How to Reform a Stalemated UN

By Byron Belitsos

The idealists in our ranks take pleasure in holding fast to their visions of radical UN reform. But the pragmatists among us take their delight in the hard labor of implementing whatever pieces or parts may become feasible as world conditions evolve. Their’s is the Art of the Possible. And this more practical approach is epitomized by World Federalist Movement (WFM) executive director Bill Pace. For several decades now, Bill has sought out those few corners in the United Nations and other international organizations where we may get a proper hearing. This includes adding our voice to those initiatives of diplomats in the UN system or large NGOs who favor progressive change of any kind. But for the most part, even a seasoned advocate like Pace finds the work frustrating and arduous.

A helpful, brief overview of the key UN reform initiatives in recent history is provided in Bill Pace’s latest article in Federalist Debate. It’s a decidedly mixed bag:

• Many larger nations have long sought a permanent seat on the Security Council along with a veto, which would require a Charter amendment. Pace makes clear that the P5 (the five permanent members) will have none of it. For other reasons, many GA (General Assembly) members also oppose the idea. (Of course, world federalists would not see the expansion of the veto to new states as being especially progressive.) 
 
• Most of us assume that a Charter Review conference would lead to a stronger, more democratic UN. But according to Pace, this idea is a great fallacy in our current environment. “Most UN experts … are worried that a review could/would cause massive disintegration in the international legal order — and risk taking the progress of the last 70 years back 100 years.” He feels that, for example, proposals that passed in earlier eras — such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, or the ICC — could never prevail today.

• Prospects are better, he says, for procedural or political changes that don’t require Charter reform; among these has been the successful effort to improve how the UN’s Secretary-General is chosen. He also points to ongoing efforts by member states to exert political pressure on the P5 to prevent them from abusing the veto power in the most egregious cases, such as blocking UN action on war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, etc. Pace also thinks there is hope for reforming procedures that govern peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and peacebuilding, yet ironically he labels much of this work as mere “reapholstering for the chairs on the Titanic.”

• Going forward, Pace suggests we “focus on youth, on education, on advancing ‘one world’ and ‘world citizenship’ campaigns” and also on influencing NGOs who are currently much more prone to focus on the pet issues than on global governance structures.

As a pragmatist myself, I agree with Pace’s argument that if we focus on the educational work of building a new movement of globally conscious activists, we may be in a position to take advantage of the next tipping point. One such auspicious moment, back in the 1990s, led the creation of the International Criminal Court, Pace writes. The WFM was ready for this opportunity with a large coalition it had already built that consisted of NGOs, civil society groups, and reform-minded member states. It seems to me that our work is to get ready for the next such window of opportunity in a world order that is stalled in gridlock but could become favorable for citizen-led change at almost anytime.

NOTE: The Democratic World Federalists are committed to expressing a wide range of views on the vision of creating a peaceful, just, and sustainable world through a democratic World Federation. The views expressed in this article represents that commitment and not necessarily our official position.

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