BRIAN MULRONEY VERSUS AMERICAN PROTECTIONISM

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2017)

Exploitons à fond la Confédération … the confederation pact must not be allowed to continue on its present path, else it will be in danger of compromising its existence. Jean Lesage, 1962

Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa. Robert Bourassa, 1968 ¹

Brian Mulroney was recently decorated with the highest award of France, namely, the Grande–Croix de la légion d’honneur, established by Napoléon Bonaparte in 1802.² Why did Mulroney, a former Canadian Prime Minister, receive this great award? Mulroney was rewarded for his “distinguished services to the Government of France.”³ What distinguished services did Brian Mulroney perform for the French Republic? Mulroney was rewarded for his “dedicated advancement of the relations between France and Canada, and for the aggrandizement of the international Francophonie.”⁴ Brian Mulroney advanced the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in Canada, under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“Mulroney is the first Conservative leader since Confederation who has any real ties to French–speaking Canada … Mulroney has been immersed in a distinct political culture that is alien to most English Canadians.”⁵

What do we have in mind? We must return to Québec City and the Law School of the Université de Laval, in the heyday of radicalism and revolutionism of the 1960's.

“There was an explosion of conferences and symposiums, and the most spectacular of these was the 1961 Congress on Canadian Affairs at Laval University. Brian Mulroney and his Conservative friends — Meighen, White, Cogger and Bazin — were the driving force behind the symposium.”⁶

What is the significance of this event? “The English–speaking delegates of the conference were suddenly deeply immersed in the culture of intellectual revolutionism that presently disturbs French Canada.”⁷

The intellectual upheavals of the 1960’s in Québec, and Brian Mulroney’s education at Laval, are the early “driving force” behind his French chauvinism and later Québécocentricism:

“In 1962, while Mulroney was a student there, the replacement of Guy Hudon as dean of law by Yves Pratte (later president of Air Canada and a Supreme Court justice) heralded an expansion of the new curriculum and a new openness to the forces of change that were penetrating the campus … the new directions in Québec society that accompanied the change of governments in 1960 were felt with particular force in the areas of federal–provincial relations and, more generally, in the relationship between French and English Canada … [Jean Lesage was] eager to involve the provincial government in new fields of endeavour, and adopted a newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa.”⁸

The impression of the intellectual revolutionism of the new curriculum, “un dialogue franc et ouvert,”⁹ profoundly affected the English–speaking participants of the famous Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs:

“The effect was amazing. To an English Canadian sitting in the crowded audience, the emotional response that he [Marcel Chaput] evoked was almost a tangible thing, a physical thing. Somehow he expressed the deep and abiding sense of insult — the word is not too strong — that his young listeners felt about the French Canadian minority position in a largely Anglo–Saxon country.”¹⁰

Brian Mulroney: “I was chairman of a panel discussion that made national headlines. On the panel was Marcel Chaput, the Québec civil servant who worked for the Ministry of National Defense and [who] made no attempt to hide his separatist leanings.”¹¹ From out of this ferment of 1960’s intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the Université de Laval in Québec City, arise the ringleaders of Joe Clark’s defeat. From out of the “new openness to the forces of change,” and the “new directions in Québec society,” from the “newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa,” arise the ringleaders of the Québéckification of English Canadian conservatism:

“The 1961 Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs was the event that drew Brian Mulroney, Michael Meighen, Peter White, Jean Bazin and Michel Cogger together. The team that was to capture the leadership of the federal Progressive Conservative party in 1983 was in place.”¹²

In Mason Wade’s words, the graduates of the Université de Laval were, “the true makers of the ‘Quiet Revolution.’”¹³ The Quiet Revolution is the work of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc: “We Québeckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”¹⁴ Alas, Canadians have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession!

This same Brian Mulroney, who was very early influenced by Québéckocentricism during the 1960’s upheaval of intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the most Québéckocentric university in Canada, the great defender of republican France and her political and economic traditions resultant from Napoléon Bonaparte and the French revolution, has a new lesson for Canada and the Canadian people:

“Brian Mulroney is warning Canada must not ignore the trade danger of American protectionism. ‘Americans are frustrated by the slow recovery of their economy … Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy.’”¹⁵

Brian Mulroney’s message to Donald Trump on NAFTA during the U.S. election campaign is very clear: “You’re cutting off your nose to spite your face.”¹⁶ Mulroney, in the national media, during the U.S. Presidential Elections (undoubtedly at the behest of Québec Regimers like Lawrence Martin, himself goaded onward by the toadies of Caroline Mulroney), predicts the defeat of Donald Trump: “I don’t think something like that [American protectionism], that negative, carries you to the White House.”¹⁷ According to Brian Mulroney, Donald Trump will lose the White House because his anti–NAFTA electoral position is out–of–touch with the American electorate. Brian Mulroney is therefore the political and economic adversary of Americanism in the world of today.

What is the trade danger of so–called American protectionism in the world of today? American protectionism, so–called by the mortal enemies of Americanism, is the political and economic advancement in world history far beyond the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the inferior ruling classes of the earth, as the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world. Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy: American protectionism is a trade danger because Brian Mulroney cannot understand that Americanism under Washington and President Trump is the advancement and protection of the American world from the barbarism of disintegration, decline and decay: The Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Brian Mulroney cannot therefore understand that modern freedom is not Global freedom.¹⁸

What the mortal enemies of Americanism name American protectionism therefore ignores the power struggles between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history: Modern sophists ignore the reasons why Washington is the American superpower in the world of today, and therefore Global civilization in their eyes is merely nationalism and imperialism. Thus when Washington turns its back upon criminal ruling classes, the destroyers of Americanism raise the bête noire of American protectionism, which they wrongly associate with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The modern sophists thus turn a blind eye to the rational distinction between corruption and décadence. Montesquieu speaks of décadence in terms of the political and economic power struggles between civilization and barbarism in world history:

“There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Roman civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes … in the nations conquered by Germans, power was in the hands of vassals, while right was the sole prerogative of the sovereign: In Rome the contrary prevailed.”¹⁹

There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Western civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes, according to Montesquieu: “Le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.” In their ignorance of this profound distinction, the greatest discovery of classical Athenian political economy, the enemies of Americanism fail to notice the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity in contemporary world history:

“Admirers of Hegel are accustomed to refer to the first edition [Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Outline], as having most of the author’s freshness and power … in America, no one can look back a few years, without observing that the whole tone of our public men has changed, and that the phrases, ‘progress,’ ‘necessary development,’ and ‘God in history,’ occur with marked frequency.”²⁰

The Kantian traditions therefore are not the builders of rational political and economic order in the Global world.²¹ The rise of Western civilization into Global rational political and economic order in world history is the work of the superior ruling classes, while the decline of civilization into barbarism is the work of the inferior ruling classes. This at least is the verdict of exact historiography and 20th century world history: The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history.²²

Let us phrase this idea another way: “A prime minister’s powers are even greater than a president’s in that he can control the executive, the legislature and, if he is in power long enough, the judiciary.”²³

With these thoughts in mind, what therefore is the basis of Brian Mulroney’s new found anti–Americanism? It is the same old error that lurks behind his erstwhile pseudo–Americanism: Because of his French chauvinism, Mulroney is unable to draw the rational distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history. For this same reason, as we shall see, free trade and NAFTA was watered–down under Brian Mulroney and the criminal ruling class in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

What is the Québec Inc? The Québec Inc is the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québécocentric ruling class that destroyed the old British Imperialists of the generation of Lester Pearson, and also the rising Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker, by destroying the Union nationale and replacing it with the Parti Québécois. At the very center of the Québec Inc is the web of Paul Desmarais, which is today a Bombardier ruling class: The Hydro–Québec is therefore the ultimate bastion of Québec Inc power.

René Lévesque: “The Hydro–Québec controls the economy of Québec.”²⁴

The Hydro–Québec is used (1) to reward the backers of the Québec Regime with special energy deals, and to punish their enemies with lack thereof; (2) the Hydro–Québec is used to exploit the energy infrastructure and public works projects of federal and provincial Québécocentric ruling classes in the rest of Canada and abroad, often with the help of organized crime in the construction industry; (3) in the name of the Hydro–Québec, the Québec Regime wages political and economic warfare against the finance, commerce and industry of the oil and gas sector, especially in Western Canada; and lastly, (4) the Hydro–Québec therefore is used to dominate the Canadian energy industry, especially in Ontario, but also in Newfoundland and the Maritimes, as well as in British Columbia and Western Canada. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the backbone of the Québec Inc and the web of Paul Desmarais:

“The Power Corporation, the conglomerate which is controlled by Paul Desmarais, was able to infiltrate the highest levels of the Québec Government: Executives of the Power Corporation are also executives of the Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, vice–president of the board of the Power Corporation, has sat on the board of the Hydro–Québec.”²⁵

In 1993, under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Richard Drouin and the Hydro–Québec International directly invest public money with Paul Desmarais in Asia, some $66–million is invested in Power Financial Group in China, because “Hydro–Québec has unequaled expertise in hydro–electrical projects.”²⁶

Under the Québécocentric ruling class in Queen’s Park, Ontario Hydro directly invests public money with Paul Desmarais:

“[Maurice Strong] who in the 1960’s first uplifted the Power Corporation even before Paul Desmarais was in charge, also controlled the Ontario Hydro from 1992 until 1995 … in 1993, on the 6 October in Peking, Paul Desmarais and Maurice Strong announced the creation of the multinational consortium, the Asia Power Group, with combined investments of $100–million.”²⁷

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney turns a blind–eye to Paul Desmarais’ massive corruption, because Mulroney himself is in the trough: “Early in 1994 he [Mulroney] accompanied Power Corporation’s Paul Desmarais to China to advise him on the corporation’s role in the massive Three Gorges Dam hydroelectric project with Ontario Hydro and Hydro–Québec, as well as a $60–million real estate development in the Pudong region of China near Shanghai. Mulroney was extremely well compensated by Power Corporation for his assistance.”²⁸

The Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec (the Québec Pension Plan) directly invests massive amounts of public funds over the decades in the Power Corporation:

“The Québec Pension Plan has invested large amounts of public funds over the years in the Power Corporation: This money is the basis of Power Financial’s smashing success. Ever since April 1984, whether in good times or bad, the Québec Pension Plan has not only maintained its support of Paul Desmarais, but even increased public investments in the Power Corporation beyond $370–million. On the 31 December 2007, the Québec Pension Plan had shares in the Power Financial Corporation worth some $213–million.”²⁹

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Hydro–Québec and the Québec Inc is therefore the result of the constant and perpetual support of the Canadian taxpayers, and mostly from the very heavy taxation of English Canada, especially as Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique: The Québec Inc is therefore a moribund system of outdated monopolies, backwards cartels and corrupt trusts.

For this reason, the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, is the mortal enemy of the oil and gas industry in Canada and the United States, at least for the very most part, in order to protect the Hydro–Québec:

“The Hydro–Québec has an energy surplus since electricity prices are falling in the United States … the aggressive development of natural gas in America has forced the Hydro–Québec to sell its electricity very cheaply and in very large quantities to the United States in order to pay for construction of its new dams. The energy surplus of the Hydro–Québec and the drop in exportation prices promises to be a major headache for Pierre Karl ­Péladeau the newly appointed president of the board … ‘the Hydro-Québec is guilty of dumping electricity outside of Québec — an historical amount of about 10% to 15% of all the electricity consumed in Québec is now on the spot market!’ …‘Now the Hydro–Québec must sell massive quantities of electricity to pay for the dams and stations that were once constructed for export markets’ … Péladeau is also vice–president of the board of Québécor Média, which controls Sun Media, and owns Le Journal de Montréal and Le Journal de Québec.”³⁰

Who now runs the Hydro–Québec? “Less than two weeks after having left his job as top executive at Bombardier, Éric Martel has been appointed president and general director of the Hydro–Québec … In 2014, the provincial Crown Corporation made record profits of $3.38–Billion, which amounts to a $2.53–Billion payout to the Québec government — the biggest in the history of Hydro–Québec.”³¹

What exactly are some of the political and economic connexions between the Power Corporation and Bombardier under the Québec Regime in Ottawa?

“The Power Corporation of Canada has seventeen board members, namely, Pierre Beaudoin, Laurent Dassault, André Desmarais, Paul Desmarais, Paul Desmarais Junior, Paul Fribourg [US Government], Anthony R.M. Graham [See: William Carvel Graham], Robert Gratton [Government of Canada], the very honorable Donald Frank Mazankowski [Government of Canada], Jerry Edgar Allan Nickerson, James R. Nininger [Revenue Canada], Robert Jeffrey Orr [See: Robert Orr, Government of Canada], Robert Parizeau [Quebec Government], Michel Plessis–Bélair [Québec Government], John A. Rae [the brother of Bob Rae the Premier of Ontario, Government of Ontario and Government of Canada], Amaury–Daniel de Sèze [French Government] and Emöke Jolan Erzsebet Szathmáry [Government of Canada] … Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, there exists direct relations between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation: Laurent Beaudoin, André Berard, J.R. André Bombardier, Janine Bombardier, L. Denis Desautels [Government of Canada], Jean–Louis Fontaine, Jane F. Garvey [Federal Aviation Administration, Obama Administration], Daniel Johnson [the younger], Jean C. Monty [Nortel, Bell, Alcatel-Lucent], André Navarri [Association des industries ferroviaires européennes], Carlos Eduardo Represas [Bombardier Mexico, Latin American Business Council], Jean–Pierre Rosso [US Government], Federico Sada González [Mexican Government, ITESM], Heinrich Weiss [German Government] … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”³²

Federalists and anti-federalists alike in Québec are therefore Québécocentrists: They serve, first and foremost, the interests of the Québec Inc. Followers of the FLQ are sidelined as terrorists and radicals in Québec, because they attract the unwanted attention and ire of Uncle Sam. French chauvinism is the Québécocentrists’ ideological weapon of choice. What is their main strategy? They work to keep Canadocentric forces weak. For this very reason Canada is infected with regionalism. The francophone populations in Manitoba, Ontario and the Maritimes are the essential puppets of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, without which Hydro–Québec, the backbone of Québécocentricism, will collapse. The provincial debt of Québec costs more than $10–Billion every year in interest payments and is rising at an alarming rate: Without Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique in Ottawa, the Government of Québec will sell–off Hydro–Québec in order to meet its financial obligations.³³ As in Ontario with the Hydro One file, under Kathleen Wynne and the Québec Regime in Toronto, the sale of provincial government assets will greatly enrich the Québécocentric élites of the Québec Inc.

How do the Québécocentrists keep themselves and the Hydro–Québec afloat? Despite their statements to the contrary (which are political falsehoods), and their intricate theatrics (which are political vaudeville), they keep Québec out of the Canadian constitution, which is the raison d’être of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada: By keeping Québec out of the constitution, the Québec Regime fans the flames of anti–federalism, which ensures that nearly half of the Québec vote will remain in the hands of the Québécocentrics.³⁴ The Québécocentric ruling classes in Vancouver, Toronto and Montréal are therefore also the indispensable tools of Québec Regime power: For this reason organized crime is also their necessary weapon, which explains why they have often turned a blind–eye over the decades to the lucrative drug trade of the Rizzuto crime family. Like Trudeau, Chretien and Martin, under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney is a Québécocentrist:

“Domtar is a large Québec–based pulp and paper company that is 45 percent owned by the government of Québec through two provincially owned investment companies. In 1984 it made a profit of almost $90 million. Early in 1985 Domtar approached the Québec and federal governments with a request for approximately $200 million in grants to help finance a $1.2 billion modernization program for its fine-paper manufacturing plant at Windsor, Québec … On April 5, a deal was announced: The Québec government’s Société de développement industrielle would lend Domtar $150 million, to be repaid over ten years, and Ottawa and Québec would pay the interest on the loan on a fifty/fifty basis. Québec would also give Domtar a $21 million grant. The deal would cost Ottawa about $38 million.”³⁵

Meanwhile, Brian Mulroney allowed White Farm Equipment, an Ontario–based company, to fail.³⁶

In 1985 Mulroney said: “Our system of social programs, our commitment to fight regional disparities, our unique cultural identity, our special linguistic character — these are the essence of Canada. They are not at issue in these [free trade] negotiations.”³⁷ This is an admirable and worthy statement of our national interests, when forwarded by the statecraft of a superior ruling class. In the hands of the criminal ruling class the statement is a weapon of Québécocentric oppression, tyranny and enslavement, namely, Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada. Indeed, this Québécocentric policy was used to water–down free trade and NAFTA under Brian Mulroney and the inferior ruling class, in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Free trade and the North American Free Trade Agreement was not the brain child of Brian Mulroney, but rather the work of Ronald Reagan, the great American Idealist: Mulroney liked to take credit for Reaganism in order to hoodwink Canadians into voting for him: The Québec Regime made free trade into a major federal election issue, when there is no real issue about our Anglo–Saxon traditions of political and economic freedom. They did so in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Canadians were held hostage by the Québec Regime once more, because a vote against Mulroney was made into a vote against rational political and economic order, when in fact the reverse is true: Free trade and NAFTA was watered–down in order to protect the Québec Inc. For this reason we have had many softwood lumber disputes with the United States over the decades, while Canada is handicapped by “supply management,” among other things:

“B.C. dairy farmers were restricted by federal marketing agencies to exporting only 3 per cent of all the cheese manufactured in Canada in order to protect cheese factories in Ontario and Québec; B.C. dairies were thus forced to pour thousands of gallons of milk down the sewer … B.C. has 11 per cent of Canada’s population yet is restricted by Ottawa to producing 3 per cent of the country’s cheese.”³⁸

The real election issue was ignored by an electorate enslaved by our Québécocentric media, namely, the vast political and economic corruption over the years at the hands of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, resultant in the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of Canada at the behest of the Québec Inc. Mulroney and Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique hide behind the mask of free trade and NAFTA, as pseudo–rational political and economic order. When all is said and done, Mulroney was just another Trudeau in disguise, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais, a political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime. Isn’t that so, Baie–Comeau?

Where did Brian Mulroney get his profound Québécocentricism? “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”³⁹

The “Red Tory” connexions to Paul Desmarais’ so–called conservatisme is evidenced in his strong support over the years of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Party, as well as his strong support over the years of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (of which he was a great beneficiary). Desmarais was also one of the most powerful backers of the Liberal Party of Canada under Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The “French Canadian conservatism” of Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais is therefore most certainly at odds with the American conservative legacy of Ronald Reagan and the North American Free Trade Agreement:

“[Brian Mulroney] said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”⁴⁰

Québécocentric conservatives are very cozy with organized labor in Québec because their very expensive polices are offset by the Lion’s Share of federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash that comes mostly from the heavy taxation of English Canada, while the Québec unions like the FTQ Construction keep the anglophone “socialists” (the New Democratic Party from Ontario and Western Canada) out of the Québec Inc. Organized labor in Québec therefore is a lynch–pin of Québécocratic domination in Ottawa.

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European Raison d’État: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”⁴¹ Shall we forget to mention the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man” like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”⁴²

As in the Francophonie and the Communauté, French chauvinists in Canada harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all, or nearly all, of the power for themselves and their families, and live as in France or as in French North America, because (as they hold) the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, or that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing: In fact, they are really francophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and such scatology as La Presse, namely, the Québécocentric media in Canada.⁴³ The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Paul Desmarais, Pierre Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and many other Québec Regimers into very rich men and women, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive.⁴⁴

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner. In other words, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin were greatly enriched by the many political and economic divisions they created and promoted, but these same divisions have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada over the years, in the name of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, which means the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash.

Today, thanks to the Québec Regime in Toronto and a half century of their political and economic irrationalism in the finance, commerce and industry of the economic heartland of Canada, Ontario is now a have–not province. In varying degrees of intensity, the same political and economic contagion of modern European Raison d’État is evidenced in Western Canada and the Maritimes, as well as in Québec.

The gas tank needs to be refilled: The Mulroney family fortune is on the wane, we surmise, after a half century of political and economic gluttony. The gas tank needs to be refilled: These Québec Regimers have stuffed their bloated financial, commercial and industrial snouts with filet mignon and caviar at the public buffet for a very long time now. Shall we forget to mention the expensive champagne, fine wines and rare cognacs? Not at all, dear reader, not at all. Feast your eyes upon the orgy of corruption and criminality under the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, the infamy and iniquity of a satanic ruling class. Their gas tanks are nearly emptied.

The Québécocentrics want to be in the driver’s seat of the NAFTA re–negotiations. For this reason Mulroney and his creatures will ensure the new leader of the federal conservatives is weak: Trudeau will then get his second mandate. The new NAFTA will therefore be renegotiated by Québécocentrics like Jean Charest, Raymond Chrétien and André Desmarais (from behind the scenes), and will be mostly in favor of the Québec Inc, especially in the energy sector, and which will therefore increase and intensify the powerful Canadocentric forces of South Central Ontario (which holds a large accumulation): The Government of Premier Kathleen Wynne is therefore being sacrificed upon the blood–stained alter of fédéralisme asymétrique. An increase and intensification of Canadocentric forces means the power of Canadocentricism is on the rise: The rate of magnification is therefore bound to increase and accelerate under the dynamism of the world historical political and economic determinations unleashed in the first decade of the 21st century, but which date back to the end of the Cold War. The political and economic potency of this dynamic is evidenced in the demise of the TPP, the dissolution of the European Union, and the re–negotiation of the NAFTA.

In the carbolic acid bubble–bath of Americanism therefore, slowly and surely these blood–sucking ticks, fleas and lice are falling–away from our body politic; these insects and vermin are the death–knell of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. Canada can surely rejoice at their destruction: Our abused and debased financial, commercial and industrial institutions are being reinvigorated once more — under the floodtide of Americanism in the world!

Now that the Québec Regime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old regimes before them, they are condemned to pass-away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower. When it comes therefore to Americanism and the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world of today, Brian Mulroney is an almighty ignoramus.

“Beware of Maya, the veil of deception that covers the eyes of mortals, and causes them to see a world of which one can say neither that it is, or that it is not, because it is a dream.”

ENDNOTES

1. Jean Lesage, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, Québec, 1962, 169–180.

Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, By Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget [1968], que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.” Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

2. See: “Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’” Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney honoré par la France,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité Politique, 17 novembre 2016.

3. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible.” Ibidem.

4. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale.” Ibidem.

See: “L’ancien premier ministre canadien Brian Mulroney recevra, le 6 décembre prochain, la Légion d’honneur de France à l’occasion d’une cérémonie officielle qui se tiendra à Ottawa. M. Mulroney deviendra le ‘premier chef de gouvernement’ canadien à recevoir les insignes de Commandeur dans l’Ordre national de la Légion d’honneur. ‘Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale,’ a écrit dans une déclaration écrite un porte-parole de l’Ambassade de France au Canada, Éric Navel. Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’” Ibidem.

5. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 1.

See: “In 1914, he [Louis St. Laurent] became a professor of law at Laval University … St. Laurent ranked as one of the top Canadian authorities on constitutional law. From 1937 to 1939, he served as senior counsel of the Royal Commission on Federalism.” Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis S. St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada, 1948–1957,” The World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1971, 36a.

See finally: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the geographical and historical division between old England and continental Europe; this is his version of the influential geographical and historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called classic liberalism and modern socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between constitutional monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France.

Wilfrid Laurier, with his distinction, thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve capitalism (modern society) from revolutionism and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. But Napoléon III, who is no political and economic friend of classic liberty, also opposes the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. Does Wilfrid Laurier therefore really and truly belong in the camp of the classic liberalism and modern capitalism of the industrial revolution, otherwise, does he belong in the camp of financial, commercial and industrial retardation and degeneration, like Napoléon III?

Karl Marx the most dangerous revolutionary of the age lived out his days in England. Wilfrid Laurier ignores this historical fact, evident even in his own time, during the last half of the 19th century: In the rising revolt of the masses there are very famous anarchists and revolutionists in Great Britain and the English–speaking world, whose influence is working to destroy modern society, and who are themselves the “most dangerous of men,” otherwise at least as dangerous as the modern revolutionists of France, Italy and Germany. Even in 1877 these men and women are making their presence felt in the very bowels of the great powers of the Western world, in London, Berlin, Vienna and Moscow. Thus Laurier’s political and economic conception of modern liberty, his proof of his so–called Whig Liberalism, based on the geographical and historical distinction between the “classic land of liberty” and the “nations of continental Europe” is specious and therefore merely verbal, because it does not rule out Bonapartism and Imperial Liberalism, which is certainly not classical liberalism, but is “autocracy founded on popular consent” (H.A.L. Fisher), which we point out is not contradictory to the 20th century autocracy found in the dictatorship of the proletariat, namely the power of the people and tyranny of the masses.

Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal its conceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Either Wilfrid Laurier is in the camp of dangerous men, otherwise he is in the camp of Bonapartism: Thus instead of the side of the industrial revolution, he ends on the side of the French revolution, unless Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant are the philosophical progenitors of rational political and economic order in modern European history: The political and economic history of the British Empire and the rise of Globalism tells a different tale. Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

We know the true political and economic colors of Wilfrid Laurier: When faced with the stark choice of preserving modern society and old England, convulsed under the powers of irrationalism and revolutionism, Laurier sided in the end with those men like Louis Riel whose “principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”

Wilfrid Laurier is therefore no Cartesian but rather a Kantian: “Man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body … its actions can never equal its conceptions.” After a half–century of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, modern European political and economic irrationalism is no longer alien to many English–speaking Canadians. But in the world of today, modernity is replaced by Americanism, which is the refutation of modern unreason in the world historical realm of Global politics and economics.

The modern irrationalists are passing–away.

6. Ibidem, 47–48. The delegates: Murray G. Ballantyne, Jean-Jacques Bertrand, Marcel Chaput, Douglas Fisher, Eugene Forsey, Edmund Davie Fulton, Maurice Lamontagne, André Laurendeau, Jean Lesage, René Lévesque, James R. Mallory, Michael Oliver, Gérard Pelletier and Mason Wade.

See: “A movement was taking shape in the province that favoured an end to the federal pact and the creation of an independent Québec …The most credible of the new groups was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Coalition for National Independence), headed by a federal civil servant with the Defense Research Board, Dr. Marcel Chaput … the organizers succeeded in staging the conference and assembled an impressive cast: Lesage, Wade, Laurendeau, Chaput, provincial Natural Resource Minister René Lévesque.” Ibidem, 47–51.

7. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant-propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6: “Les delegués de langue anglaise ont été plongés dans un milieu qui temoigne activement de la révolution intellectuelle qui agite le Canada français … ils ont du prendre conscience, parfois brutalement, des difficulties auxquelles les Canadiens, anglais ou francais, ont a faire face, dans le systeme confédératif, et de la tendance separatiste qui apparait, a certains Canadiens français, comme une solution plus realiste que la Confédération … il n’est pas possible de determiner quelle influence le Congres des Affaires canadiennes peut avoir sur l’évolution des relations anglo-françaises au Canada mais nous savons mieux, maintenant, qu’un dialogue franc et ouvert permet d’attendre beaucoup de l’avenir.”

8. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 45–47.

9. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant-propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6.

10. Ibidem, 49–50.

And what about the deep and abiding sense of insult that Canadians feel with regards to the stolen $Billions from the treasury of Canada, thanks to the Rizzuto crime family’s fifty year reign of terror in the construction industry, which Laval is the centerpiece, and the Port of Montréal drug traffic, one of the main lynch-pins of Québec Regime power? Brian Mulroney protected corrupt politicians and organized crime: “Brian Mulroney, in order to protect his master and the emerging ‘Desmarais System,’ refused to uproot massive political corruption at the highest level, and he threatened to wreck the Cliche Commission unless he got his own way.” Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Brian Mulroney: Right Hand Man of Paul Desmarais, Medium, 2017.

See: “As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unravelled extended beyond inter–union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan–sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.” Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.

See also: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography,

The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow-up to Choquette.’

On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star-chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled ‘That it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’” L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montreal/Kingston, 2002, 286.

See also: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. The commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’” Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 41–42.

See finally: “Quebec Liberal Leader Robert Bourassa seemed happy to have his provincial troops work for Mulroney federally.” Charles Lynch, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, Toronto, 1984, ix.

11. Brian Mulroney in Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 50.

12. Rae Murphy, Ibidem, 51.

See: “Inside the Conservative party, the anti–Diefenbaker element saw themselves as ‘progressives,’ and their goal, at least in the beginning, was not so much ousting Diefenbaker as changing the face of the party. First and foremost, this meant creating a responsiveness within the party to the demands of the new Quebec [Québécocentricism]. As a Tory student leader at Laval, Brian Mulroney was one of the ‘progressives.’”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1984, 85.

See finally: “In September, 1959, Premier Duplessis flew to the iron ore port of Sept–Îles, 150 kilometres downriver from Baie–Comeau, and then north to the iron–mining company town of Schefferville on the Labrador border. There he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and died four days later in the Iron Ore Company of Canada guest house … William Bennett, the president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, a former executive assistant to C.D. Howe and head of a number of Howe’s crown corporations, became a patron of the young lawyer [Brian Mulroney]. Bennett introduced him around town and surprised him one Christmas with a huge television set. He eventually groomed Mulroney to be his successor at Iron Ore.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 43–61.

13. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 45: “Laval graduates were, in Mason Wade’s words, ‘the true makers of the Quiet Revolution.’”

14. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 16: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”

That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot advance anti–federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no proof that Desmarais is not the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and that therefore he was not the biggest crook of them all: That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot are not very good political philosophers does not mean that therefore they are equally bad Québec Régime historians. Insofar as they have opened the road to a higher conception of Canada and the Canadian people in world history, they are important historiographers like Peter Charles Newman and Conrad Black. The passage forward was first discovered and fully exploited by the late Dave Greber of Calgary, a son of Holocaust survivors, the greatest pioneer of the exact historiography of the Québec Regime in the 20th century, the fountainhead of the rational conception of Canada in the world of today. Dave Greber of Alberta was no stranger to the political and economic satanism of modern European raison d’Etat:

“Sometimes it was everyone and everything they lost. So I was not David Greber, but my father’s brothers Romek and Moishe and Adamek, and his father David; my brother wasn’t Harvey, but Herschel, my mother’s beloved brother, or Aharon, her father; my sisters were named for our grandmothers and aunts Sarah and Leah and Bella and Molly, loved ones our parents last saw when they were eighteen and were being separated for transportation to camps from which they never emerged. Representing six million dead is a grave responsibility, and a terrible burden for a child to carry.” Dave Greber in Natan P.F. Kellermann, Holocaust Trauma: Psychological Effects and Treatment, New York, 2009, 73.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 48.

See finally: “I was very aware of my francophone roots. I had been educated in French and had grown up with francophone friends … The Quiet Revolution resonated deeply within me … Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’ … this is especially true of Québec, with its unique challenge as a province with a majority French-speaking population in the midst of English-speaking North America … I grew up in the middling space between the ‘two nations,’ speaking English at home but being educated in French as a boy because of the depth of my father’s feelings about his francophone roots.” Paul Martin, Ibidem, 39–167.

Paul Martin Jr., who has spent his political life in Québec (LaSalle-Émard), in the service of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc., is a Québéckocentrist and not a Canadocentrist: As a Québec Regimer, the mind of Paul Martin Jr. is therefore deeply infected with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The political and economic satanism of Paul Martin Jr. is proved by the Tainted-Blood Scandal, the Sponsorship Scandal and the 1995 Cuts. Paul Martin Jr. is another political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy,” (Martin, Ibidem, 19). The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics,” Ibidem, 18.

15. Kelsey Johnson, “The Sprout: Mulroney Issues Warning on American Protectionism,” iPolitics, 3 February 2017.

See: “What we can’t do is stick our heads in the sand … and hope the protectionist measures down in Washington will abate on their own, and we can hide off somewhere. It’s not going to happen.” Brian Mulroney in Gordon Kent, “Canadians Shouldn’t Ignore Trade Danger From American Protectionism, Brian Mulroney Warns,” Edmonton Journal, 2 February 2017.

16. Brian Mulroney in Ethan Lou, “Former PM Brian Mulroney Slams Trump’s Plan to Scrap NAFTA, Predicts His Defeat,” BNN, 6 September 2016.

17. Brian Mulroney in John Ibbitson, “NAFTA Will Survive Threat From Donald Trump, Brian Mulroney Says,” The Globe and Mail, 4 September 2016.

18. See: “[Modernity] will invariably corrode the power of traditional elites, particularly that of the clergy … Modernity is a powerful revolutionary force … America has long presented a vision of the future, albeit a blurred one, to the intellectuals of the world … This study explores the intellectual history of Canadian-American relations … it does not focus on specific events … this thematic method avoids some of the pitfalls of more biographical or event-based methods of intellectual history.” Damien–Claude Bélanger, “Introduction,” Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945, Toronto, 2011.

The weak mind of Damien–Claude Bélanger suffers from the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, which causes him to see a blurred vision of America: Bélanger will never accept that what he names “modernity” is surpassed in universal history, in the birth of Globalism and world civilization. Wherefore? Bélanger will never abandon modern European Raison d’État, which is why he avoids world history altogether. Damien–Claude Bélanger is a Québec Regime idéologue who wants to replace the rational conception of Americanism in Canada with Bonapartism: He cannot therefore understand that since the formation of the Continental United States, revolutionism is anathema in Washington, especially since the American Civil War, unless the revolution is in far-away lands, in the midst of anti-American ruling classes. Damien–Claude Bélanger’s modern conception of Canada is therefore outdated in the world of today. Indeed, Bélanger maintains that his ideas “explore” intellectual history, but his own thematic method is not beyond the realm of world history and the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The republican system … is without doubt the very best, because unlike the hereditary one, it cannot bring forth rulers and pontiffs who are ignorant, vulgar and even criminals.” Jean–Baptiste Rouilliard, Annexion conférence: L’Union continentale, Montréal, 1893, 13: “Le système républicain appliqué en religion comme en politique, possède une supériorité indéniable, indiscutable, car il ne pourrait, comme l’hérédité, donner des chefs ou des pontifes ignorants, vulgaires, criminels même, comme le furent certains Czars de Russie, des sultans de Turquie et même quelques rois d’Angleterre.”

Napoléon Bonaparte, the republican Emperor of France, was not a criminal? His many victims in Europe, Russia and Egypt have disagreed: Certainly he spent his last years incarcerated in prison. In other words, Napoléon Bonaparte was an intelligent and refined criminal, but he was a diabolical ruler all the same. Of course, the science of world history draws the rational distinction between modern European and American ruling classes, in the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity. Wherefore? Washington is the American superpower.

19. Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu 1689–1755, Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains, et de leur décadence, nouvelle édition, Lyon, 1805, 102–103: “Il n’y a rien au monde de si contradictoire que le plan des Romains et celui des Barbares; et pour n’en dire qu’un mot, le premier étoit l’ouvrage de la force, l’autre de la foiblesse; dans l’un, la sujétion étoit extreme; dans l’autre, l’indépendance: Dans les pays conquis par les nations Germaniques, le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.”

See also: “La vraie est une union d’harmonie, qui fait que toutes les parties quelque, opposées qu’elles nous paroissent, concourent au bien général de la société, comme des dissonnances dans la musique concourent à l’accord total. Il peut y avoir de l’union dans un état où l’on ne croit voir que du trouble; c’est-à-dire une harmonie d’où résulte le bonheur qui seul est la vraie paix. Il en est comme des parties de cet Univers, éternellement liées par l’action des unes et la réaction des autres. Mais dans l’accord du despotisme Asiatique, c’est-à-dire de tout gouvernement qui n’est pas modéré, il y a toujours une division réelle; le laboureur, l’homme de guerre, le négociant, le magistrat, le noble ne sont joints que parce que les uns oppriment les autres sans résistance: Et si l’on y voit de l’union, ce ne sont pas des citoyens qui sont unis, mais des corps morts ensevelis les uns auprès des autres.” Ibidem, 132.

Décadence is mortal corruption, according to Montesquieu, the disintegration of Western civilization, which is the result of barbarism, is the work of inferior ruling classes, namely, despotisme Asiatique. In the first editions of the great works of his lifetime, Hegel also conceives of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes and the disintegration of Western civilization (like Montesquieu) in terms of unity and opposition, albeit in pure Hegelian fashion:

“Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude [die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit] of these minds, and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement … The declining nation [aus jenes Volk] has lost the interest of the absolute; it may indeed absorb the higher principle positively and begin building its life on it, but the principle is only like an adopted child, not like a relative to whom its ties are immanently vital and vigorous. Perhaps it loses its autonomy, or it may still exist, or drag out its existence, as a particular state or a group of states and involve itself without rhyme or reason in manifold enterprises at home and battles abroad.”

Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, §§340–347A, 342–347: “Die Prinzipien der Volksgeister sind um ihrer Besonderheit willen, in der sie als existierende Individuen ihre objektive Wirklichkeit und ihr Selbstbewußtsein haben, überhaupt beschränkte, und ihre Schicksale und Taten in ihrem Verhältnisse zueinander sind die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit dieser Geister, aus welcher der allgemeine Geist, der Geist der Welt, als unbeschränkt ebenso sich hervorbringt, als er es ist, der sein Recht, — und sein Recht ist das allerhöchste, — an ihnen in der Weltgeschichte, als dem Weltgerichte, ausübt … Eine Periode, von welcher aus jenes Volk das absolute Interesse verloren hat, das höhere Prinzip zwar dann auch positiv in sich aufnimmt und sich hineinbildet, aber darin als in einem Empfangenen nicht mit immanenter Lebendigkeit und Frische sich verhält, — vielleicht seine Selbständigkeit verliert, vielleicht auch sich als besonderer Staat oder ein Kreis von Staaten fortsetzt oder fortschleppt und in mannigfaltigen inneren Versuchen und äußeren Kämpfen nach Zufall herumschlägt.”

20. Anonymous, “Karl Rosenkranz: The Life of Hegel,” The Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review, 20.4(October, 1848): 575–586.

21. See: “That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for this doctrine in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand, namely, as the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic: ‘Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe … Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European Raison d’État. One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism … In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history. From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?’” Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Stronghold of Hegel: Modern Enemies of Plato and Hegel, Medium, 2016–2017.

22. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, Vorrede: “Dies, was der Begriff lehrt, zeigt notwendig ebenso die Geschichte, daß erst in der Reife der Wirklichkeit das ideale dem Realen gegenüber erscheint und jenes sich dieselbe Welt, in ihrer Substanz erfaßt, in Gestalt eines intellektuellen Reichs erbaut.”

23. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 134.

24. “Hydro–Québec est le navire amiral de l’économie québécoise.” René Lévesque in Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 19.

See: “Hydro–Quebec, a provincial Crown Corporation, is Canada’s largest electric utility and, judged by assets ($25 billion in 1983), Canada’s largest corporation. More than 95 % of its production is from renewable hydroelectricity. First created as a legal entity in 1944, Hydro–Québec did not become a major force until the early 1960s. René Lévesque then resources minister to the Liberal government of Jean Lesage, oversaw the nationalization of the province’s larger private electrical utilities. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Parti Québécois governments led by Lévesque further reorganized Hydro–Québec. The utility enjoys formidable economic advantages: Once dams are in place, operating costs are very low; furthermore, it has a contract to buy power from the Churchill Falls project in Labrador at 1969 prices until the year 2041. Hydro–Québec can thus underbid Ontario Hydro in the US export market, provide cheap power within Québec and still pay a dividend to the provincial government.” André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 853.

See finally: “The main drawbacks of conventional, large–scale hydroelectric power are the initial high capital cost, the long construction period and the environmental effects of flooding.” Edward W. Humphrys, “Hydroelectricity,” Ibidem, 853–854.

25. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 15: “Power Corporation, la société que controle Paul Desmarais, était parvenue à s’immiscer aux niveaux les plus élevés de l’appareil décisionnel du Québec, au point meme d’etre représentée au conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, le vice–president du conseil d’administration de Power Corporation, siege en effet à celui d’Hydro–Québec.”

See: “The aim of this meeting concerns the question of the transportation of electrical energy over long distances between the provinces. From our vantage point, this question is a purely provincial matter … The province of Québec, though determined to use its natural resources for its own development, welcomes mutually beneficial inter-provincial agreements, but in this matter Québec will not be subjected to any federal authority whatsoever [la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral].”

Jean Lesage (1962) in Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 31: “Cette conférence aurait pour objet une discussion sur le transport à longue distance de l’énergie électrique entre les provinces. Nous considérons cette question de jurisdiction provinciale … La province de Québec, tout en étant déterminée à utiliser ses richesses naturelles pour favoriser son développement économique, est bien disposée à faire avec ses provinces soeurs des arrangements d’interêt mutuel mais elle n’entend pas accepter de le faire sous la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral.”

By the phrase, “la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral,” Jean Lesage means the Canadian statecraft of the British Imperialistic ruling class of the generation of Lester Pearson as well as the Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker: The political and economic power struggle between ruling classes in Canada is also the clash between the owners of White and Black Gold. For this reason the Hydro-Québec is the ultimate bastion of Québec Regime power: Its tentacles are the lifeblood of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The division of power under Canadian federalism [Québec Regime in Ottawa], whereby provinces control the development of natural resources and the federal government controls their export, has reduced the possibility of formulating national electrical policies. The federal Department of Natural Resources Canada and Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982, asserts that trade in electricity and the installation of international transmission lines is subject to the prevalence of federal jurisdiction (with concurent federal and provincial powers over interprovincial trade), whereas the planning, development, and distribution of hydroelectric resources within the provinces is the responsibility of each province.”

Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 51.

26. “Hydro–Québec possedait une expertise inegalee en centrales hydroelectriques.” Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

27. “[Maurice Strong] qui avait prepare le terrain chez Power Corporation dans les annees 1960 avant que Paul Desmarais n’en prenne le controle, a dirige les destinees d’Ontario Hydro de 1992 a 1995 … le 6 octobre [1993], a Beijing, Paul Desmarais et Maurice Strong ont annonce la creation du consortium Asia Power Group inc., reunissant un fonds de depart de 100 millions de dollars.” Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

28. Stevie Cameron, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, Toronto, 1994, 482–483.

29. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 112: “La Caisse a ainsi investi beaucoup d’argent a long terme pour permettre a Power Corporation de lancer sa tres important filiale financiere. Depuis avril 1984, bon an mal an, la Caisse a non seulement maintenu cet investissement a long terme, mais elle l’a fait passer parfois a plus de 370 millions de dollars. Et au 31 decembre 2007, la Caisse detenait des actions de la Financiere Power d’une valeur de pres de 213 millions de dollars.”

See: “Both the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the Quebec pension fund manager, and Paul Desmarais’ Power Corp. expressed an interest in buying CP.” Dianne Maley, “CP Must Stay in Canadian Hands,” Winnipeg Free Press, 1 August 1989, 22.

See also: “Quebec’s $14–billion pension fund is ‘negotiating’ to buy Place Bonaventure, a major downtown Montreal commercial property worth about $100 million. A spokesman for the fund, the Caisse de depot et placement du Quebec, confirmed yesterday that the Caisse is negotiating but that both parties ‘have agreed to not to make details public.’ Place Bonaventure is owned by Great–West Life Assurance Co. of Winnipeg, one of the companies controlled by Montreal financier Paul Desmarais through his Power Corp. of Canada. The Caisse, which administers Quebecers’ contributions to the province’s pension plan, has Canada’s biggest single stock portfolio. But it said in its last annual report that it wants to increase its real–estate holdings.” Anonymous, “Newsline,” Winnipeg Free Press, 3 June 1982, 39.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] also arranged an option to buy another 4 million shares, or 5.6 per cent, of Canadian Pacific for $216 million from the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the provincial pension fund manager.” Andrew H. Malcolm, “Power Play for CP Still in Cards,” Winnipeg Free Press, 10 September 1981, 64.

See also: “The Quebec government a couple of weeks ago placed $100 million of its bonds with the Quebec Pension Plan … The $100 million placement was more or less bracketed by the sale of two blocks of equity — $5.7 million worth of Loeb common shares to Provigo and, more recently, $25.7 million worth of Power Corp. common and prefered shares to Paul Desmarais.” John Meyer, “Economic Comment: Que. Relying More on Pension Plan for Funds,” Winnipeg Free Press: Business and Finance, 20 July 1977, 43.

See also: “At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at La Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few. The second of these mega–summits would be held nearly two years later at Montebello, Québec, from the 14th to the 16th of March 1979.”

Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc., ; le second doit se tenir a Montebello, du 14 au 16 mars 1979.”

See also: “Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.” Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

See also: “Premier Pierre Marc Johnson yesterday unveiled a blue–ribbon task force of top business leaders that will study ways to help set up young people in business, then denied it was an election ploy. At a news conference, Johnson said the seven–man group — led by Power Corp. Ltd., chairman Paul Desmarais — will report by Christmas on the specifics of a youth investment corporation that would front risk capital for new businesses’ launched by Quebecers … ‘Paul Desmarais doesn’t have the reputation of being PQ,’ said Quebecor president Pierre Peladeau, another task force member … ‘If people take it (as an election ploy), it’s their mistake,’ added Power Corp. financial adviser Roland Giroux, a former Hydro–Quebec president, who represented the reclusive Desmarais … Also on the task force are Bombardier Inc. chairman Laurent Beaudoin, Lavalin Inc. president Bernard Lamarre, Alcan vice–president Pierre Laurin.” Anonymous, “PQ Unveils Business Task Force,” Winnipeg Free Press, 22 October 1985, 10.

See finally: “During my time there, the Québec Pension Plan [la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, CDPQ] became a very big player in the economy of Québec, resultant from the millions in contributions from Québéckers. I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Québec Pension Plan: Our investments were very much determined by political considerations … The Québec Pension Plan secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers are impoverished.”

Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y réussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivité québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

30. Michel Morin, “Ventes aux États-Unis: Hydro–Québec vend son électricité au rabais,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité, 13 mai 2013: “La société d’État a des surplus énergétiques, au moment où le prix de l’électricité est en chute aux États–Unis … L’exploitation agressive du gaz de schiste aux États–Unis force Hydro–Québec à vendre son électricité au rabais et en grande quantité aux Américains pour payer ses nouveaux barrages. Les surplus engrangés par la société d’État, combinés à la chute du prix à l’exportation, risquent d’être le premier casse–tête du nouveau président du conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec, Pierre Karl ­Péladeau … ‘On assiste à un véritable dumping par Hydro–Québec de l’électricité sur les marchés d’exportation. C’est 10 % à 15 % de toute l’énergie consommée au Québec qui se retrouve sur le marché spot, du jamais vu!’ … ‘On doit vendre aujourd’hui des quantités phénoménales d’énergie pour payer les barrages et les centrales qu’on a construits en fonction des marchés d’exportation’ … Pierre Karl Péladeau est aussi vice–président du conseil d’administration de Québecor Média, la maison mère de Sun Media, qui possède Le Journal de Montréal et Le Journal de Québec.”

31. Anonyme, “Éric Martel devient pdg d’Hydro–Québec,” Les Affaires, 3 juin 2015: “Moins de deux semaines après avoir quitté son poste de haut dirigeant chez Bombardier, Éric Martel a été nommé mercredi président–directeur général d’Hydro–Québec … En 2014, la société d’État a engrangé des profits records de 3,38 milliards $, ce qui lui a permis de verser un dividende de 2,53 milliards $ — le plus important de son histoire — au gouvernement du Québec.”

32. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012, 23–26–29.

See: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds.” Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

See finally: “Industry Canada provides slightly different numbers, saying Bombardier has received $1.3 billion in repayable contributions since 1966, of which it has repaid $584.6 million to date. Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans, which are triggered when, for example, the recipient’s gross revenues are higher than a base amount laid out in the contract. However, because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions — and repayment of those contributions — met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced.” Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

33. See: “If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion — this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments … The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats suggested by our base case scenario with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails … This disturbing trend toward a deepening deficit — as outlined in our base case scenario — is due to modest economic growth and the related effect on revenue growth, which will lag far behind growth in overall expenditures. Specifically, the Conference Board forecasts that Québec’s real economic growth will average 1.6 per cent per year for the 2009–2010 to 2030–2031 period as a whole, but will actually fall below 1.5 per cent per year in the final 10 years. This tepid performance will be due to weak population growth, which will average only 0.7 per cent per year over the next 20 years, and will in fact drop to just 0.5 per cent per year over the final four years of the forecast. In this demographic and economic context, the Québec government’s revenue growth will be limited to 3.5 per cent per year over the final five fiscal years of the forecast period, and to an average of 4 per cent per year over the entire forecast period. At the same time, expenditures will increase at an average annual rate of 5.1 per cent. The main reason for this substantial rise in expenditures will be the rapid increase in health–care expenditures. The Conference Board forecasts that the Québec government’s spending on health–care will grow at an average annual rate of 5.9 per cent over the entire forecast period. Of this increase, 2.5 percentage points will be attributable to inflation, 1.7 percentage points to real per capita increases in health–care spending (for technological upgrades, improved accessibility, etc.) and 1.8 percentage points to demographic factors (1.1 percentage points due to the aging population and 0.7 percentage points because of population growth). The other spending category that will pose a problem for the Québec government in this scenario will be debt servicing, which will post average annual growth of 8.2 per cent between 2009–2010 and 2030–2031. This will be caused by an increase in the Québec government’s indebtedness during the forecast period, in tandem with the rapidly rising deficit. Nonetheless, in absolute terms, health–care spending will rise the most — and thus contribute the most to the government’s deficit during the forecast period. Specifically, health–care spending will rise from $27 billion in 2009–2010 to $90.2 billion in 2030–2031, for a net increase of approximately $63 billion. In fact, health–care spending as a percentage of total revenues will rise from 43.1 per cent in 2009–2010 to 63.4 per cent in 2030–2031. In comparison, debt-service expenditures will rise from $6.2 billion in 2009–2010 to $32.1 billion in 2030–2031, to constitute 22.5 per cent of total revenues at the end of the forecast horizon … While The Conference Board of Canada has no interest in telling the Québec government what to do, it does feel duty–bound to warn Québécers that their government’s financial situation is shaky — and that maintaining the status quo is not an option.” Mario Lefebvre, Québec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded, Ottawa, 2010, 2–3.

The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails: It does appear therefore, at first sight, that the Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, controlled by the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive bailout scheme for the government of Québec, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes: “Who could stand a father who had been a cabinet minister and was now chairman of a prospering capitalist enterprise, the Lafarge cement company? … Justin is most like Pierre. He sees no shades of gray, only black and white.” Margaret Trudeau, Beyond Reason, New York, 1979, 14–225.

34. See: “We know there are about two tons of dynamite that have been stolen in Québec … presumably they [the FLQ] are in control of them. There are more than 100 rifles that have been stolen from a ship, a Japanese ship, in Montréal and other guns which have been stolen elsewhere. So how much arms they have we don’t know but we know very well that they have enough dynamite to blow up the heart of Montréal! …[there] might be something between 1,000 and 3,000 [FLQ members]. Now, all the members of the FLQ are not terrorists. But there are enough to create a lot of trouble and a lot of killing and this is what we have tried to prevent … It is not the individual action we are worried about now. It’s the vast organization supported by other bona fide organizations who are supporting, indirectly at least, the FLQ … I think the municipal elections in Montréal on Sunday will show that we were right.” Jean Marchand in Jack Webster, Webster! An Autobiography by Jack Webster, Vancouver, 1990, 131.

Separatism and the FLQ crisis has greatly benefited the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the Québéckocentric ruling class, over the years, especially during municipal, provincial and federal elections: Federalism and anti-federalism in Québec is the political and economic weapon of the Québec Inc. Such an irrational policy is very bad for national unity …

See also: “Jean-Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far-away Gaspé, ‘knew first-hand the difficulties that awaited a French Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean-Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”

Jules Bélanger, J.-Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint-Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean-Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See also: “Trans-Canada was owned by both Paul Desmarais and Jean-Louis Lévesque, but Paul had control of the shares. Their business association did not last very long. In my opinion they could not work together. They each had very different philosophies: Paul Desmarais was an administrator who had very long term views, while Jean-Louis Lévesque was more of a speculator. Paul Desmarais bought out Jean-Louis Lévesque, and his problem was solved.”

Wilbrod Bherer in Marie Lise Gingras, Wilbrod Bherer: Un grand Québécois, 1905–1998, Sillery, Québec, 2001, 211: “Trans-Canada était la propriété de Paul Desmarais et Jean-Louis Lévesque, toutefois Paul avait le contrôle des actions. Mais cette association ne dura pas longtemps. À mon avis, c’était deux gars qui ne pouvaient pas travailler ensemble. Ils n’avaient pas du tout la même philosophie. Desmarais était un administrateur qui avait des idées à perte de vue. Lévesque, lui, était plus un spéculateur. Paul a reglé le problème en achetant les parts de Lévesque.”

See finally: “How did the Québec independence movement, which flourished before René Lévesque, end-up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder, in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self-aggrandizement?”

Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, 1985, dos: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

35. David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 132–133.

36. Brian Mulroney in David Jay Bercuson, et. al., Ibidem, 265.

37. See: “Canada, the United States, and Mexico agreed on August 12, 1992, to establish a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). NAFTA would create a free trade zone containing more than 370 million people, the largest in the world, and build on the Canada-United States free trade agreement of 1989.” David Morice Leigh Farr 1922–2016, “Canada,” The 1993 World Book Year Book, A Review of the Events of 1992: The Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1993, 123.

See also: “Thanks to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and especially to the Tokyo round of talks in 1979, some 85 percent of Canadian manufactured goods going south already entered or would soon enter the United States free of duty. In other words, Canada would make relatively few additional gains in a treaty with the United States … On the other hand, only between 60 and 65 percent of American manufactures came into Canada without duty … American access to Canadian markets was certain to increase in the event of free trade … Provincial cooperation was essential to reduce non-tariff barriers ... Ontario, as the province with the most to gain by the freeing of trade within Canada, was in favour of removing non-tariff barriers.” David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 269–273.

See also: “Washington’s primary goal had always been a major multilateral negotiation to lower tariff barriers, to tackle the problem of non-tariff barriers, and to cover services.” Ibidem, 276.

See finally: “Québec expressed serious reservations about the fate of their manufacturing and agricultural industries under a new trade regime … Québec would swell the ranks of doubters.” Ibidem, 266-277.

What, then, are the Québéckocentric benefits of free trade and NAFTA (and non-tariff barriers between the provinces) under Brian Mulroney, and under the Québec Regime in Ottawa? The answer: (1) Free trade with the United States as an election issue will help Brian Mulroney get his second mandate and thereby help the Québéckocentric faction of the Progressive Conservative Party stay in power, (2) Free trade and then NAFTA will negate much of the threat of American protectionism and the buy American movement in Washington, (3) Free trade and then NAFTA, negotiated by Québec Regimers, will protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. After nearly three decades of free trade and NAFTA we must conclude that all three conditions have been met to a very large degree. In Canada, the financial, commercial and industrial backers of the old enemies of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, are indeed silenced: Even Ontario is now a have-not province.

38. Gary Mason and Keith Baldrey, Fantasyland: Inside the Reign of Bill Vander Zalm, Toronto, 1989, 140.

39. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

Brian Mulroney, like Trudeau, Chretien and Martin, was always a Québec Regime crook: “In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered―and last month won―the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But―again―the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration,’” Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.

40. Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

See: “[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son-in-law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion-dollar contract to operate a satellite-TV network over the objections of federal regulators … While in Opposition, Chrétien had mounted devastating attacks on such Mulroney policies as the GST, free trade, NAFTA, CBC budget cuts and reductions in transfer payments to the provinces, yet once in office he reversed not one of these initiatives. Instead he cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.” Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 389.

41. “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme [Napoléon Bonaparte] dont il porte le nom.” Pierre-Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v.

See: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.” Pierre-Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, 119: “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.” Compare this political and economic doctrine to Locke’s version of constitutional, as opposed to absolute, monarchy forged in the modern European warfare between Gallicanism and Ultramontanism (unleashed by Luther and the revolt of Protestantism), and especially the revolutionary struggle between William of Orange and King James II.

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the realm of politics and economics is deeply rooted among French Canadians like Pierre-Basile Mignault. From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.” Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion. This is the very opposite of the teaching of Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

(“The noumenon is not the concept of an object, but only a problem … my existence cannot, as Descartes supposed, be considered as derived from the proposition, I think … the so-called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.” Immanuel Kant. See: “In Descartes’ method of establishing the subjectivity of sense-perception, we have extreme idealism on the one hand and a vague sensationalism on the other … He who would know the philosophy of our times must first well learn the philosophy of Kant.” John Paul Ashley, Apriorism from Descartes to Kant, Boston, 1894, 21–73)

See finally: “[Pierre-Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.” John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre-Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

42. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.” Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

See also: “It is the soldier who founds a republic and it is the soldier who maintains it.” Napoléon Bonaparte in Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 33–34.

See finally: “The history of France between the fall of Robespierre and the rise of Napoleon is full of instruction for those who believe in representative democracy as a universal panacea for the political distempers of mankind.” Walter Alison Phillips, “Preface,” After Robespierre: The Thermidorian Reaction, Albert Mathiez, Cathrine Alison Phillips, translator, New York, 1965, vii.

43. See: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s LeSoleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.” Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See also: “At this very moment, the Gelco-Trans-Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.” Yves Michaud in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French-language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois-Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French-language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.” Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

See finally: “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95 % in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”

Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ière édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soliel et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur controle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66 % des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaines de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaines, et une seule chaine en possède 70%.”

44. See: “Until very recently it would have been a somewhat sensational thing for one to say of the French that they were a reasonable people, with a settled government and a history worthy of emulation. There is a widespread impression that the French are a distinctly inferior race. The nation is said to be in decline. The people are said to be effeminate, trivial, excitable, unreasoning, irreligious, immoral when not unmoral, with an impure literature and art, an unstable and tottering government and a diminishing birth-rate. These charges are confirmed by many observers … Nations, like individuals, have reputations, and they are for the most part in the keeping of their enemies or rivals … A glance at the product of the French Parliament since 1879 shows that France today, as well as England, is a land where ‘freedom slowly broadens down,’ if not from precedent to precedent, at least from statute to statute. To be sure freedom is a larger thing than acts of legislatures, but it is also larger than decisions of judges. Reforms of abuses which the state can prevent constitute merely those definite stages in the advance of freedom which the historian can register as indices of the nation’s purpose. Yet here the work of the Parliament of the Third Republic will bear comparison with that complex and often hidden line of progress to be traced in England through law courts, local government and Parliament.” James Thomson Shotwell, “The Political Capacity of the French,” Political Science Quarterly, 24(1 March 1909): 115-120.

The complex and often hidden line of progress also constitutes the world historical rise of Globalism and the collapse of modernity …

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