Research: Kolar Gold Fields — An Analysis of the Evolution of the Mines
Aditya Gowda, FLAME University Class of 2024
Kolar is a city at the southern end of the state of Karnataka, India — the unofficial headquarters of the Kolar District of the state. It shares a border with the districts of Bengaluru to the west, Chikkabalapur to the north, Vellore of Tamil Nadu to the south, and Chittoor of Andhra Pradesh to the east. Previously, Kolar was under the reign of numerous rulers, resulting in a concoction of cultures and heritage. Over the past 2000 years, this region has been ruled by the Western Gangas, Cholas, Hoysala Empire, and more recently, Maratha and Mughal rule before the invasion of the British in the 18th century. As a result, it has been formerly known as Kuvalala, Kolahala, Kolahalapura, and Kolala. The most popular title, though, is that of ‘Little England’, proudly borne by the British authorities during their reign.
According to the Karnataka government census of 2023, the current population of the district is 16,99,040. Today, Kolar is a district known for its silk, milk, and mango production. Most of its economy depends on the agricultural sector, with a majority of the rural population being daily wage laborers and farmers. In the city of Kolar, the current population is 493,325, with a very narrow sex ratio. The literacy rate is over 65%, but the working population is just below 50%. The drastically low numbers of the working class in the city is due to an historic event that occurred in Kolar.
Kolar lies on the Deccan plateau, with a layered coalition of prime volcanic and metamorphic rock. Over millions of years of high pressure and temperatures, this rock formation was blessed with the deposition of localized gold lodes. These long stretches of valuable ore ran vast distances, threading as deep as 3 kilometres in many locations. According to one author, the gold mines were originally discovered by local rulers over 2000 years ago, with traces of scriptures mentioned in the Vijayanagar Empire Era. During the 18th century, the Mysore Maharaj gained control over the mines. The locals were the only people who used to mine on a small scale from time to time during this period. Soon after, the first phase of commercialization of the mines came to light with the Mysore State granting a mining license to M. F. Lavelle, a Madras civil engineer, in 1873. A major revolution occurred when the mine was leased to John Taylor and Sons, a British mining company, in 1885 by the Mysore state. This company takeover was the start of a new era in the history of Kolar.
Kolar was a dry, arid state for most of the year, with hot, stinging winds blowing across the barren, dusty land. The soil wasn’t fertile enough for good crop production year-round, and most locals took to dairy and silk farming as a source of income. To make matters worse, it was constantly drought-hit. A study conducted showed the frequency of drought to be once every 5 years, with an annual rainfall of 684.8 mm, 50% less than the average of India. Groundwater borewells were the only reliable source of water for irrigation, making agriculture a risky endeavour for the poor farmers.
Entry of British Company at KGF
One author documented the power hierarchy in Kolar. The entry of John Taylor and Sons in the mining scenario meant a surplus requirement of miners and workers, and the locals used that opportunity to make a few extra rupees daily. The mining process was controlled by the highest authority (who at that time was John Taylor). Below them were the European supervisors, who took care of work on the ground. Below these positions were the local mestris or local businessmen. Under the mestris, you would find the local workers, who would do all the manual labour. In this complex system of power dynamics, we will see a few more stakeholders as the case progresses.
In 1880, the mining company from the United Kingdom entered the mines of Kolar with highly advanced mechanisms for mining and refining gold. The process adopted by the company involved intense heating of large chunks of rock using wood and timber, followed by sudden cooling with water to crack open the metamorphic rocks. It was successful in producing the desired results, but was slow compared to the techniques used by the company in other mines. This forced the miners to work overtime to produce large amounts of gold at profitable prices. Mestris were in turn forced to keep the miners in the deep, dark caves for long hours with dimly lit candles as a source of light. With hazardous levels of oxygen and practically no vision, the workers were made to work 12-hour shifts, often with minimal food and water, while their daily wages stayed constant, added the author.
A study revealed that the biggest gold reservoir was discovered in 1884, — the Champion Lode, which was bound to bring in record profits. This also meant a larger workforce was required. From 1885 to 1910, the population of Kolar increased from 24,000 to 75,000 workers. Inequality and injustice reached an all-time high as the population skyrocketed. For the company, this spelled risk as much as success. The first steps taken by the company were to ensure that no gold was smuggled by the miners, and the checking processes were strenuous. Some records even say that the workers were made to ‘bend over like cattle‘ to ensure they were not hiding ore.
Social Inequality in the Mines
Harassment was carried out outside the mines as well. A report shows that the company demanded strict punishments for anyone who smuggled gold out of the mines. To make this possible, the Mysore state and the British government placed hundreds of police officers on site to ensure no theft took place. The actions of the company went to the extent that a mining board was formed to prosecute the miners who were caught with mining material (such as gold amalgam, quartz, sponge gold, explosives, and candles), as well as those who breached any mining rules. Racism crept into this system too, as the foreign workers were never checked for smuggled gold, while the locals were stringently searched each day.
The greatest phase of inequality was towards locals on Kolar, as anyone of colour was a suspect of theft and smuggling. Most of the coolies (workers) were brought from the Madras region with the promise of escaping the bonded labour they were forced to do back home, but the scenario in Kolar was not any better. Low wages, bad living conditions, and no guaranteed benefits overshadowed a similar oppressive system for the immigrants. One author suggests that the extent of racial inequalities was also witnessed outside the mines, as goldsmiths, jewellers, and any wealthy locals were primary targets of the police. The locals were categorized as unofficial criminals in their city. Even the vernacular press spoke about the “cloud of suspicion” that hung over the heads of the locals, making everyone a possible suspect of gold smuggling.
The same author speaks of another population affected by the racial laws of the British government in another article. The surrounding forests and grasslands were home to many indigenous tribes. With no knowledge of borders and constraints, the tribes situated at the periphery of the mines used to continue their ancestral tradition of small-scale mining and selling of gold. When this came to the knowledge of the company, they used the Criminal Tribes Act to their advantage, arresting and deporting the Adivasi communities to different parts of the country. During this period, it was widely assumed that anyone born into a criminal family would also become a criminal. On these grounds, nearly all the “criminal tribes” were displaced without a warrant or reason but based on the possibility of them being a threat to their mining practises. They were neither informed of, nor were they compensated for these actions. In 1938, despite protests and requests from the Adivasi communities for their freedom, the Mysore government was strongarmed to retain the acts without restrictions. The company and the British government got filthy rich using these cheap tactics of reducing capital and increase gold production all for themselves.
During the Second World War, the British Empire was forced to divert the economy towards the fighting. Gold prices were soaring at record levels. Production had to go on at a faster pace at KGF, but the daily wages were also being reduced due to the global economic crisis. Daily workers persisted in working more shifts to make more money. Mestris worked the laborers at a higher intensity to produce more gold. The mestris were in turn under pressure from higher authorities at the risk of losing their jobs. This accumulation of pressure led to numerous accidents and deaths in the frenzied environment of the mines.
The company, with no surprise, was sensitive towards the increasing revenue from the gold market and desensitized towards the increase in accidents. After the discovery of five extremely profitable gold lodes, 1905 produced the highest amount of gold, weighing in at over 15,000 kg. According to a study, gold production was made more efficient, as the company used the resources available to the Mysore State. A direct connection of water and electricity to the mines was set up, allowing the use of electric drills and machinery for extraction. In return, the Mysore state was minting lakhs annually from the company, receiving plenty of royalties in the process, and earning upward of ₹45 lakhs per year. While those in a position of power lived a life of pure gold, the laborers were living off the dirt and gravel of the mines.
In the same report, the disparity between the living conditions of the bourgeoisie and the laborers has been exposed. The European and Indian bureaucrats lived in large bungalows with swimming pools, lawn tennis, billiards rooms, golf, and a KGF club. The common workers on the other hand lived in small huts with sagging roofs, that were frequently crammed with large families. The drainage system was a disaster, with open gutters and constant water stagnation. Nutrition and food were other pressing issues. Hospitals, schools, and other social institutions were missing in their society.
Per the findings of a study, in the 1990’s, local women of the village ventured into the gold fields in search of small quantities of gold on the rock surfaces. They would use makeshift tools of rock and wood to dig holes in the ground, retrieving potential gold-laden rocks and grind it into a fine powder. They used indigenous techniques of gravity separation with the use of water to filter out residue and collect gold nuggets. They would then sell them to local goldsmiths for 100 rupees a gram. These goldsmiths purified it using aqua regia, and sold it as the finished product: jewellery. These small amounts helped them run their households.
According to one study, the autocrats were openly discriminant. Among the higher positions in the workforce, locals who came from a wealthy background and were of Hindu caste got the opportunity of higher positions. In other words, the evolution of the hierarchy structure was based on favouritism, discrimination, and exploitation practices by the British. Another form of power abuse seen in the gold fields, as well as all over India at that time, was the censorship of media and journalists, resulting in scarce literature from that period.
Shift in Authority to the Indian Government
As we come closer to the independence of India, gold production in the mines decreased drastically. With the obvious socio-political scenario in India, the company handed the authority of the mines to the Karnataka Government. This shift gave the higher-ranked Hindus the authority to start a new era of mining in KGF. The local leaders wasted no time in
jumping into the shoes of their predecessors. They tried ruling over an unprofitable industry in a similar fashion, but ended up tarnishing the hopes of the mining community. The graph below depicts the distribution of caste and class among 281 Hindu respondents.
From this, we can gather that the Brahmins were the higher class and the Kshatriya and Panchama were the lower class. Nineout of 10 top officials were Brahmins while 10 out of 10 miners were from the lower caste.
The later part of the century was not any better than the earlier years. The Indian Government took control of the mines in 1956. The wage difference persisted despite a power shift. According to one author, the government was unconcerned towards the workers’ threat of resignation. The mines were no longer profitable, and the requirement of labour grew small. Despite the circumstances, the 1960s saw two significant developments taken up by the government. Firstly, a school and college were established by the local politicians for the workers’ children. This opened up opportunities and career options for the next generation of miners. The expansion of Bharat Earth Movers Ltd. (BEML), provides alternate job opportunities for the locals, saving them from a poverty-stricken state.
According to the data gathered in a study, the Kolar Gold Mines was taken over by the Finance Ministry in 1972 and renamed Bharat Gold Mines Ltd. (BGML). This started a more systematic shift in the power and position of officials and workers, providing equal opportunity and wages for all. By 1980, the mine was in debt because the miners were only striking dirt. After a few more decades of gradual decline in the importance of the mine, it was officially closed on February 28, 2001 by the Indian Government. An era in the history of global gold mining ended.
The mine closure in 2001 struck the local population with confusion and chaos. Hundreds of thousands of people who depended on daily labour in the mines were unemployed without any prior notice. Many of the workers lived off the money earned in the mine for their daily nourishment. The older men were incapable of doing any other work. There was also a dearth in job opportunities in the area, as the mine was the largest industry all around. Bangalore and Mysore were the only other places with lenient jobs. According to a study, the government promised a pension of rupees 650 per month to all the workers, but this number has not changed till date. The issue arises when this great mass of people has to migrate to a new city in search of a job, after living half their life’s literally under a rock. Per the findings of another study, the mass immigration dwindled the population from 40 lakhs to 12.
According to a report, in the period of 80 years under the company, an estimate 800 tonnes (about 800000 kg) of gold were transported to the United Kingdom. In today’s values, that would be over a 100 billion dollars. One study states that the amount of mined and extracted gold looks large on paper, but in comparison to the mined material and debris, it has the most insignificant value. Over the span of the operations, the mine has produced 33 million tonnes of tailing. Only 0.003% of all mined material was gold.
Environmental Impacts of Mining at KGF
According to a study, the gold ore mined at Kolar was treated by a popular technique called gold cyanidation. It is a process where the gold ore is dissolved by water soluble alkali metal cyanides, and separated from the residue matter. The by-products of this process included large amounts of toxic cyanide compounds in the aqueous and solid forms. The cyanide waste was in the form of a slurry, which had designated dumping locations around the mine strips. As established by scientific analysis, the ambient conditions and availability of heavy metals such as zinc, sodium and magnesium quickly combined with the free cyanide ions (CN-) to form relatively stable compounds. This also meant that cyanide would stay in
some form or the other in the mine’s vicinity. Research claims that, mine tailing dumps span the entirety of the fields, forming yellow-brown stepped hills.
The topography has been altered, and so has the soil, air, and water quality. Other chemicals such as sulphide, heavy metals, and silicates were present in the dumps. The disadvantage of these dumps in a location like Kolar is the heat and dry winds. The toxic dumps dry up and form aerosol-like
particles, which gets blown towards the city throughout the day. Due to this, the town is nearly surrounded by a cloud of dust with a pungent smell of sulphur dioxide year-round.
Health Impacts on Locals
Silica dust is the prime contributor to the respiratory disease silicosis. The tailing dumps of Kolar are filled with sulphur dust which has been flowing through the lungs of the locals inside and outside the mines. While the miners breathed this air for over 12 hours a day, the women and children at home faced the consequences of the silica dust a lot later. Based on the results of an academic inquiry, silicosis has proved to have taken the lives of thousands of miners after they retired from the mining duties, a large percentage of them being men. These older individuals passed away, leaving their wives and children with no financial support. Per the evidence collected through a research study involving 7653 mine workers in Kolar Gold Fields between 1940 and 1946, 3402 (43.7%) of the workers were diagnosed with silicosis disease. These numbers increased exponentially and are still persistent due to the suspended silica dust in the atmosphere.
The effects of the cyanide and silica dust is incomprehensible. According to the data gathered in one paper, nearly all mine workers have passed away from silicosis or lung cancer due to the air quality in the mines. Those who are fortunate enough to be alive say that they have no money or facilities to get themselves treated against the disease. The only hospitals that have modern technology to treat them are in Bangalore, most of which do not fit the budget of the poor citizens of Kolar. Other issues such as eczema, rashes, and allergies were found among the population.
Per the findings of a study, the two perennial rivers flowing through Kolar pass very close to these dumps. For over a century, during the monsoons, the rivers overflow for brief periods. As they pass by the tailing dumps, much of the silt and residue from the tailing dump are displaced via the river. When the water enters agricultural fields, ponds, and lakes, the
chemical composition wrecks the ecology and chemical balance. This affects agriculture, soil, drinking water, and the local flora and fauna. The same water is responsible for groundwater recharge, a source of water year-round for the locals. With a disruption in food security, the locals suffer low yields and potentially low nourishment from the crops. The children start to accumulate the foreign chemicals in their body, and over time, it would catch up to them in some sort of illness or the other. This would pass through offspring’s, affecting generations in the future. The working mothers at home, as is the case in rural settings like Kolar, would
have to take the brunt of it. Aside from daily care, they too would be more susceptible to the illnesses and diseases.
The groundwater of Kolar was assessed in 2021 for pH level, hardness, chloride, fluoride, and nitrate ions by the Karnataka State. The results were as follows:
1. pH Level: The pH level was within the acceptable level, with an average of 7.5.
2. Hardness: The hardness in the water was much higher than the acceptable limit. Hard water can be used for drinking and cooking purposes after a simple purification process. The issues arise when the hard metals accumulate on the pipelines of households, eroding pipes, taps, utensils, and other household items. It also indicated the presence of heavy metals in the groundwater.
3. Chloride: Chloride ions were below the permissible limit.
4. Fluoride: Fluoride ions concentration was above the permissible limits. An excess of fluoride ions leads to various health complications, many of which are related to the human skeletal structure. The bones get weak, making individuals more susceptible to fractures, weak bones, and arthritis. In women, excess fluoride ions have affected their reproductive hormones and functions. Fluoride ions also travel through the food chain, bioaccumulating in the human body through the food we eat, potentially having a worse effect on the population of Kolar.
5. Nitrate: Nitrate ions were also found in lower concentrations than the
standard level.
The decades of accumulation of foreign chemicals have diminished the existing essential chemicals. Over time, the bioaccumulation of the foreign chemicals will result in unforeseen medical conditions for the locals. A majority of the population that live around the mine fields are immigrant from neighbouring states. According to research findings, when they reached the mines in the early 20th century, the British company built small shanties for the mass population. These people left everything behind to come work in the mine. After the closure of the mines, they had nowhere to go back to. Even today, you can see that the shanties built a century ago are being used by these locals.
Impact of Mine Closure on Kolar
Post 2001, the youth, mainly the sons, left their hometown in search of other jobs such as drivers, delivery boys, or coolies, while the older people stayed back without any option. According to an article in the Economic Times, women ventured to the city of Bengaluru, catching the early morning train at 4:30am and reach by 6:30am. They indulge in the daily
labour such as housemaids, cooks, masonries, contract labour, and other menial jobs in offices and workspaces. The average salary is over 5,000 rupees a month. Estimates say that over ten thousand individuals travel to and fro every day, making them an important part of the smooth functioning of the metropolitan city.
According to a government report, the agriculture sector has adapted well, despite the issues of soil and water pollution. Ragi, groundnut, and paddy are the most popular crops opted by the farmers. Cash crops include mango, banana, tomato, potato, and tamarind. Mulberry plantations are also widely maintained, in order to sustain the silk industry of Kolar. The Kharif crops are not irrigated as intensively as the rabi crops, and the majority of farmers depend of borewells for this. All these studies are records of data collected and compiled by the government of Karnataka. Tourism also boosted the economy of the area. The ancient stone craved temples of Kolar attracted visitors in large numbers. With no surprise, the desolate mine fields were also one of the main attractions for the sightseers.
While the economy seemed to have built itself up, the environmental damage of the mine tailings was still a problem at hand. In recent years, many organisations and NGOs have come together to do their bit to revive the once great city of Kolar. In 2017, the Rotary Club has conducted plantation drives on the tailing dumps, renovated the KGF school, and provided better facilities for the students. Over three lakhs saplings and seed balls have been planted and maintained with manure on the cyanide hills next to settlements in an afforestation project. The oldest school which educated thousands of students for decades was renovated and replenished with fresh supplies and equipment.
Environmental Clean-up Projects at KGF
While these small-scale projects were beneficial to the social environment, the problem was at a much larger scale. The government are yet to take any decisive actions on this situation. Since the closure of the mines in 2001, the discussion of the future of the mines have been in constant debate among stakeholders. The current owners, the BGML (Bharat Gold Mines Limited), have shown interest in the cleaning process of the cyanide dumps dotting the KGF landscape. On the 12,500 acres, over 33 million tonnes of gold mine tailings are found. Studies show a possibility of 0.72gm of gold per tonne of tailing trapped in these hills. Other hard metals and toxic chemicals pollute the soil, leaching into groundwater and agricultural fields. Two processes have been identified to extract gold and other hard metals from this polluted land of KGF. The first process is known as phytomining and the second is soil washing.
According to research done by a group of scientists, phytomining involves the hyperaccumulation of particulate gold in plants using specialized chemicals known as chelates. The plants are harvested, roasted, sintered to ash, and treated to recover small quantities of gold. It is economical, energy-conservative, in-situ, and sustainable. The only disadvantage is the chelates, which are damaging to the natural environment. Careful planning and execution could result in profitable gold extraction.
Based on the results of research outcomes, another process of heavy metal clean-up is soil washing. This involves a physical separation and chemical leaching process of the soil to filter out the homogenized coarse undesirable particles. This method required an ex-situ setup, making it a costly technique. Another disadvantage is the use of chelates and other leaching chemicals in this process.
Another group of researchers discovered the use of mine tailing to form bricks. A variety of additives at different compositions were tested on the mud. Cement, red soil, and black soil were used as additional components, and a feasible result was derived. It was economical, sturdy, and eco friendly. Ever since the study was conducted in 2007, there has been no initiative taken up by anyone. This project just exists on paper. Without the initiative and capital support, they will remain this way.
The Future of KGF
According to the Mines Ministry, the estimated value of all the gold in the tailings alone are over 33,000 crores rupees. This is a very tempting number for many stakeholders in this system. According to an article in the Business Line, the Indian government and the Karnataka State are currently in talks of auctioning the land for a lease period to the highest
bidder. This could prove to be a strategic decision taken by the BGML. Apart from getting mammoth amounts for the mining rights, the mine tailings and contamination could also be actively cleaned by the stakeholder. While it is promising to think on the optimistic side, the
reality could lead to more contamination and even worse exploitation of the available resources. Any further steps taken by the government must be done so with caution.
Another effective manner through which the residents of Kolar can capitalize on the current scenario is by using social media and news platforms to raise awareness and funds for the overall development of the city and environmental clean-up of the mine tailings. According to the government, the locals are doing relatively well with the revenue collected
from agriculture, silk farming, and the dairy industry. Despite the unfavourable weather conditions and the persistent health threat posed by the mining contaminants, the locals are able to self-sustain themselves. With a bit more support from the government and other stakeholders, Kolar has the potential of becoming a thriving city once again, and this time, on honest and humane grounds.
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