The following IWCP statement was released on 8 January, following Iran’s initial military responses to the US’ killing of Qassim Suleimani. It gives a sense of the group’s broad attitude towards both American and Iranian presence in Iraq, and of their valuation of ‘the masses’ (الجماهير) in the country and wider region.
Al-M have chosen to quote the original more than we typically do, to give Arabic readers some view of our (naturally, developing) approach…
Below is a translation of the Iraqi Worker-Communist Party’s (IWCP) initial statement on the US’ 3 January killing of Qassim Suleimani. Al-Muzāharāt will publish the IWCP’s subsequent statements over the coming week.
On the current phase of the social movement in Iraq, see Schluwa Sama’s October 2019 interview with Sami Adnan, founding member of Workers Against Sectarianism; on the possible effects of US-Iran conflict’s escalation on that movement, see Taif Alkhudary’s January 2020 blogpost, ‘No to America…No to Iran’: Iraq’s Protest Movement in the Shadow of Geopolitics’.
Note we have translated الجماهير as ‘the masses’ ; it might be ‘the…
Last night, outside the Rabat parliament building, ‘hundreds of people, including journalists, militants and political personalities … took part in a demonstration against the arrest of journalist and militant Omar Radi’ (Tel Quel, 29 December).
Radi is one of the leading investigative journalists in Morocco, whose arrest and detention on 26 December is a further escalation by the state against the country’s press (on the legal aspects of the charge, see HRW’s report).
Below is a translation of El Watan’s 5 November report on various trade unions’ work-stoppages over the last week.
On an autonomous confederation’s 2018 re-activation, see here (May 19); on the same group’s current political strategy, see here (September 27); and on unions’ strike-calls over the last fortnight, see here (29 October).
The social front is on boil.
Over the last few days, several industries have seen sporadic protests. Primary school teachers continue to observe their strike, at the call of an autonomous collective and certain unions, including the Union nationale du personnel de l’éducation et de la formation…
The following is the inaugural statement of the National Movement of Algerian Feminists (NMAF).
On the formation of women’s blocs through successive Friday protests, see here (9 May); on the recent founding of a radical-left women’s group, see here (6 June); and for a Marxist-Feminist overview of the development of women’s organising in Algeria, including the proto-NMAF’s first meeting, see here (25 July).
The National Movement of Algerian Feminists
We, women of Algeria and feminists, came together on the occasion of our second national meeting, held in Oran (Wahrān) over 17–19 October 2019, as a national feminist movement…
Algeria’s Autonomous Unions — Striking When, for What?
On 19 October, the Algerian daily al-Khabar (the News) published a report, translated below, on the Confédération des syndicats autonomes’ (CSA) call for a national strike on Tuesday 29 October.
Two days after, on 21 October, the Parti socialiste des travailleurs (PSA) released a statement supporting a Tuesday strike (without naming the CSA)— ‘it’s six months we’ve struggled; dancing in the streets isn’t enough … we must faire le point’.
However, on the 23rd, the progressive grouping les forces du Pacte pour l’Alternative Démocratique (PAD) expressed support for a Monday 28th strike…
Note: As the following translation was going to press through a second website, Hajar Raissouni — whose arrest and imprisonment the short essay analyses — was, happily, released, after King Mohamed VI issued anʿafwa, or ‘waiver of punishment’.
The pardon came on the 16 October; Raissouni (and four others) were charged on 31 September; Rosa Moussaoui’s analysis was published in the French l’Humanité on 25 September. It serves as introduction to the dynamics of the Moroccan state’s ever-increasing authoritarianism, of which such ‘pardons’ are a part.
The following is a 1–1 copy of al-Muzāharāt’s translation for Verso Blog, posted here for ease of archiving; we thank the rifāq there for their work.
‘The students of Béjaïa University are marching every Friday, without being disturbed by the police’, explained Algerian student Adlène Belhmer in mid-April to the Nouveau Parti anticapitaliste — ‘except a couple of flics in civilian clothes, there’s been no sign of any police presence’.
But since later February, state repression has increased steadily against this mass, nationwide Ḥirāk (Movement). Women’s’ blocs were attacked first, in early April; from mid-June, Amazigh activists were targeted…
National Debate vs. Base Commitees: competing strategies for Algeria’s Movement
In the following statement, the Productive Forces Union Confederation (Cosyfop) explain their strategy to ‘resolve the political crisis’: for the ‘military establishment’ to form a ‘popular government of acceptable national figures’ which would, in turn, ‘supervise a national debate’ and presidential elections (on Cosyfop, see al-Muzāharāt’s translation of the 27 April Declaration)
This contrasts sharply with the trajectory advocated by the Forces de l’alternative démocratique (FAD), a grouping of progressive parties and civil-society groups, of which Rassemblement pour la Culture et la Démocratie (RCD) — ‘a center-left party that promotes…
Rejectors’ Rejections —on Algerian Students’ Internal Disputes
‘No specific group is directing [dirige] these demonstrations’, wrote Leïla Ouitis, in the second part of her Algerian uprising series (for which, see Roar Magazine’s translations): ‘On the contrary, as was the case in other countries in the region in 2011, this moment is one of sudden upheaval’.
That is not to say there are no would-be dirigeants; far from it. Since 22 February, the ḥirāk (movement) has generated women’s groups, students’ groups, new dynamics in the trade union movement — and inevitably, there has been both co-work and contest between al-Rāfiḍūn (‘Rejectors’…