JEAN CHRÉTIEN AND FRENCH CHAUVINISM
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2017)
Ma di dicembre, ma di brumaio cruento è il fango, la nebbia è perfida: non crescono arbusti a quell’aure, o dan frutti di cenere e Tòsco. Giosuè Carducci
Jean Chrétien: “I opposed Québec nationalism because I thought separation would destroy the French fact in North America, not build it up.”¹ Most Canadians like myself, and the present generation, oppose “Québec nationalism” because separation will destroy Canada and plunge the Canadian People into a firestorm of unreason which will flood the streets of our Northern Paradise with rivers of blood: Unlike Jean Chrétien’s generation, therefore, Canadians really do not care very much about France and its political and economic status in the New World. That is why Canadians support the free–trade agreement between Canada and the European Union. At one time, however, Jean Chrétien was such a French Chauvinist that he named his only daughter after the modern republic of France.
Of course, Jean Chrétien betrays himself (and his followers) in the first edition of Straight from the Heart, where he confesses that after twenty years in Ottawa what he really wants is “to be where the cash is.”² Once the French Chauvinists of the Québec Regime had looted the last remnants of the British Empire in Canada, they discovered Uncle Sam in the bowels of the treasure chest, upon whom their French Chauvinism does not work. We understand, therefore, that Chrétien is neither interested in “the French fact in North America,” nor does he care much about France and its political and economic ambitions in the New World: What Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power:
“My family has always been rouge [Red], Liberal in the free-thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century … I had become a lawyer in order to become a politician … I was quite left wing when I began in politics. I wasn’t obsessed with making money … My pitch has always been to the working class because the Liberal Party in my riding is supported by the unions and the workers. We were the party that fought Duplessis, and I was an authentic descendant of those gutsy rouges who had fought against the bishops … Politics is a game of friends.”³
Politics is a game of friends: What Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power: Unless francophone Canada is divided into Québec federalist and anti–federalist camps, this will not happen:
“The truth is that without Jean Chrétien’s low and despicable actions, on the 23rd of June, Québec would have returned into the arms of the great Canadian family. Today, we Québeckers are profoundly shocked and humiliated: Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back.”⁴
The strife between federalism and anti-federalisme in Québec over the decades has greatly enriched the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. (Of course they deny the fact.) The proof however is in their pudding of organized crime and political corruption.
As in the Francophonie and the Communauté, French chauvinists in Canada harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all, or nearly all, of the power for themselves and their families, and live as in France or as in French North America, because (as they hold) the Napoleonic and French revolutionary conception of right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, or that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing: In fact, they are really francophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and such scatology as La Presse, namely, the Québeckocentric media in Canada. The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Paul Desmarais, Pierre Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and many others into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive.
As Chrétien admitted in 1986, the fabulous wealth of his family comes from his political work: “I owe to Canada all the privileges I have received.”⁵ And his family has certainly received many privileges over the decades from federal and provincial governments under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: In 1963 Jean Chrétien went to Ottawa with empty pockets, his father used to work in the lumber yards of Shawinigan, but when Chrétien retired from politics after many years his family had amassed a fortune worth more than $4–Billion dollars, and an international financial and media empire some say is worth upwards of $100 Billion.⁶ Today, the family of Jean Chrétien is something like the 4th richest in Canada, and the richest in Québec according to Forbes Magazine.
In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner. In other words, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin were greatly enriched by the many political and economic divisions they created and promoted, but these same divisions have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada over the years, in the name of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, which means the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash.
Today, thanks to the Québec Regime in Toronto and a half century of their political and economic irrationalism in the finance, commerce and industry of the economic heartland of Canada, Ontario is now a have–not province. In varying degrees of intensity, the same political and economic contagion of modern European raison d’État is evidenced in Western Canada and the Maritimes, as well as in Québec. Now that they have destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and Global rational political and economic order. In their turn, therefore, as the old regime before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn they shall rot upon the dunghill of the world.
According to the biography, Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais first “met in the late 1960’s through a mutual acquaintance, the lawyer Pierre Genest.”⁷ Indeed, Jean Chrétien always maintained “cozy connections with the Power Corporation” over the decades.⁸ The Power Corporation was even the backer of Chrétien’s first leadership campaign against John Turner.⁹ Chrétien used to handle the “major negotiations” for the Desmarais family because of “his tight personal and professional relations with the Power Corporation.”¹⁰ Chrétien probably first met Paul Desmarais through Paul Martin Senior, whom Chrétien ardently supported for the party leadership very early in his budding career back in 1958.¹¹ Chrétien used to visit the family home of Paul Martin Senior in Windsor.¹² Later on in his career Chrétien and Martin’s son, Paul Martin Junior, used to get together and hold meetings in the offices of the Power Corporaton “during the 1970s and 1980s.”¹³
Jean Chrétien’s daughter, France Chrétien, is married to André Desmarais, son of the late Paul Desmarais, who now owns the Power Corporation (along with his brother Paul Desmarais Junior), and who is engaged in a bitter family dispute with the late Big Paul’s brother, the elderly Louis Desmarais, over the ownership of some 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation.¹⁴ Old Louis made a deal with Big Paul back in the day, and in turn was promised a portion of shares in the Power Corporation. Big Paul did not uphold his end of the bargain. The elderly gentleman is now making claims upon his rightful possession. The daughter of André and France Chrétien–Desmarais, the beautiful Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, is married to the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx.¹⁵ Unfortunately, some of the newer generation have rebuffed the claim of old Louis Desmarais: The Chrétien–Desmarais family rivalry has become manifest. Evidently, nothing in the world will satiate the pathological greed of Jean Chrétien …
Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, in the name of fédéralisme asymétrique, the Lion’s Share of all federal infrastructure projects goes to Québec Regimers and the Quebec Inc (as well as all federal equalization and employment), but the vast kickbacks and massive influence peddling requires the assistance of organized crime:
“The strategies of collusion and corruption as well as the infiltration activities of organized crime which the Charbonneau Commission has uncovered are not without grave consequences: The overcoming of the safeguards which protect public works in the construction industry and also protect the financial governance of political parties, combined with the infiltration of organized crime in the construction industry, has not only created economic burdens for the ensemble of Québec society, but has also undermined our most cherished democratic ideals and perverted the fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. The faith of Québeckers in their public institutions is deeply convulsed.”¹⁶
Unfortunately, organized crime has its hands on another highly profitable sector: The international drug trade. Thus, Jean Chrétien, far from being a strong leader, was one of the weakest, most degenerate of all Canadian Prime Ministers. The biggest crime family in the history of Canada (Rizzuto), which caused the destruction of millions of Canadian and American youngsters and their families, was finally put down by Stephen Harper and the Western conservatives, after nearly a half century of political and economic satanism under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais:
“[Nicolo Rizzuto] the late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province … Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard-bearer of his father–in–law’s Sicilian Mafia clan … Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug–smuggling and money–laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid–2000s. Now it appears Nicolo Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolo Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and overinflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.”¹⁷
Nicolo Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation of the political and economic corruption that begins with the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago and his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that is exposed in the Charbonneau Commission has been understated. This at least is the verdict of those whose mental power places them in the ranks of the superior ruling class. We know that the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, is a criminal ruling class:
“It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first–round victory in the [leadership] race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.”¹⁸
Without the collusion of the Montréal mafia there are no kickbacks from the $Billions in federal infrastructure and public works projects paid for with English Canadian taxes (some 4 million Québeckers are so poor they pay no income tax). Without organized crime in the construction industry therefore the Québec Regime and Empire of Paul Desmarais must collapse: For this reason the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006 is a criminal ruling class. For nearly a half century, under Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin, the biggest crime family in Canadian history, the Rizzuto mafia, had its hands in the Port of Montréal and the international drug traffic …
French Chauvinism, at least in the writings of the Québec Regimers and the Québeckocentric media (Cité Libre, the Canadian Press, La Presse and so forth) is therefore another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in Canada. French Chauvinism also has a history in the Communauté and Francophonie, especially in Europe but also in Africa: Its last political and economic form was forged by Charles DeGaulle, before it was submerged under the floodtide of Americanism in world history.
In the world of today, French Chauvinism, especially as the Liberal “tradition of the nineteenth century,” is therefore nothing but an inert idea. Thanks to the American superpower, modern European Raison d’État is swept into the dustbin of history: Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism, thanks to the rational political economy of Ronald Reagan and the American Idealists, especially in Washington.
ENDNOTES
1. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1986, 213. [1985]
2. Ibidem, 68.
3. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1985, 11–17–22–23.
4. Jean Lapierre in Hélène Buzzetti, “Ce Liberal fondateur du Bloc Québécois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016: “Il ne fait aucun doute dans mon esprit que, sans vos [Jean Chrétien’s] basses et tortueuses manoeuvres, nous aurions le 23 juin proclamé le retour du Québec dans la grande famille canadienne. Aujourd’hui, comme tous les Québécois, je suis déçu, je me sens humilié et je sais que vous [Jean Chrétien] nous avez trahis.”
See also: “When the Meech Lake accord was torpedoed, with the help of several prominent Liberals, he [Jean Lapierre] questioned the direction of his party. At the 1990 Liberal convention, Lapierre campaigned against Meech Lake opponent Jean Chrétien, openly calling him a ‘sell–out’ and wearing a black arm–band to mark the accord’s failure.” Jonathan Montpetit, “Jean Lapierre, Québec Political Commentator, Dead at 59: Lapierre’s Opinion on Québec Politics Heard Daily by Thousands,” CBC News, 29 March 2016.
See also: “[Jean Lapierre] left the Liberals because the new leader, Jean Chrétien, opposed the Meech Lake constitutional accord. As a Québecker he felt ‘sad, humiliated and betrayed,’ he said as he left the Liberal caucus and sat as an independent in June, 1990.” Les Perreaux, Tu Thanh Ha and Daniel Leblanc, “Obituary: Jean Lapierre Made Friends Across Broad Ideological Spectrum,” The Globe and Mail, 29 March 2016.
See finally: “Jean Chrétien had campaigned against the Meech Lake Accord, and received the support of the masses.” Jean–François Lisée, “L’Énjoleur: Chrétien, Jean,” Le Petit Tricheur: Robert Bourassa derrière le masque, Montréal, 2012: “Chrétien avait fait campagne en critiquant Meech, récoltant les vivats de la foule.”
5. Chrétien, Ibidem, 214.
6. See: “The assets he controls add up to $100 billion.” Peter Charles Newman, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, 1998, 165. Newman does not draw the historically exact political and economic inference from this statement because he does not have at his disposal the reports and vast public archives of the Gomery (2005), Bastarache (2010) and Charbonneau Commissions (2011). He does however intimate the notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc when he states: “Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one.” Ibidem, 166.
See also: “The RCMP announced Friday that charges have been laid against a businessman who was described as the ‘central figure’ in the federal sponsorship scandal and was a close associate of ex–prime minister Jean Chrétien. Jacques Corriveau, a longtime federal Liberal organizer, is facing charges of fraud against the government, forgery and laundering proceeds of crime. He is to appear in court on January 10. The charges come after a wide–ranging investigation that was triggered nearly 11 years ago and is still underway. Police say, however, they are finished with the now 80–year–old Corriveau. The Mounties allege that Corriveau set up a kickback system on contracts awarded during the sponsorship program, using his Pluri Design Canada Inc. to defraud the federal government.” Anonymous, “Charges Laid Against Chrétien–Friend Jacques Corriveau Stemming From Québec Sponsorship Scandal,” National Post, 13 December 2013.
See also: “The Gomery commission’s report had laid bare the scheming and self–enriching [that] Liberals had engaged in with taxpayer funds.” Jason Markusoff, “That Time the RCMP Dropped a Mid–Election Bombshell,” Maclean’s, 28 October 2016.
7. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 326.
8. Ibidem, 323.
9. Ibidem, 332.
10. Ibidem, 369.
11. Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, 56. [2007] See Back–cover: “[Jean Chrétien] is a genuinely good man.” Bill Clinton.
12. Ibidem.
13. Ibidem, 57.
14. See: “Louis Desmarais has launched a lawsuit against the family of his late brother Paul Desmarais for $75–million. The elderly gentleman is now 92 years old, and he testifies that his late brother Paul Desmarais never returned to him, as he was promised, his 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation. The family of Paul Desmarais refutes this charge, and affirms that Paul Desmarais made no such promise to his brother Louis Desmarais ... Louis Desmarais testified in court by video: He affirms that he came into the possession of 60,000 shares of the Power Corporation in 1975, which he gave to his brother Paul in 1979, at the latter’s request. Louis Desmarais testifies that at the time he received a verbal promise from Paul Desmarais, to the effect that one day he would regain his shares, otherwise he would be paid their equivalent market value. Paul Desmarais never kept his word affirms Louis Desmarais, who however has no documentation of the transaction.” Geneviève Garon et Marc Verreault, “Un procès au civil déchire les Desmarais, de Power Corporation,” Radio Canada Économie,” 12 Janvier 2017: “Louis Desmarais poursuit en justice la succession de son frère Paul pour 75 millions de dollars. L’homme de 92 ans allègue que son défunt frère ne lui a jamais rendu, comme promis, 60 000 actions de Power Corporation. Mais la succession de Paul Desmarais affirme que cette promesse n’a jamais été faite … Louis Desmarais a fait une déclaration vidéo enregistrée pour expliquer sa requête. Il affirme être entré en possession de 60 000 titres de Power Corporation en 1975, des actions qu’il aurait remises à son frère Paul en 1979, à la demande ce dernier, dit–il. Louis Desmarais dit avoir alors reçu, de son frère, la promesse verbale qu’il récupérerait un jour ces actions, ou la valeur correspondante. Cette promesse a été rompue, affirme Louis Desmarais, qui ne possède aucun document pour appuyer ses prétentions … l’avocat de la succession de Paul Desmarais, Guy Fortin, affirme que le défunt documentait et archivait la moindre de ses actions. Me Fortin, qui a été l’avocat principal de Paul Desmarais de son vivant, soutient que ce dernier faisait régulièrement de généreux dons aux membres de sa famille. Au fil des ans, Louis Desmarais lui–même a reçu 11 millions de dollars de son frère Paul. Il s’agissait de dons, allègue Me Fortin. C’était plutôt une redevance, affirme pour sa part le nonagénaire.”
15. See: “A huge, high–profile wedding in Montreal today involving the granddaughter of a billionaire and a former prime minister. The granddaughter of Paul Desmarais and Jean Chrétien is marrying a Belgian prince this afternoon. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is marrying Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx … 750 guests are expected, among them former French president Nicolas Sarkozy, described as a close friend of the Desmarais family. Chrétien’s daughter is married [to] a member of the Desmarais family.” Luciano Pipia, “Huge Montreal Wedding Today,” CJAD 800 News, 7 September 2013.
See also: “This last Saturday at Mary–Queen–of–the–World Cathedral, there was a Royal Wedding, — which is very unusual in Canada. The granddaughter of Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais married the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 years of age, is the daughter of André Desmarais, the president of Power Corporation and president of Power Financial Corporation. The mother of Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is none other than France Chrétien–Desmarais, the daughter of Jean and Aline Chrétien: ‘It was such a beautiful ceremony,’ said Michaëlle Jean [Paul Martin’s Governor General of Canada and erstwhile Québec Separatist], ‘marriage is such a joyful occasion.’” Annabelle Blais, “Un Faste Royale au Mariage de Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 September 2013: “La cathédrale Marie–Reine–du–Monde a accueilli, samedi, un mariage princier comme on en voit peu au Canada. Devant quelque 750 invités, la petite–fille de l’homme d’affaires Paul Desmarais et de l’ancien premier ministre Jean Chrétien a épousé le prince belge Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 ans, est la fille d’André Desmarais, président et co–chef de direction de Power Corporation (propriétaire de La Presse) et président délégué du conseil de Corporation financière Power. Sa mère, France Chrétien–Desmarais, est la fille de Jean et Aline Chrétien … ‘C’était une belle cérémonie,’ a indiqué Michaëlle Jean, ‘un mariage est un grand moment de joie.’”
16. Justice France Charbonneau, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, Québec, 2015, 74: “Les stratagèmes de collusion et de corruption ainsi que les activités d’infiltration du crime organisé que la Commission a mis au jour ne sont pas sans conséquence. Le détournement des processus de passation des marchés publics dans l’industrie de la construction et des règles de financement des partis politiques, et l’infiltration du crime organisé dans cette industrie, ont non seulement engendré des coûts économiques pour l’ensemble de la société québécoise, mais ils ont aussi miné ses fondements démocratiques, porté atteinte au principe de la primauté du droit et ébranlé la confiance des citoyens dans les institutions publiques.”
17. Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.
See also: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montreal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5 per cent of the value of the corrupt contracts in Montreal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so–called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.” Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex–ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5 % de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”
18. Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto, 2010, 8–195.
See: “Liborio Milioto, Nicolo Rizzuto’s half–brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.” André Cédilot and André Noel, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.
See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.” Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui–là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5 % en pots–de–vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012.
Anonymous, “Charges Laid Against Chrétien-Friend Jacques Corriveau Stemming From Québec Sponsorship Scandal,” National Post, 13 December 2013.
Blais, Annabelle, “Un faste royale au mariage de Jacqueline-Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 septembre 2013.
Buzzetti, Hélène, “Ce Libéral fondateur du Bloc Québécois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016.
Cédilot, André and André Noël, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2012).
Chrétien, Jean, Straight from the Heart, First Edition, (Toronto: Key Porter Books Limited, 1985).
— — , My Years As Prime Minister, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2008).
Garon, Geneviève et Marc Verreault, “Un procès au civil déchire les Desmarais, de Power Corporation,” Radio Canada Économie,” 12 janvier 2017.
Gyulai, Linda, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.
Jeffrey, Brooke, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010).
Lisée, Jean-François, Le petit tricheur: Robert Bourassa derrière le masque, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 2012).
Markusoff, Jason, “That Time the RCMP Dropped a Mid-Election Bombshell,” Maclean’s, 28 October 2016.
Martin, Lawrence, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, (Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995).
McIntosh, Andrew, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012.
Montpetit, Jonathan, “Jean Lapierre, Québec Political Commentator, Dead at 59: Lapierre’s Opinion on Québec Politics Heard Daily by Thousands,” CBC News, 29 March 2016.
Newman, Peter Charles, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1998).
Perreaux, Les, Tu Thanh Ha and Daniel Leblanc, “Obituary: Jean Lapierre Made Friends Across Broad Ideological Spectrum,” The Globe and Mail, 29 March 2016.
PAUL DESMARAIS & POWER CORPORATION: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1969–2017
Ian Anderson, “Paul Desmarais Buys More Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 July 1977, 9.
Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.
――, “Power Corp encore une fois dans le viseur du fisc,” TVA Nouvelles, 26 septembre 2015.
――, “Liens avec la famille Desmarais: Péladeau dénonce Charest,” Canoe.ca, 26 mars 2014.
――, “La succession de Paul Desmarais vend des actions,” Le Devoir, 8 janvier 2014.
――, “Desmarais advances on Buffet Zone, The Australian Business Review, 3 August 2009.
――, “En bref―Desmarais au CHUM,” Le Devoir, 12 février 2009.
――, “En bref―Hélène Desmarais, présidente du conseil de la CCMM,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2007.
――, “Power Corp. and the Desmarais Family,” Financial Sector Blogspot, 25 May 2006.
――, “Paul Desmarais Sr. hospitalized after stroke,” CBC News, 31 May 2005.
――, “Canada’s Satellite TV Row Clouds Chrétien’s Image,” The Toledo Blade, 30 April 1995, A13.
――, “Power-Play: Desmarais Anoints Sons to Take Over Empire,” Ottawa Citizen, 6 June 1986, C3.
――, “Desmarais Steps Aside to Give Sons More Power,” Ottawa Citizen, 1 May 1986, D15.
――, “Le projet Revi-Centre achemine vers Québec,” L’Écho de Louiseville Berthier, 12 décembre 1984, 10.
――, “University Founder J.-N. Desmarais,” The Gazette, 6 October 1983, B18.
――, “Chrétien malade,” L’Évangéline, 20 janvier 1981, 13.
――, “Changes Could Boost Desmarais’ Control of Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 April 1980, 69.
――, “Desmarais, Hebert to Seek Re-election,” The South Shore News, 20 December 1979, 6.
――, “Desmarais Seeks Dollard Job,” The Montreal Gazette, 7 March 1979, 5.
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