half of the Afghan population will need humanitarian assistance. Over 8 million children require educational support. Education will thus play a crucial role in shaping future generations and influencing their views on conflict and peace.
No Consensus on How to Deal with the Taliban Regime
Since the fall of Kabul in August 2021, when Afghanistan came under Taliban control after a brief blitzkrieg, there has been increasing division among countries over whether and how to engage with the Taliban. Even during the recent two-day gathering of special envoys for Afghanistan convened by UN Secretary-General António Guterres in Doha, there was no unanimity despite all the positive rhetoric on the final day, February 19, 2024.
Repression Increases Daily, and the Taliban Ignores the West in Particular
The Taliban see no reason to adjust their repressive policies, showing no interest in forming an inclusive government and restoring the rights to education, work, and freedom of movement for girls, women, and minorities. The Western international community is effectively belittled by the Taliban, as they simply refused to attend because their demand to be recognized as the sole governing entity of Afghanistan during the meeting was not met. Furthermore, the Taliban refused to meet and have an open exchange with Afghan human rights and activist groups.
The Situation in Afghanistan for Women (and Dissidents in General) Worsens Daily
Taliban police facilitate intimidation of anyone who does not conform to the doctrine of the second Taliban emirate. Opportunities for women to leave their homes are further restricted. The latest research from UN Women, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the UN in Afghanistan (UNAMA) paints a picture of an unprecedentedly cruel repressive reality. Since taking power, 50 decrees have been issued that directly curtail women’s rights and dignity, with even stricter enforcement of the hijab decree recently. For idealists who claim it’s all due to liberal women in Kabul, this information is based on consultations via group sessions and individual tele-surveys with women from all 34 provinces of Afghanistan, reached between January 27 and February 8 by UN Women, IOM, and UNAMA.
Why Does the Taliban Ignore the International Community?
The Western world is preoccupied with the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the Gaza war. Afghanistan is not a priority.
Moreover, aid flows to Afghanistan continue unabated, and according to oversight bodies like the U.S. Special Inspector for Afghanistan Reconstruction, the Taliban are benefiting from it. Humanitarian needs are alleviated with Western financial support, leaving public funds available to build a military policing apparatus and appease frustrated fighters from the 20-year insurgency. There are also examples of the Taliban simply distributing aid under their own name.
Russia, India, China, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan, and now Azerbaijan, are working with the Taliban for various reasons or are officially represented in Kabul. At the recent UN meeting, Russia refused to attend sessions with Afghan civil society organizations. China demanded that the United States release Afghanistan’s foreign assets and lift unilateral sanctions against the Taliban. And Iran was, in fact, the Taliban’s spokesperson to explain why they could not attend the meeting in Doha. The Taliban’s leadership in Kandahar must think they rely on their friends. So there is no longer a broad international boycott.
Weak Controls on the Legitimacy of Aid to Afghans
The U.S. Special Inspector for Afghanistan Reconstruction emphasized in his latest report in January 2024 that there is currently no specific control mechanism to prevent financial resources from being diverted to the Taliban. Earlier, this watchdog warned about U.S. aid to Afghanistan, saying the Taliban were benefiting from international aid by establishing fraudulent NGOs or by extorting and infiltrating existing NGOs to siphon off international donor aid. Since taking power in August 2021, the Taliban have exerted more control over national and international NGOs. They have excluded Afghan women from NGO work and attempted to expel foreign organizations from the education sector to shift the curriculum towards the Taliban’s doctrine.
Agenda for Afghanistan: Preventing Funds Drainage, Dependency, and Support for Autocratic Governance and Extremist Education
It is time to quickly translate lessons from Gaza into the approach toward the significant needs in Afghanistan. First and foremost, control mechanisms are essential, as is the assessment of how much risk donors are willing to take and can justify. The intention should never be to entrench a nefarious regime. Twitter posts from special envoys and capitals decrying “gender apartheid” are not only repetitive but increasingly hypocritical, as other interests such as counterterrorism and fear of monopolies on natural resources in Afghanistan (China and it's Silk Route) become more prominent behind the scenes. What the Taliban are betting on is a situation similar to Gaza: blaming external players. The U.S. will be pressured to release assets, and Western donors will devise new arguments to provide assistance, as the impact of climate change has now also come onto the agenda to increase aid. The second lesson from Gaza is that aid can strengthen a repressive autocratic system so that after seven decades, little self-reliance remains. Donors and recipients need each other in Gaza, and there is no reason to stop.
But the most important lesson is the enormous risks associated with structural support for education, essentially a form of monopoly where donors believe they are taking full responsibility but the curriculum gradually becomes uncontrollable and dictated by ideological spoilers. Since taking power in Afghanistan, the Taliban have made various decisions to radicalize education based on an extremely conservative interpretation of Sharia. The consequences are serious and far-reaching, affecting certain marginalized groups more than others. The most affected are young girls who have no access to secondary education. Since taking power, the Taliban have created an atmosphere of fear in which teachers and professors have no choice but to leave the country or leave their jobs. A large number of educational institutions, including private schools and educational centers, have already closed. The actions of the Taliban have brought the national education system to the brink of collapse.
Conclusion
More than 20 million people need humanitarian assistance in Afghanistan. We must prevent humanitarian aid from being misused to strengthen autocratic rule or promote radicalisation as we have seen in Gaza. To prevent money draining away, people becoming dependent and supporting autocratic governance and extremist education, control mechanisms must be put in place and donors must more carefully assess the risks of their aid contributions. Addressing Taliban’s repressive policies and human rights violations must remain paramount. Our efforts should focus on empowering marginalised groups, especially women and girls, by helping develop alternative access to education and protecting their rights more effectively.
