Turkish Presidential Election and the Shift in Political Dogma

Sahap Gizlen

On August 10, 2014 it will be the first presidential election in Turkish history where, instead of parliament, the public will cast their votes on a ballot with three options to choose from. Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan (Erdoğan), Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu (İhsanoğlu), and Selahattin Demirtas (Demirtaş). The three candidates have been touring the country and appealing to voters on TV channels. The strongest candidate to win this election appears to be the “conservative democratic” Prime Minister himself. Having been in power for the last twelve years, Erdogan (60) boasts a long resume of accomplishments when he speaks in front of crowds. The economy grew, the influence of the military in politics has been eradicated, and many towns have been transformed into cities with modern malls, contemporary design high-rise buildings, seamless highways, and streets filled with new cars. Yet, despite these tangible changes, there is a formidable opposition on the rise that wants to make sure that he does not take control of the country’s highest office.

Although not completely democratic (candidates are not chosen directly by the public), the new rules for the election already shows an impact in that it pushes political and philosophical alliances to be formed with long lasting effects on partisan thinking. Candidates have to receive the official support of twenty parliamentarians to land on the ballot.

The ruling AKP (Justice and Development Party) did not need a vetting period before they officially stated their nominee, their very own Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Since Erdogan has had his rhetoric derived from an Islamic religious worldview and much of his supporters see it as the central trait of his charisma when citing his political success, his challenger had to be equally respected — at least that’s what the CHP and the MHP (historically on the left and the right, respectively) thought. To counter Erdogan’s reverence in the largely conservative electorate, the CHP (Republican People’s Party) and the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party) have joined up to produce a candidate who will attract disillusioned conservatives, including former Erdogan supporters, and liberals who see no other chance to otherwise stop their archrival from sitting in the office once occupied by the secular founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu (70) is the former Secretary-General of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) with vast international academic experience, including published work in different languages. He has never directly mingled in politics. His wife, unlike Erdogan’s, does not wear a head scarf (hijab) and he is considered by many a moderate — not only in religious terms, but also in temperament — qualities not publically present in Erdogan. Ihsanoglu is portrayed by the alliance as a person who is deeply religious, but neither an ideologue, nor an agitator, and, therefore, as someone to be more suitable to represent the non-partisan tradition of the post.

As much as Ihsanoglu’s counter-Erdogan candidacy has gained traction, the last contender to enter this race, Selahattin Demirtas (41), proposed by HDP (Peoples’ Democratic Party), has become the talk of the town with his fresh rhetoric and inclusive messaging. He emphasizes secularism as a must and wants no government involvement in the private lives of the citizen. Women, LGBT, old, young, Kurdish, Christian, Armenian, Sunni, and Alevi (used interchangeably to describe the sect of Shia Islam, which includes both the large Anatolian faction and the Arab-rooted Alawites present in smaller numbers in the southern region) minorities have been part of his campaign language. Demirtas, a Kurd from the eastern town of Elazig, claims that the other two candidates compete to best each other in the same ideological territory, whereas he is a “candidate of principles” by speaking of “radical democracy” that does not see any religious belief superior to another and that government must not take sides. With a Jeffersonian touch, he adds, “the best government is one that governs the least”.

Demirtas challenges the widely accepted notion that a president should be of Sunni Turk heritage. If he does not become Turkey’s 12th President, he sure will pave the way for a more democratic discourse as he utters vocabulary and describes ideals long in the hearts and minds of intellectuals, minorities, and the new generation, with the added effect of more microphones and cameras pointing in his direction. Like vice presidential candidate Geraldine Ferraro in the 1984 US Presidential elections; she did not win, but she paved the way for a stronger voice for many women in the coming years. The Turkish political arena definitely needs more democratic voices in power to represent the marginalized and those at odds with the current regime.

If there is no clear winner on election day, there will be a second round on August 24, the candidates thereof being the two who have received the most votes in the first bat.

Stay tuned!

Check my profile: https://www.linkedin.com/in/sahapgizlen