Settlers Versus The National Proletariat:

In apartheid colonial states, there are two main divides outside of the bounds of class structure and class struggle. The divide between settlers and the indigenous or colonized peoples or the National Proletariat. While the settler class may be broken up into working and upper classes, even the lowest class of settlers are given rights and privileges above that of the highest National Proletariat to act as a buffer. I will bring an example from my family growing up in occupied New Afrika or what would be called the south or the Black belt.

My aunt, the daughter of a prominent black landowner within the black community, was killed by a drunken poor white settler woman as usual in the occupied south; even to this day, there was no justice handed over to my family despite their alleged class privilege. To pull another from history, the example of rosewood or black wall street are some of the more popular examples where POC was offered no protection because of their wealth.

In effect, no matter rich or poor in America, if you don’t fit within accepted whiteness, you are forever inferior to the settlers. Thus the idea that class reductionism with settlers is not only idiotic but dangerous. If we kept the same framework of a settler state even with socialism, it wouldn’t end the internal colonial attacks toward the National Proletariat. All the foundation of the colonial state must be destroyed self-determination given to all colonized and indigenous communities and then and only then a socialist system could implement it if wanted to by the parties to be.

One may ask, in relation to working-class settlers, why the buffer class? The buffer class is just that; a buffer between the elite settler class and the National Proletariat. In fully colonized states like Rhodesia, America, South Africa, and Canada, it becomes necessary to have a massive population of settler lower classes to stem the tide of anti-colonial rebellion. The growth of non Whites in the US in the 20th century, for example, the idea of whiteness was expanded to Slavs, Irish, and Italians to enlarge the buffer class. Now with the growth of nonwhites, even more so than in the 20 century, whiteness has been expanded to light skin Hispanics and even Asians to a limited extent. Another example would be the “working-class” protestant population of Northern Ireland, who filled the ranks of gangs such as the UVF to combat the Irish freedom struggle. Another more modern example would be the Turkish settlers moving into traditionally Kurdish areas in occupied areas of Rojava.

In conclusion of the first part of my collective thoughts and essays, the settler buffer class, while under the elite class, still benefits from their privileges as settlers nonetheless. Class reductionism without the dismemberment of the settler state, traditions, and engraved institutions would only throw a red banner over a racist state.



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