BRIAN MULRONEY: RIGHT HAND MAN OF PAUL DESMARAIS
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2017)
Canada is my country. Québec is my province. Paul Desmarais
Brian Mulroney is often portrayed in our Québeckocentric media¹ as the polar opposite of Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin: Mulroney is the implacable enemy of the Liberal Party of Canada, as a Canadian arch-conservative in the tradition of Winston Churchill, Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan and the American Republican Party. Hogwash I tell you! Yes, hogwash! Nothing is further from the truth: Brian Mulroney, like Pierre Trudeau before him, as well as Chrétien and Martin after him, was always the corrupt and rotten creature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.
The North American Free Trade Agreement was not the brain child of Brian Mulroney, but rather the work of Ronald Reagan, the great American Idealist: Mulroney liked to take credit for Reaganism in order to hoodwink Canadians into voting for him: The Québec Regime made Free-trade into a major federal election issue, when there is no real issue about our Anglo-Saxon traditions of political and economic freedom. They did so in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. Canadians were held hostage by the Québec Regime once more, because a vote against Mulroney was made into a vote against rational political and economic order, when in fact the reverse is true: NAFTA was watered-down in order to protect the Québec Inc. For this reason we have softwood lumber disputes with the United States while Canada is handicapped by “supply management,” among other things. The real election issue was ignored by an electorate enchained by our Québeckocentric media, namely, the vast political and economic corruption over the years at the hands of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, resultant in the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of Canada at the behest of the Québec Inc. Mulroney and fédéralisme asymétrique hide behind the mask of NAFTA as rational political and economic order. But when all is said and done, Mulroney was just another Trudeau in disguise, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais, a political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime. Isn’t that so, Baie Comeau?
The “Red Tory” connexions to Paul Desmarais’ so-called conservatisme is evidenced in his strong support over the years of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Party, as well as his strong support over the years of fédéralisme asymétrique (of which he was a great beneficiary). Desmarais was also one of the most powerful backers of the Liberal Party of Canada under Pierre-Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The “French Canadian conservatism” of Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais is therefore most certainly at odds with the American conservative legacy of Ronald Reagan and the North American Free Trade Agreement: “[Brian Mulroney] said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.” ² Québeckocentric conservatives are very cozy with organized labor in Québec because their very expensive polices are offset by the Lion’s Share of federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash that comes mostly from the high taxation of English Canada, while the Québec unions like the FTQ Construction keep the anglophone “socialists” (New Democratic Party from Ontario and Western Canada) out of the Québec Inc. Organized labor in Québec therefore is a lynch-pin of Québec Regime power in Ottawa.
The downfall of Joe Clark is mythologized by idéologues of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, men and women who owe their wealth and position to the vast political and economic retardation of Canada and the Canadian People, especially at the hands of Brian Mulroney, Paul Desmarais and the Québec Inc:
“When Joe Clark spoke against renewed and expanded support for bilingualism, he reflected the views held most strongly in the western provinces, where the Conservatives had won 49 seats in the 1974 election, compared with only 13 for the Liberals, of which 8 were in British Columbia. Conversely, the support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec, where Clark had won only 3 seats, while Trudeau had taken 60. Clark could not therefore expand his support, as he needed to do to win an election.” ³
It is historically irrelevant whether or not Joe Clark could or could not expand his support: Clark did not expand his support. Unfortunately, John English advances no exact historiographical proof that support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec; he advances no exact historiographical proof that Joe Clark lost the election because he spoke against renewed and expanded support for bilingualism; and he advances no exact historiographical proof that Pierre Trudeau won the election because support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec. The history of Bill 63 (Loi pour promovoir la langue française au Québec, 1969); Bill 22 (Loi sur la langue officielle,1974); Bill 101 (Charte de la langue française, 1977), proves the contrary, namely, that in Québec the support for bilingualism was not very strong. If support for bilingualism was very strong, why is Québec not an officially bilingual province?
If “support for bilingualism” merely means “support for the political and economic sophism that all or most federal government employees outside of Québec should be bilingual,” then the question is not first and foremost a linguistic one, but rather a question of rationality in government employment, because the vast majority of the population of English Canada is anglophone and not francophone.
In the realm of exact historiography and world history, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism, namely, in the decline of the British Empire in Canada, the downfall of Joe Clark is rather the result of the Québeckocentric factions in the Progressive Conservative Party and the Liberal Party of Canada, namely, the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais:
“[Mulroney] chafed at serving those who had defeated him at party conventions. He refused to run for Parliament, he grumbled in the backrooms, and he kept his friends around him, ready to make another attempt for power if and when the new leader [Joe Clark] faltered … For all his pious pronouncements, Mulroney had demonstrated from the start of the regime that old-style patronage remained a critical component of his politics, and Canadians soon realized that the revolution of September 4, 1984, had merely substituted one set of faces for another on the government’s Jetstars and in luxury hotels in New York and Paris.” ⁴
Just like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, Brian Mulroney was always the political and economic prostitute of Paul Desmarais and the financial, commercial and industrial retards of the Québec Inc:
“In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother-in-law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long-time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.” ⁵
Today the federal and provincial governments pay some $50-billion per annum to service our public debts, instead of investment in healthcare, childcare, senior’s care, job training, education, and disability assistance, thanks in large part to Brian Mulroney, who greatly enriched himself and his family over the years on the public dime, as well as Paul Desmarais and the Power Corporation, the political and economic bastion of the Québec Inc.
This has been going on for a half-century: “What is emerging is a new francophone group … It doesn’t matter who you are or where you are, the jobs go to who you know. There’s no open labour market, there never has been. So we have a self-perpetuating élite.” ⁶
Upwards of $50-billion per annum of taxpayer dollars pays down the interest on public debts in Canada, many of which were incurred through massive public works and infrastructure projects, the Lion’s share of which went to the backers of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, namely, the Québec Inc. The very generous taxpayers of Ontario and Western Canada even subsidize the energy projects of foreign countries, the contracts of which are obtained through corruption by the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and because the bids are below the market valuation: This is also the modus operandi behind Bombardier planes and trains, especially in Europe: For this reason they flop in America, the land of rational political economy. Of course,the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais themselves take a big, fat, juicy cut from these Canadian taxpayer funded, unprofitable schemes:
“Early in 1994 he [Mulroney] accompanied Power Corporation’s Paul Desmarais to China to advise him on the corporation’s role in the massive Three Gorges Dam hydroelectric project with Ontario Hydro and Hydro-Québec, as well as a $60-million real estate development in the Pudong region of China near Shanghai. Mulroney was extremely well compensated by Power Corporation for his assistance.” ⁷
If these schemes are so good for Canadians, why is electricity so damned expensive in Ontario and Québec? Because the electricity schemes are rotten: They were created to greatly enrich the “self-perpetuating élites” of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.
Today the economies of Ontario and Québec suffer from very high energy costs, which drives away much investment, and greatly weakens American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, while impoverishing most Ontarians and Québeckers. May God help those poor eastern buggers!
Brian Mulroney, like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, was always just another Québec Regime crook:
“In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered―and last month won―the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But―again―the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration.’” ⁸
He who pretends to uphold the ideals of rational political economy, as opposed to the political and economic irrationalism of Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, he is nothing more than a liar and a crook: Reaganism will never exonerate Brian Mulroney’s financial, commercial and industrial satanism at the hands of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, namely, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. Reaganism proves that rational political economy in Canada comes from Washington and the superior ruling class. And those Canadians who argue the contrary are merely the criminals of the Québec Inc, those who have grossly enriched themselves and their families through the organized crime of the Québec Regime over the decades, while as a result millions of Canadians are condemned to poverty and misery, especially in Québec. I am a philosopher and not a ruler, otherwise they will hang by their heels: In America mayors, governors, congressmen and congresswomen, as well as senators, are regularly jailed for decades for political corruption. In Canada under the Québec Regime this is considered as radicalism …
Brian Mulroney, was he not first mortally corrupted when he worked for the Cliche Commission on Organized Crime in Québec ?
“The Cliche Commission made him [Mulroney] a celebrity in Québec and gave him a national platform. Without the profile created by the Cliche Commission, Mulroney would never have run for the Tory leadership in 1976, and without the lessons he learned from his first leadership campaign, he would never have been prepared for the second race in 1983. On the Cliche inquiry, he essentially protected Bourassa with the commission staff. The commission council, an obscure Chicoutimi lawyer named Lucien Bouchard, wanted to subpoena Bourassa to appear in the witness box as his final witness, following Justice Minister Jérome Choquette … At the end of the day, Cliche sided with Mulroney against Chevrette, and by a 2 to 1 margin, Bourassa avoided an embarrassing appearance … When it came time to write the royal commission’s report in the spring of 1975, Mulroney served as the back channel between the inquiry and the premier. It was no accident that all its main recommendations, including a new construction industry commission and slapping four unions into trusteeship, were acceptable to and quickly implemented by the Bourassa government. They had all been cleared by the premier with Mulroney … The commission became the foundation, not only for their friendship, but also for their unique political partnership during the eight years, from 1985 to 1993, that they were in office together.” ⁹
Bourassa was not a political and economic degenerate? At Cité Libre in 1968 he said: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French-Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead-end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles … We now know, after the last Budget Speech, this year Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war with Ottawa.” ¹⁰
Like Renaud Lachance at the Charbonneau Commission, Brian Mulroney protected the corrupt politicians and their creatures in organized crime from the long arm of the law: Without the collusion of the Montréal mafia there are no kickbacks from the $Billions in federal infrastructure and public works projects paid for with English Canadian taxes (some 4 million Québeckers are so poor they pay no income tax). Without organized crime in the construction industry therefore the Québec Regime and Empire of Paul Desmarais must collapse: For this reason the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006 is a criminal ruling class. For nearly a half century the biggest crime family in Canadian history, the Rizzuto mafia, also had its hands in the Port of Montréal and the international drug traffic … ¹¹
Voilà le satanisme économique et politique de Brian Mulroney.
Long live Canada! Long live the Canadian People!
1. See: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.” Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.
See also: “At this very moment, the Gelco-Trans-Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.” Yves Michaud in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, Montréal, 2014, 13–14.
See finally: “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Quebec’s eight French-language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois-Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montreal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montreal’s CKAC, the largest French-language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.” Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.
2. Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.
3. John English, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, 1968–2000, vol. 2, Toronto, 2010, 347. John English served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Kitchener 1993–1997, and has done very well for himself and his family under the Québec Regime in Ottawa. His book, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau 1968–2000, the index of which contains no entry on the Power Corporation, and only one entry on Paul Desmarais Senior, therefore completely ignores and neglects the very considerable political and economic connexions between Pierre Trudeau, Paul Desmarais, and the Power Corporation: “Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.” (Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15) Obviously, therefore, we are dealing here with a work of hagiography and not with exact historiography.
4. David Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 2–303.
5. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.
6. Tom Naylor in Peter Charles Newman, Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, Toronto, 1998, 366.
7. Stevie Cameron, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, Toronto, 1994, 482–483.
8. Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3. See: “The house of Brian Mulroney in Westmount has recently been sold. The residence was bought by Paul Desmarais Junior’s son, Paul Desmarais III and his wife for $4.8 million … Paul Desmarais III has been the administrator of Power Corporation Financial since 2014 … He was named a board member of the Musée d’art contemporain de Montréal in March 2015 by the Council of Ministers in Quebec.” Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.
9. L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montreal/Kingston, 2002, 286–287.
See: “As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unravelled extended beyond inter-union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan-sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.” Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.
See also: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography,
The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow-up to Choquette.’
On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star-chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled ‘That it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’” L. Ian MacDonald, Ibidem, 286.
See finally: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. the commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’” Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 41–42.
In other words, Brian Mulroney, in order to protect his master and the emerging “Desmarais System,” refused to uproot massive political corruption at the highest level, and he threatened to wreck the Cliche Commission unless he got his own way. Lucien Bouchard and other lawyers at the inquiry undoubtedly acquiesced in Mulroney’s scheme in order to save the commission and their political careers, which were now taking-off as a result of their new found notoriety. The demise of the commission was therefore out of sync with their egotistical lust for power. The corrupt actions of Mulroney, Bourassa and Bouchard, when fully established in power later on, more than justify our reading.
10. Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendent,” Jean-Paul Lefebvre, Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 99–112: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation … On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”
11. See: “The late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province, The Gazette has discovered through an examination of municipal archives, and business and real-estate records from half a century ago. Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard-bearer of his father-in-law’s Sicilian Mafia clan, and ebbing around the time that he reportedly withdrew to Venezuela during a war with Calabrian rival Paolo Violi in the 1970s. Rizzuto returned to Montréal and seized control of the underworld after the 1978 assassination of Violi, who had succeeded Montréal Mob boss Vic Cotroni … Rizzuto, who had an independent streak, had formed his own crew within the Cotroni organization during his early years in Montréal with the help of his extended family ... Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug-smuggling and money-laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid-2000s. Now it appears Nicolo Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolo Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and overinflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.” Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.
See also: “It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first-round victory in the race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.” Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto, 2010, 8–195.
See also: “Liborio Milioto, Nicolo Rizzuto’s half-brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.” André Cédilot and André Noel, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.
See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.” Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui-là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5 % en pots-de-vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”
See finally: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montreal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5 per cent of the value of the corrupt contracts in Montreal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so-called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.” Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex-ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5 % de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED
Anonyme, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012.
Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.
Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.
Bercuson, David Jay, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1986).
Bourassa, Robert, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendent,” Jean-Paul Lefebvre, Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, (Ottawa/Montréal: Les Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968), 99–113.
Cameron, Stevie, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, (Toronto: Macfarlane Walter & Ross, 1994).
Cédilot, André and André Noël, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2012).
English, John, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, 1968–2000, vol. 2, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2010).
Gyulai, Linda, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.
Hackett, Robert A., Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, (Aurora, Ontario: Garamond Press, 2000).
Hoy, Claire, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, (Toronto: Seal Books, 1988). 
Jeffrey, Brooke, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010).
MacDonald, L. Ian, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, (Montreal/Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002).
Marowits, Ross, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.
McIntosh, Andrew, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012.
Murphy, Rae, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1985).
Newman, Peter Charles, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1998).
Philpot, Robin, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, (Montréal: Les Livres Baraka, 2014)
SELECT MULRONEY BIBLIOGRAPHY 1975–2014
Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.
Anonymous, On the Issues: Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Agenda: Statements of Policy and Principle, (Ottawa: Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, 1984).
Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.
Anonymous, Tales from the Tax Trough: How Brian Mulroney’s Government Wastes Your Tax Dollars, (Toronto: National Citizens’ Coalition–Expenditures Public, 1989).
Anonyme, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.
Armstrong, Sally, Mila, (Toronto: Macmillan, 1992).
Bercuson, David Jay, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1986).
Blake, Raymond B., editor, Transforming the Nation: Canada and Brian Mulroney, (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2007).
Brown, Patrick, Rae Murphy and Nick Auf der Maur, Winners, Losers: The 1976 Tory Leadership Convention, (Toronto: James Lorimar & Company, 1976).
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Cliche, Robert, Brian Mulroney and Guy Chevrette, commissaires, Rapport de la commission d’enquête sur la liberté syndicale dans l’industrie de la construction, (Québec: Éditeur Officiel du Québec, 1975).
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SELECT DESMARAIS BIBLIOGRAPHY 1969–2017
Ian Anderson, “Paul Desmarais Buys More Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 July 1977, 9.
Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.
――, “Power Corp encore une fois dans le viseur du fisc,” TVA Nouvelles, 26 septembre 2015.
――, “Liens avec la famille Desmarais: Péladeau dénonce Charest,” Canoe.ca, 26 mars 2014.
――, “La succession de Paul Desmarais vend des actions,” Le Devoir, 8 janvier 2014.
――, “Desmarais advances on Buffet Zone, The Australian Business Review, 3 August 2009.
――, “En bref―Desmarais au CHUM,” Le Devoir, 12 février 2009.
――, “En bref―Hélène Desmarais, présidente du conseil de la CCMM,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2007.
――, “Power Corp. and the Desmarais Family,” Financial Sector Blogspot, 25 May 2006.
――, “Paul Desmarais Sr. hospitalized after stroke,” CBC News, 31 May 2005.
――, “Canada’s Satellite TV Row Clouds Chrétien’s Image,” The Toledo Blade, 30 April 1995, A13.
――, “Power-Play: Desmarais Anoints Sons to Take Over Empire,” Ottawa Citizen, 6 June 1986, C3.
――, “Desmarais Steps Aside to Give Sons More Power,” Ottawa Citizen, 1 May 1986, D15.
――, “Le projet Revi-Centre achemine vers Québec,” L’Écho de Louiseville Berthier, 12 décembre 1984, 10.
――, “University Founder J.-N. Desmarais,” The Gazette, 6 October 1983, B18.
――, “Chrétien malade,” L’Évangéline, 20 janvier 1981, 13.
――, “Changes Could Boost Desmarais’ Control of Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 April 1980, 69.
――, “Desmarais, Hebert to Seek Re-election,” The South Shore News, 20 December 1979, 6.
――, “Desmarais Seeks Dollard Job,” The Montreal Gazette, 7 March 1979, 5.
――, “Power Corporation réalise un bénéfice de $13.3 millions,” Le Devoir, 17 février 1978, 27.
――, “Louis Desmarais Expected to Run as Tory,” The Montreal Gazette, 31 March 1978, 6.
――, “Desmarais Aims to Forge a Front,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 December 1977, 4.
――, “Power Corp. Executive Dies,” The Montreal Gazette, 23 February 1976, 4.
――, “Power Corporation Holdings,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.
――, “Ottawa Now Studying Proposed [Argus Corporation] Takeover,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.
――, “Argus Holdings,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.
――, “Power Corporation doubla ses profits,” Le Devoir, 14 aout 1974, 13.
――, “Mais qui est donc André Desmarais?” La Patrie, 11 mai 1969, 8.
Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc. and the Temptation of State Capitalism, Madeleine Hébert, translator, (Toronto/Montréal: Robert Davies Publishing, 1997).
――, Quebec Inc: La Tentation du Dirigisme, (Montréal: L’Étincelle, 1993).
Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, (Kingston/Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1982).
Benoit Aubin, “Desmarais Ready to Guarantee News Team’s Independence,” The Montreal Gazette, 18 March 1986, C1.
Henry Aubin, “Desmarais and McDougald: Two Titans Meet,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.
Nick Auf der Maur, “Asbestos Corporation Used in U.S. Bribes: Ex Official,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A1-A8.
Ian Austen, “The Name is ‘Power’ and It Fits,” The New York Times, 26 January 2006.
Robert Barberis-Gervais, “Limites et dangers du concept de coupable par association,” Sorel Tracy Magazine: L’Opinion du Lecteur, 2 août 2013.
Robert Barberis-Gervais, “Les aventures politiques de Richard Le Hir,” Sorel Tracy Magazine: L’Opinion du Lecteur, 12 mai 2014.
Bertille Bayart, “Décès de Paul Desmarais, le complice canadien d’Albert Frère,” Le Figaro, 9 octobre 2013.
Jules Bélanger, J.-Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, (Saint-Laurent: Fides, 1996).
Jacques Benjamin et Pierre O’Neill, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, (Montréal: Québec/Amérique, 1978).
Sylvie Bergeron, “Ça change quoi de savoir tout ça?” Le Huffington Post Québec: Les Blogues, 9 juillet 2015.
Annabelle Blais, “Un Faste Royale au Mariage de Jacqueline-Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 September 2013.
Yves Boisvert, “Paul Desmarais, l’empereur,” La Presse.ca, 10 octobre 2013.
Vincent Brousseau-Pouliot, “Cinq grands coups de Paul Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 10 octobre 2013.
Alex Castonguay, “L’ombre politique de Paul Desmarais,” L’Actualité, 9 octobre 2013.
Jean-François Cloutier, “L’ampleur du pouvoir des Desmarais mise en lumière,” TVA Nouvelles, 2 avril 2012.
Jean-François Cloutier, “L’Affaire Quick: Une vente à prix gonflé pour enricher des amis, selon Kuhn,” Le Journal de Montréal, 16 février 2014.
Jean-François, Cloutier, “La fiducie familiale des Desmarais se reorganise,” TVA Nouvelles, 1 janvier 2016.
Jean-François Cloutier et Gérard Samet, “Paul Desmarais se renforce en Europe,” TVA Nouvelles, 11 juillet 2011.
Terence Corcoran, “Desmarais Hits Back at Critics of Takeovers,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1975, 17.
Terence Corcoran, “Power Corp. may Syndicate Holdings in Argus Preferred,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1975, 17.
Louis Cornellier, “Essais Québécois — Dépeindre le pouvoir: Robin Philpot tente de percer le ‘secret’ dont s’entourent Paul Desmarais et l’empire Power,” Le Devoir, 13 décembre 2008.
Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, Straight From the Heart, 1st edition, (Toronto: Seal Books, 1986).
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Robin Philpot’s Argument and the Legacy of Paul Desmarais, archive.org, 28 February 2016.
――, editor, Power Corporation and the Oil-for-Food Scandal, Second Edition, By Kevin Steel, Medium, 2017
――, Robin Philpot’s Argument and the Legacy of Paul Desmarais, Second Edition, Medium, 2017.
――, editor and translator, The Energy East Project and Trans Canada, By Pierre Karl Peladeau, archive.org, 1 March 2016.
――, editor and translator, The Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais, By Robin Philpot, archive.org, 3 July 2016.
――, Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism, Medium, 2017.
――, Who Murdered Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson? Medium, 2016.
――, Paul Desmarais and the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, Medium, 2016.
Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, (Paris: Éditions Publibook, 2012).
Martine Vanden Driessche, “Albert Frère et Paul Desmarais Majoritaires dans Pargesa,” Le Soir, 23 février 1990.
Louis Fournier, “Jean Lesage, the Montreal Trust et Power Corporation: Le Signe de $$$,” Québec-Presse, 30 août 1970, 12A.
José-Alain Fralon, Albert Frère: Le fils du marchand de clous, (Paris: Fayard, 1997).
Matthew Fraser, Quebec Inc: French-Canadian Entrepreneurs and the New Business Elite, (Toronto: Key Porter, 1987).
Geneviève Garon et Marc Verreault, “Un procès au civil déchire les Desmarais, de Power Corporation,” Radio Canada Économie,” 12 Janvier 2017.
Ann Gibbon, “Desmarais Resigns at Power Financial: Son New President,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1986, F6.
E.J. Gordon, “Wedding Most Glamourous of Year: Paul Guy Desmarais―Hélène Blouin,” The Montreal Gazette, 10 September 1979, 49.
David Greber, Rising to Power: Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation, (Toronto: Methuen, 1987).
Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, (Aurora, Ontario: Garamond Press, 2000).
Graeme Hamilton, “Paul Desmarais Chose Business Over Politics, But His Perceived Influence Extended Even Beyond Canada’s Borders,” National Post, 9 October 2013.
Marc Jussaume, “La Réplique: Paul Desmarais — L’argumentaire boiteux de Robin Philpot,” Le Devoir, 17 octobre 2013.
Lisa Kassenaar, “Buffett Loses to Desmarais as Power Exceeds Return,” Bloomberg Business, 29 July 2009.
Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession tranquille, (Saint Denis, Montréal: Les Éditions Michel Brûlé, 2012).
Richard Le Hir, “L’Empire Desmarais: Les Québécois vont financer les entreprises EDF et Enbridge,” Mondialisation.ca, 4 octobre 2013.
Jean Lesage, Lesage s’engage, (Montréal: Les Éditions politiques du Québec, 1959).
Jennifer Lewington, “Power Corporation Plans Takeover,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 1–13.
Jean-François, Lisée, “Les Desmarais: un empire médiatico-bitumineux?” L’Actualité, 5 janvier 2010.
Jean-Sébastien Marsan, “Paul Desmarais: Une ‘main économique’ omniprésente?” TVA Nouvelles, 9 octobre 2013.
Rodolphe Morissette, “Louis Desmarais candidat libéral dans Dollard?” Le Devoir, 3 mars 1979, 2.
Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two-party state: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Establishment: The Old Order, vol. 1, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1975).
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Establishment: The Acquisitors, vol. 2, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1981).
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, (Toronto: Viking Canada, 1998).
Pierre O’Neill et Jacques Benjamin, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, (Montréal: Québec/Amérique, 1978).
Pierre Karl Peladeau, Le projet Énergie Est de Trans Canada, Vigile.Quebec, 1 novembre 2014.
Pierre Karl Peladeau, The Energy East Project and Trans Canada, Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, editor and translator, archive.org, 2016.
Andrew Phillips, “Desmarais Nominated in Dollard,” The Montreal Gazette, 4 April 1979, 10.
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, (Montréal: Livres Baraka Inc., 2014).
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ière édition, (Montréal: Les Intouchables, 2008).
Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.
Robin Philpot, The Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais, Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, editor and translator, archive.org, 3 July 2016. 
Luciano Pipia, “Huge Montreal Wedding Today,” CJAD 800 News, 7 September 2013.
Frederick Rose, “We Still Want Argus, Desmarais Tells Bryce,” The Montreal Gazette, 11 December 1975, 19.
Gérard Samet et Jean-François Cloutier, “Paul Desmarais se renforce en Europe,” TVA Nouvelles, 11 juillet 2011.
Lou Seligson, “Trouble-Shooter Par Excellence,” The Montreal Gazette, 25 August 1971, 25.
Harvey Shepherd, “Desmarais Romps to Victory as Dollard Sticks with Tradition,” The Montreal Gazette, 23 May 1979, 10.
Kevin Steel, “How Montreal’s Power Corporation Found Itself Caught Up in the Biggest Fiasco in UN History,” The Western Standard, 5 March 2005.
Jonathan Trudel, “Desmarais et les ficelles du pouvoir,” L’Actualité, 9 octobre 2013.
Mathieu Turbide, “Power et le pétrole ‘sale,’” Le Journal de Montréal, 19 décembre 2009.
Michel Vastel, “Le secret de Paul Desmarais,” L’Actualité, 9 octobre 2013.
Richard Vigneault, “Réplique à Robin Philpot: La France n’est pas le Québec,” Le Devoir, 5 février 2009.
James Winter, “Reporting on the Pharmaceutical Industry: Profit Before People,” The Political Economy of Media and Power, Jeffery Klaehn, editor, (New York: Peter Lang, 2010), 243–273.
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