Column by Darko Janevski —

Talat Dzaferi 6PM and 8PM

In this entire bustle, there is one thing connected to the so-called election of Talat Dzaferi that has passed undetected. Namely, it would have been absolutely normal and logical for SDSM and their partners to have ordered the scenario with the extra-legal roll call to elect Dzaferi by 6 PM. In other words, it could have been done before the start of the protest for “United Macedonia,” who have consistently begun their protests at 5 PM for over two months.

They could have called for a cessation of the current session, they could have asked for a break and voted in Dzaferi. Everything they had in mind to undertake would have completely made sense to do earlier. Yet, they decided to order their act after 6 PM when there are a few thousand people outside. People who had been alluding too, reminding them, what potentially could happen if they attempted to form a government based on the “Tirana Platform.” 
When you know this, when it is told to you, the only conclusion left is that you are aware, or if you will, you literally invited the people to storm the building. Why would this be needed, why would you do something if you knew that it would instigate forced entrance of protestors inside Parliament?
There are two possibilities: One, is that SDSM did not anticipate that this would actually happen. And, if it did happen, that it would not end in violence against Parliamentarians, rather that it would only result in damage of property.

The second, is that SDSM and the Albanian Parliamentarians are placed in a role of victim-pawns of a game of political Chess that is lead (played) by someone else. Why? The reason is simple. After two months of protests, and when President Ivanov showed resilience that he would not hand over a mandate to form a new government if legal and political obstacles were not removed, the entire situation was relegated to a level of stalemate that was in favor of Ivanov, “United Macedonia,” who insisted on new snap elections.

With an already undisputed and overwhelming impression that the people who are protesting (at one moment, for instance, during Hahn’s visit, their number reached a few hundred thousand) and the people who weren’t on the streets, yet supported the protests, were victims, while SDSM and the Albanian Parties were aggressors that attacked the nation with their post-election “Tirana Platform.” It obviously led to a need to change roles. Essentially, the current roles were a roadblock to the post-election theatrics planned.

Let’s attempt to explain in detail the picture of events in Kosovo in 1998–1999.

Up to the event in Rachak, which I believe you remember, on one side we had UCK as an illegal formation that committed civil atrocities, and on the other, the Army of the Former Yugoslavia, which upheld to defend her territory against the illegally armed formation. Soon after, Rachak was identified by a diplomatic corps offensive that UCK terrorists were, essentially, a group of “freedom fighters,” while Slobodan Milosevic and the Yugoslav Army were labeled committers of atrocities, and as Ali Ahmeti calls them today, occupiers.

Even though the comparison with the names and events is not all together consistent and correct if you look at it literally. However, at its core it involves the same narrative. The events that occurred two days ago were basically an attempt by the “aggressor” — SDSM and the Albanian Parties to be viewed as victims, while the protestors “United Macedonia,” more specifically, a huge piece of the Macedonian electorate who stood up against the “Tirana Platform,” introduced after the elections, in other words, a platform that no one campaigned on during the elections, was represented in a negative light, transforming them in the eyes of outsiders from defenders of sovereignty through peaceful protest, into aggressors.

If you look at it this way, it becomes evident why the entire drama was organized for after 6 PM. It is a classic example of political role swapping. Specifically, an attempt to switch the role of aggressor and victim both in domestic and international eyes. When we add that the Ambassadors who held a press conference last night were camped out until 5 PM in a hotel downtown Skopje, followed by almost comical announcement by the United States Embassy that, according to them, Talat Dzaferi was chosen through legal and sound procedure. (One seriously doesn’t know whether to laugh or cry), it becomes evident that what is in question is nothing more than a synchronized operation.

What was important was the end game. And that goal, obviously, was designed beforehand to have victims, in other words, wounded actors. 
It is understood that it will not end here. Along with the need to switch the victim — aggressor roles, the operation is likely designed to also chose a new ruling government, which would also be illegitimate, but nonetheless will be attempted through some form of extra-institutional process.

Doubled with international pressure that will be directed at Ivanov and Gruevski, according to the plan, should produce results in short measure, am I wrong?

The victims have fallen. This is why the instantaneous rejection by SDSM of Ivanov’s call to meet with all political leaders is completely transparent, along with the ignoring of that call by the international diplomatic corps. However, they were the ones who claimed up until yesterday that all conflict is resolved through dialogue.

However, it is evident that the current situation once again requires the historical reference to Yugoslavia: When the nation was falling apart, Slovenia and Croatia were first to secede, which resulted in a quick response from some diplomats that they would communicate directly with Slovenia and Croatia regarding their issues and not Belgrade.

In our case, the idea is to do something similar. From now on, Dzaferi is Speaker of Parliament and that group will choose him as Prime Minister. They will speak with him instead of current Prime Minister, Emil Dimitriev and will create a new circus. How this story ended for Yugoslavia is well known, so it wouldn’t be strange to conclude that they are planning something similar here. In other words, the current diplomatic corps methodology in Macedonia is well known. They want to declare which government they believe is legitimate and which one they believe is not. The fact that this will further inflame and prolong the current political crises really doesn’t concern them, am I wrong?


Darko JANEVSKI, Dnevnik

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