Western Preservation or Afrocentric Dehumanization? A Critical Analysis of Racialized Wrestler Andrew Johnson’s Hair
Wrestling — a sport that is contingent on establishing an immaculate equilibrium between physical prowess and mental durability. Correspondingly, several scholars (e.g., Chiu, 2005; Gkrekidis & Barbas, 2018; Kameas, Albanidis, Barbas, 2016; Maynard, 2006) describe wrestling as a competition in which one’s speed, technique, strength, and agility are pitted against the mental discipline and emotional capacities of their competitors. Rather than being judged against the universally-held competencies of wrestling (e.g., speed, strength, mental strength; Chiu, 2005), however, biracial New Jerseyite junior Andrew Johnson was subject to racist judgement as he attempted to compete for Buena Regional High School’s senior varsity wrestling team. Although Johnson met the physical and mental criteria required to wrestle at the varsity level in the Cape-Atlantic League (Washington, 2019), a referee’s perceived barrier stood between him and the red-zone (i.e., wrestling mattress): his hairstyle.
90 Seconds…
To some, 90-seconds may signify the amount of time it takes for one to brush their teeth in the morning. To others, this temporal length may be indicative of the time required to prepare the holy grail of post-secondary student cuisine — instant noodles. To Johnson, however, 90-seconds represents exactly how long it took for him to realize that institutional racism, particularly Whiteness, was embedded within his beloved sport of wrestling. Prior to a pivotal cross-divisional wrestling match against an unnamed Oakcrest High School student on December 18th, 2018, the then 16-year-old Johnson was called to the scorer’s table by White referee Alan Maloney, who sought to conduct a standardized pre-match inspection of Johnson (Washington, 2019). Per the New Jersey State Interscholastic Athletic Association (NJSIAA, 2018), a regular pre-match inspection serves to: (a) ensure competitor compliance with NJSIAA competition policies (e.g., adherence to uniform codes); (b) verify that no communicable skin diseases are present amongst the wrestlers; and (c) position the wrestlers in a neutral stance to legally begin the match (Beaver Dam Youth Wrestling, 2014).
Johnson’s inspection, however, was far from regular. Deviating from the customary emphases of NJSIAA-led inspections (e.g., skin checks, uniform compliance), Maloney turned his attention to Johnson’s hair, which was arranged in dreadlocks. Citing the NJSIAA (2018) wrestling regulations guide, Maloney deemed Johnson ineligible to wrestle because his hair formation was ‘unnatural’ (Washington, 2019; see Figure 1). In an attempt to neutralize NJSIAA hair regulations, Johnson scurried to his respective locker room to retrieve a wrestling cap to shroud the entirety of his hair. Maloney, however, claimed that Johnson’s hair cap similarly violated NJSIAA (2018) regulations because it was detachable from his wrestling headgear, thus presenting a hazard. Maloney, in turn, gave Johnson exactly 90-seconds to either cut off his dreadlocks on the spot or forfeit his impending match. Initially reluctant, Johnson requested his trainer cut off his dreadlocks to achieve ‘hair normalcy,’ thereby granting him eligibility to wrestle (see Figure 1).
“I saw Maloney give Drew 90 seconds to shatter either a pillar of his identity or his bond with his teammates and his home” (Washington, 2019, para. 14).
Although Johnson won his match in overtime en route to a first place tournament finish, his actions suggested the contrary; he grieved in the arms of his mother Rosa, traumatized about the perceived racially motivated removal of his dreadlocks (see Figure 1).
Johnson’s interaction with Maloney, in essence, may be seen as a microcosm of a broader intergenerational cultural conflict in America; the struggle between Western hegemonic grooming standards and Black resistance. The power imbalance and ideological discrepancies between Johnson and Maloney, therefore, must be examined because this case study provides a contemporary example of the recurrent biopolitics surrounding the Black body (i.e., the politicization of the Black body; see Figure 1). This case study, in turn, allows contemporary scholars to understand the various cultural rhetorics responsible for the social construction and simultaneous marginalization of the Black body. In sum, the objective of this case study is threefold: (a) to discuss the role of social constructionism and biopolitics in constraining the capabilities of the Black body and thus producing social inequalities; (b) to apply an understanding of these broader exclusionary processes (e.g., biopolitics) to experiences from my life; and (c) to explore cultural constraints in relation to the pedagogical goals of KPE300: Physical Culture and Social Inequality.
The Valorization of Afrocentism
An understanding of the social construction of the Black male body is required to deduce the social inequalities (i.e., lack of parity in social capabilities; Dean, 2009; Sen,1999) that may have governed Johnson’s interaction with Maloney. In essence, the Black male body is constructed by the intersection of several identity markers (i.e., cultural labels) and dispositions, namely, hypermasculinity norms, sexual performativities, criminal intent, racialized physical features, and ideological inferiority (Hawkins, 1998; Hopkins, 2004; Leonard, 2010; Waring, 2013). In contrast to Whiteness, however, Blackness may not be self-ascribed (Tsri, 2016). Rather, critical scholar Kwesi Tsri (2016) contends that ‘Black body’ is a label of social intervention that is strategically imposed by Whites on the basis of physical characteristics (e.g., hair, skin). Termed biopolitics by social theorist Michel Foucalt (2008), this hegemonic process, in turn, serves to stratify populations in a manner that situates unfavourable groups at a political disadvantage relatives to Whites (Tsri, 2016). In sum, although the Black male body is comprised of several cultural constituents (e.g., masculinity, sexuality), this case study will only focus on aspects of racialized physical features and ideological inferiority due to their inherent relationship and applicability to Johnson and Maloney’s exchange.
Scholars (Mapedzahama & Kwansah-Aidoo, 2017; Morris, 2007; Spellers, 2003; Tsri, 2016) allege that two distinct physical markers, both of which may not be detached from their sociological histories (i.e., sociohistorical legacies; Maguire, 2011), are used to label Blacks: afro-textured hair and dark skin. In other words, dark skin and afro-textured hair carry particular social connotations as a result of historical discourses. Due to Western plantations and British colonialism, for instance, dark skin became a symbol of racial oppression (Charles, 2011). Similarly, the African Diaspora and Western slave trade established Afrocentric hair (e.g., woolly hair, tight curls) as an emblem of savagery and simplicity (Dash, 2006). In sum, Blacks have historically been dehumanized and stripped of privilege merely for possessing Afrocentric bodily features; Western Whites demonized Black physical traits as a means of asserting biopolitical control.
Myriad Black diasporic communities attempted to offshoot this White-led biopolitical control with two mutually exclusive behaviours; Blacks either conformed to Western aesthetic norms or they maintained their Afrocentric physical characteristics (i.e., internalized the Black identity; Charles, 2011; Dash, 2006). Various Black women, for example, bleached their skin in an attempt to escape the gaze of colourism (i.e., privilege based on fair skin tones; Charles, 2011). However, this practice was uncommon. Rather, the vast majority of these discursive demonstrations involved hair modifications (Dash, 2006). Conking (i.e., chemical-based hair straightening), for instance, was popular amongst 20th-century Blacks (e.g., entertainers, actors) who sought social capital in White America (Dash, 2006). However, the straightening of Afrocentric hair was generally frowned upon by the Black community because it communicated “diasporic inferiority” (p. 29). Conversely, Blacks donned radical hairstyles such as ‘Rastafarian dredlocks’ and ‘the afro’ to celebrate the unique coil structure and density of Afrocentric hair phenotypes, thus conveying Black pride and resistance against dominant Eurocentric discourses (Dash, 2006). Afrocentric bodies, particularly hairstyles, therefore, have historically maintained cultural significance for the Black diasporic community. By countervailing against Western discourses, Black hair performs as a site of political contestation; it serves as a marker of political power and status (Dash, 2006).
Drawing upon the historical discourses (i.e., sociological history) of the Black (male) body, therefore, one may infer that two interrelated social inequalities underscored Maloney’s interaction with Johnson: cultural insensitivity and racial discrimination. Cultural insensitivity, in particular, is defined as a lack of awareness and appreciation for different cultural values relative to one’s own (Gray & Thomas, 2006). A culturally sensitive person, in contrast, is able to adjust their behaviours and practices to meet the needs of various cultural and ethnic groups (Paniagua & Taylor, 2008). Relatedly, racial discrimination is defined as the provision of “differential treatment on the basis of race” (Banks, 2010, p. 24; Shavers et al., 2012). In essence, cultural insensitivity may refer to the implicit racial biases (or negligences) that catalyze overt racially discriminatory behaviours. Cultural insensitivity and racial discrimination, therefore, possess a synergistic relationship; these entities work cooperatively to limit the social capital and opportunities that are accessible to the targeted individual or group, thus placing them at a disadvantage.
Maloney displayed cultural insensitivity through three overt discriminatory behaviours (see Figure 1): (a) verbally claiming that Johnson’s hair was unnatural; (b) requiring Johnson to wear a head cap to cover his hair; and (c) forcing Johnson to cut his hair to meet ‘natural hair’ standards. Collectively, these actions may imply that Maloney possesses an implicit racial bias (i.e., discriminatory attitudes that are outside of one’s conscious awareness; Lebrecht, Pierce, Tarr, & Tanaka, 2009) against Blacks. On the contrary, one may argue that Maloney was simply negligent of historical connotations behind Johnson’s hair. In other words, Maloney may have been unaware of the diasporic history behind Black hairstyles in the Western world. Law scholars (e.g., Elosiebo, 2018, Kang & Lane, 2010), however, contend that cultural negligence is constitutive of racial discrimination. Maloney’s motivations, therefore, are trivial; both instances (i.e., conscious versus dysconscious racism) result in Maloney overtly challenging the autonomy of Johnson in a manner that dichotimizes Johnson’s hair from its sociohistorical discourses, which is unacceptable.
The removal of Johnson’s dreadlocks at the hands of Maloney, coupled with Maloney’s lack of cultural sensitivity served to constrain the capabilities of Johnson. As theorized by justice scholar Ingrid Robeyns (2006), one’s capabilities refer to their functions (e.g., ‘beings’ and ‘doings’), as well as the opportunities that one possess to realize their functions. Simply put, Maloney’s (racially) discriminatory actions placed Johnson at a disadvantage to realize his function — wrestling. As Johnson was stripped of his political identity and corresponding cultural capital (i.e., post-haircut), he was seen grimacing while examining the audience (see Figure 1). This prolonged public humiliation, in turn, suggests that Johnson’s mental and emotional capacities (e.g., traits which hold equal merit relative to physical prowess; Chiu, 2005) were diminished prior to his wrestling match. The interplay between NJSIAA’s culturally insensitive hair regulations (i.e., structural constraint), in combination with Maloney’s enforcement of NJSIAA rules and external pressures from Johnson’s teammates (i.e., environmental conversion factors) intended to constrain Johnson’s capability to wrestle. Despite being on an unlevelled emotional playing field relative to his opponent, however, Johnson admirably regained composure as the match began, ultimately winning 5–4 in overtime (see Figure 1). It may be inferred, therefore, that Johnson’s personal conversion factors (e.g., mental toughness) outweighed the structural constraints and environmental factors (i.e., social inequalities) imposed onto him, which granted him the capability to wrestle.
In sum, this section dissected the sociohistorical mechanisms responsible for the social construction of the Black male body. This critical analysis provided a lens for understanding the social inequalities that were present within Johnson’s interaction with Maloney: racial discrimination and cultural insensitivity. The following section aims to apply the relationship between racial discrimination, cultural sensitivity, and Western aesthetic norms about hair to experiences from my life. This section will conclude by discussing how social inequalities may impact my intended career as a immigration lawyer.
The Brown Knight Rises: A Personal Memoir
To say that the 17-year-old Afro-Puerto Rican American Andrew Johnson and the 21-year-old Indo-Canadian Barinderjit Sangha live in two completely different worlds may not be a stretch. However, one distinct physical characteristic bridges the gap between our two lived realities, thus allowing for a intersectional analysis between Johnson and I — our hairstyles. Though in different contexts, the Brown body, particularly Indocentric hair, carries a sociohistorical legacy (i.e., sociological history) that draws parallels to the social construction of the Black body. Termed Kesh, Sikh (i.e., religion of my ancestors) philosophy contends that Indocentric hair holds a level of sanctity, and therefore, may never be cut (Trüeb, 2017). Individuals adhering to this religious notion acquire social and political capital, while Indians who Westernize themselves (i.e., cut their hair) are viewed as traitors (Trüeb, 2017). Similar to the Black body, therefore, the historical discourses concerning the Brown body reveal that Indocentric hair carries symbolic meanings and serves as a site of political contestation.
My hair functions as a personal identity marker; I celebrate my phenotypic traits (i.e., Indocentric hair structure) in a manner that simultaneously recognizes my Western identity. Specifically, I grow out the hair that lays directly atop my calvarial structure (i.e., top of head) to highlight my Indocentric affiliations (e.g., Kesh). The top of my head, therefore, is a marker of non-conformity to dominant Eurocentric beauty standards (e.g., the need for straight hair; Sekayi, 2003). The Indocentric features atop my head, however, are juxtaposed with the Western skin fade style that masks the remainder of my head (e.g., sides and back of my head). This blending of Indocentric intricacies in unison with my Western nationality serves to illuminate my intersectional identity as a Indo-Canadian.
By simultaneously resisting and accepting dominant Western discourses about beauty, however, I am routinely ostracized from both Western and Indocentric cultures. My immediate family, for instance, behaves discriminatorily towards me (e.g., inappropriate jokes, name-calling) because: (a) I do not wear a turban; and (b) they perceive my natural hair to be more closely associated with Eurocentrism (e.g., skin fade) and even Afrocentrism (e.g., tight curls, afro style) instead of Indocentrism (e.g., straight or wavy hair). Thus, my immediate family may consider me a traitor because they perceive my embodiment of Western aesthetic ideals (e.g., skin fade) to be a demonstration against my Indian identity (Trüeb, 2017). Similarly, my distant family rarely approaches me in social settings (i.e., discrimination via exclusion) because they suppose I am not of Indian descent due to my physical characteristics (e.g., perceived Afrocentric hair, light skin). In acknowledgement of these stigmas, my mother Rani often urges me to adopt a ‘traditional’ hairstyle. By suppressing my use of my hair as a vehicle for personal expression, however, Rani exhibits a lack of cultural sensitivity; she is unable to adapt to the needs of my intersectional identity.
“Is your hair glued to your head” (Air Canada Flight Attendant, 2017)?
These same trends are seen in the Western context of the University of Toronto’s Faculty of Kinesiology and Physical Education (FKPE). In parallel with my familial experiences, I suspect that some FKPE staff members may hold negative perceptions of me due to my hair. During office hours, for instance, various professors inquire about my work habits and infer from my ‘nappy hair’ that I suffer from sleep deprivation and stress. Simply put, some FKPE staff are culturally insensitive to the nuances of my hair (e.g., phenotypic messiness, political marker), thus providing them greater potential to discriminate against me. Exemplifying this perceived discrimination, in one particular instance, I asked an unnamed practical instructor a concept-related question during a break in the practical session. This instructor and I did not have a good rapport; citing my messy hair, he previously implied that I was a ‘disorganized’ student. Thus, it came as no surprise that he prompted me to re-read specific handouts in response to my question. Prior to the start of class the following week, I overheard a straight-haired White male ask this instructor a question that was synonymous to mine. In this instance, however, the instructor responded with a minute-long verbal explanation and whiteboard demonstration. In sum, the cultural insensitivities (e.g., unawareness about hair politics) of some FKPE staff enable them to (implicitly) discriminate against me, thus constraining my academic capabilities. However, it is noted that this claim is not generalizable to all FKPE staff due to: (a) inadequate sample size; and (b) the fact that I have yet to experience any implicit biases or inequalities in the social sciences stream of KPE.
The amalgamation of my life experiences led me to one core assumption: oppressive practices (e.g., stratification) are deeply ingrained within the various cultural institutions in Canada, and therefore, Canada may not be able to function as a homogenous body. My interactions with Western (e.g., FKPE) and Indocentric cultural groups (e.g., my family), for instance, have shown me that cultural institutions strive for hegemonic influence, which is why particular modes of policing (e.g., biopolitics) are inherent of contemporary society. Western institutions, in particular, tend to deprive individuals of their intersectional identities and contexts (i.e., impose on autonomy), thus rendering one vulnerable to biopolitical control. These processes, in sum, are the driving forces behind systemic inequalities in Canada (i.e., political inequity, income disparity).
My awareness about the exact processes that govern the production of social inequalities has sparked my passion for protecting vulnerable populations from identity loss and biopolitical oppression. I aspire, therefore, to work as a Canadian immigration lawyer. Traditionally, the role of an immigration lawyer is to advise prospective immigrants about visa applications, citizenship implications, and employment processes (Heys, 2015). This career provides me a platform to serve as an intermediary between prospective immigrants and governmental immigration authorities (i.e., competing cultural hegemons), in turn allowing me to protect potential immigrants from race-related marginalization and exclusion. I acknowledge, however, that the very systemic inequalities that I wish to use my platform to intervene against may also be the reasons as to why I am unable to gain employment in this field. Drawing upon sociologist C. Wright Mills’ (1959) concept of the sociological imagination, for example, law firms may perceive me to be incompetent or unqualified on the basis of my non-conventional hairstyle or skin colour (i.e., public issue, discrimination), thus restricting my employment opportunities (i.e., personal trouble). In essence, I may only help others overcome biopolitical subjugation if I first conquer this systemic barrier myself.
Physical Culture: A Means To An End?
This section expands upon the core objectives of KPE300: Physical Culture and Social Inequality by drawing on (a) the case study of Johnson and Maloney; (b) sociohistorical analyses of the Black and Brown body; and (c) my personal experiences. In the context of this blog post, the objectives of KPE300 refer to understanding (a) how social institutions impact the rights and capabilities of individuals to participate in physical cultural activities (e.g., wrestling, walking); and (b) the role of physical cultural activities in reproducing or challenging the social inequalities that are generated via social institutions (Smith, 2019). The first objective of KPE300 will be exclusively discussed in relation to the sociohistorical analysis of the Black and Brown body, respectively, due to contextual applicability. The second objective of KPE300 will be understood by drawing upon the case study of Johnson and Maloney, as well as my personal experiences. In essence, this section explores how the previous blog post components may inform one’s understanding of physical culture and social inequalities. This investigation seeks to determine whether or not social institutions precede the establishment of regulations and norms that govern physical cultural practices.
A common theme was found through sociohistorical analyses of both the Black and Brown body— the use of oppression as a vehicle for ideological (i.e., hegemonic) dominion. Western Whites, for instance, ostracized and de-privileged diasporic Black communities because they deviated from Eurocentric beauty norms (Charles, 2011; Dash, 2006). White Americans, therefore, have historically established biopolitical hierarchies to restrict Black freedoms and capabilities. Though in different geopolitical contexts, the British similarly oppressed Indians during the British Raj because of their non-Eurocentric physical features (Ahmad, 2017). In response to this biopolitical control, Indian Sikhs and Diasporic Blacks, respectively, established status systems in which intracultural privileges were assumed on the basis of non-conformity to Eurocentrism (Dash, 2006; Jacobsen & Myrvold, 2016; Trüeb, 2017). In other words, individuals who resisted Westernization (e.g., preserved natural hair) were celebrated within their respective cultural groups, while those who conformed to Eurocentrism were othered. Adherence to a particular cultural discourse (e.g. Afrocentric beauty norms) may raise one’s status within their cultural institution (e.g., diasporic Blacks). However, a particular cultural discourse is oftentimes incompatible with the discourses of other dominant cultural institutions (e.g., Eurocentric beauty norms). In the historical context, simply put, there was a lack of means for individuals to be simultaneously accepted by their culture of origin and Eurocentric cultures. In sum, these sociohistorical examinations suggest that the concept of privilege may hold mutual exclusivity as it pertains to competing cultural groups.
With respect to how social institutions impact one’s freedoms in physical cultural activites (i.e., KPE300’s first objective), therefore, it may be concluded that dominant cultural systems use oppression (e.g., biopolitics) as a vehicle to restrict participation in physical cultures. Dominant cultural authorities (e.g., West) attempt to impose their ideologies and standards as the norm, in turn subjugating deviant cultural groups. An example of these stratification-oriented processes is the White exoticization and subsequent dehumanization of diasporic Black hairstyles (Dash, 2006). As this subjugation becomes internalized by the affected parties, these cultural groups may also experience division within themselves due to perceived pressures to conform to Eurocentric norms. Some Sikh Indians, for instance, adopted Eurocentric hairstyles to leverage opportunities in the Western world. By disobeying Kesh principles, however, these same Sikh Indians were simultaneously stripped of cultural capital in the Indian context (Trüeb, 2017). In this sense, cultural groups may suppress the rights and capabilities of their own people to participate in physical culture. In sum, sociohistorical analyses of the Black and Brown body suggest that dominant cultural institutions function almost exclusively as barriers to participation in physical cultural activities.
The role of physical cultural activities in response to these barriers (i.e., KPE300’s second objective) is to provide a platform for individuals to renegotiate meanings against the social inequalities imposed onto them. Dominant Eurocentric discourses about beauty standards (e.g., need for straight hair), for example, may ostracize me and Johnson because our hairstyles emphasize our respective non-White phenotypes. Through our respective physical cultural activities, however, Johnson and I are granted opportunities to establish (or re-establish) beauty normativities. One may interpret Johnson’s match on December 18th, for instance, to be a battle for political superiority between Bueno Regional Secondary School and Oakcrest High School. Simultaneously, however, Johnson may be using wrestling to contest Eurocentric norms by donning dreadlocks. In parallel with Johnson, physical cultural spaces function as a site of political struggle for myself because my hair similarly defies Western norms. In conclusion, physical culture may be considered both a ‘means to an end’ and ‘an ends to a mean.’ Physical cultural practices (e.g., wrestling) serve as a vehicle (i.e., means) to normalize particular discourses. These norms (i.e., ends), however, stratify and subjugate deviant cultural groups, thereby limiting their rights and capabilities to participate in physical cultures. The ends, therefore, may negate the means.
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