PAUL MARTIN, THE TAINTED–BLOOD SCANDAL AND CANADA STEAMSHIP LINES (CSL)

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2017)

The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy … my experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas. Paul Martin Junior¹

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is the tragic last act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.²

The triadic historical relationship is the tragic grande finale of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization. The Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior: Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Régime therefore signalizes the end of modern European raison d’État in Canada, — in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome. ³

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is therefore the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notion of the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada: Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world. “As long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.”⁴ Actions can never equal conceptions? Wilfrid Laurier’s words ring hollow in the age of American Idealism and world civilization.

“The world historical conditions behind the demise of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais reside in the end of the Cold War and the supremacy of Americanism in the world: The end of the clash between capitalism and communism means the power struggles between English and French Canada, which have taken the political and economic form of the strife between Americanism and anti–Americanism, are undone. These power struggles are now sublated into the highest political and economic form of universal history: The rise of Global American rational political and economic order in the world.”⁵

The organ–grinder of world history thus cranks a heady tune:

“In 1981, the Liberal Government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] chose Paul Martin to be one of its four nominees to the board of the Canada Development Corporation (CDC). During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal. The Canadian Hemophilia Society estimates that through the 1980s, 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C … Paul Martin’s connection to this tragedy was through Connaught Laboratories, one of fifteen in the Canada Development Corporation’s stable of companies. The federal government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] established the Canada Development Corporation in 1971 as a holding company … The contaminated blood products that were linked to so much suffering and death were supplied by Connaught Laboratories to the Canadian Red Cross during the years that Paul Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁶

Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, and especially Paul Martin Junior’s watch at the Canada Development Corporation (and Connaught Laboratories), 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the tainted–blood supply and thousands more contracted hepatitis C (even the lives of children and babies were destroyed): What benefits did Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of many thousands of Canadians, including even children and babies? ⁷

“During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁸

According to Paul Martin Junior, the matter never even came up. ⁹

“Evaluations of the safety of U.S.–sourced blood supplies were sent to Connaught Laboratories but were never even read by its senior officials. Instead, Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker — the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹⁰

What benefits did Paul Martin Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of Canadians, including even children and babies?

Paul Martin Junior was one of a select group of senior–most Québécocentric¹¹ board members of a major Canadian crown corporation (Canada Development Corporation), a holding company which had a controlling interest in a very important business enterprise (Connaught Laboratories), having a central rôle in the crown corporation’s business activities and profitability, especially involving transactions with the Canadian Red Cross: Yet as a senior–most Québécocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned! If this is not utterly outrageous, considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, what is? Albert Speer, one of Adolf Hitler’s closest confidantes, took the same line when at his war crimes trial he stated that during the Second World War, he actually had no idea the Holocaust was even taking place!

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker — the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹²

Paul Martin Junior: “I was a director of the Canada Development Corporation … as I have already stated, I have no recollection of any discussions at the CDC board level on this matter.”¹³

Does Paul Martin Junior’s explanation sound like the modus operandi of an élite executive trained at an early age by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and then raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation for thirteen years?

“Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president.”¹⁴

Paul Martin Junior: “I had finished law school and my dreams for the future had begun to gel …[Maurice Strong] invited me to join him as his executive assistant at Montréal–based Power Corporation, where he was chief executive … [Paul Desmarais] made a pitch for me to stay for a year. I did stay: for thirteen … some of the most important lessons I learned at Power early in my career were about corporate vision and corporate responsibility, and I learned them in significant part because of the example of Paul Desmarais … looking back over my business career, I realized how lucky I was to have such mentors as Maurice Strong, Paul Desmarais, and Bill Turner.”¹⁵

What about the dreams and ambitions of the many Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman?

“No one was more excited by the news that the Beatles were coming to town than Randy Conners, the son of a soldier from the nearby military base at Longueuil. The 8–year–old, like many other hemophiliacs, often turned to music to help pass the countless days he spent confined to bed … Randal Duane Conners was freed from the nightmare of AIDS through death … Randy Conners had been infected with HIV when he was transfused with blood products.”¹⁶

“Before Kama married her husband, Lyle, they talked about th risk of AIDS. He is a mild hemophiliac who used factor concentrate only because it allowed him to play hockey. Lyle was tested for the AIDS virus in early 1986, and assumed he was fine. The couple married and had two children. In 1991, the results of his positive HIV test were found in Lyle’s medical file, no one had called with the news.”¹⁷

“Kenneth Pittman, a 53–year–old manager at The Bay and self–described ‘best hardware man in Canada’ … had curtailed his smoking and drinking, but his heart problems had persisted. In September of 1984 he had gone under the knife … Mr. Pittman suffered a heart attack on the operating table … the next morning he was infused with cryoprecipitate … [Kenneth Pittman] was infected with the AIDS virus.”¹⁸

Do not the lives and ambitions of Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman (the ‘best hardware man in Canada’) count in the Québécocentric world of the Québec Régime? Yes, they do count very much, but first we must pass beyond the realm of fédéralisme asymétrique into the Candocentric world, and here is the reason why: The age of the Canadocentric Polity is at hand. Rational political and economic order in Canada is at hand. The Canadocentric Polity is the political and economic weapon of Canadians like Randy Connors, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman, and every other Canadian whose life was wrecked by the mortal corruption of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. The political and economic dagger of Canadocentricism shall smite the rotten financial, commercial and industrial heart of the Québec Régime: The backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts, their end is at hand. The criminal ruling class is undone in the supremacy of Canadocentricism. Wherefore? In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power.

These words are merely the pipe–dreams of a disaffected and disillusioned philosophy? Look upon the horizon of world history, dear reader, there before your eyes is the downfall of modernity and the rise of Globalism. Modern political and economic order is undone in the rise of Americanism. For those of us whose eyes are not blinded by outdated conceptions, we know the ultimate meaning of rational political and economic order in Canada: In the political and economic world of today the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Thus the Tainted–Blood Scandal unfolded under the blind–eyes of Paul Martin Junior, the élite Québécocentric executive, who was a University of Toronto Law School graduate, trained by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and who was very early raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation: Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québécocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines.

As a senior–most Québécocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned!

Those of us whose intellects have not been profoundly damaged at the public schools, crushed under the thumbs of the ministries of education of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell.

Have you liberated your own mind from the outdated conceptions, backwards notions and corrupt ideas of our Québécocentric media or are you another victim of old–fashioned ways? Perhaps you are lucky enough to have avoided altogether the political and economic insanity of the Québec Régime? Bravo! Most Canadians are the victims of the blood–stained claws of the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc in Canada: The political and economic corruption of the Québec Régime, especially in Ottawa, has greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry across Canada (mostly in Québec), and thereby greatly impoverished, and in some cases even destroyed, the lives of a great many Canadians over the decades.

What exactly do we mean by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture)?

“At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”¹⁹

What does this mean? “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”²⁰

Where does this lead? “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”²¹

What is the result? “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”²²

Freedom of the mind is the greatest fruit of world civilization: Those of us who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know exactly why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell, but rather sailing the high seas in very balmy climes with his treasure chest, surrounded by crates of champagne, tubs of caviar and fat slabs of filet mignon, — thanks to the abused and systematically deceived electorate: Most of whom are now trapped in Ontario and Québec, in a blizzard of unreason. Herein is proof that political and economic delusions are very dangerous things, and to be avoided at all cost. Is this not so, dear reader?

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. The Wall Street hipsters speak another lingo: There’s no free ride because in the end somebody always pays. The organ–grinder of world history cranks a heady tune: When the bloody cacophony ends this time around, who will be caught without a sofa–chair? The wheels of history are greased with magic sauce.

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québécocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“In June 1981, Desmarais called me into his office on the top floor of the CSL building, as he had done so many times before. He told me that he wanted me to sell another company: This time it was CSL. ‘Fine,’ I said, ‘except that I don’t want to sell it. I want to buy it.’ He pointed out that I didn’t have the money. However, recognizing that I was an important part of any sale because of my knowledge of the company, he said he was willing to give me a chance. ‘I’ll make you a deal,’ he said. ‘I don’t want you shopping the company around while you try to find a partner. So I’ll give you one shot at it and a few weeks to find a partner and a bank, but if it doesn’t work out, then I want you to sell the company to the best available buyer.’ I said, ‘Deal.’”²³

Back in 1981 Paul Martin is cutting multi–million dollar deals with Paul Desmarais at the Power Corporation, and getting very rich, but isn’t Junior supposed to be working for Canada and the Canadian People?

“Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation (CDC) from 1981–1987.”²⁴

Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I didn’t have much money personally … the money — the lion’s share, in fact — would have to come from the bank, which would loan us money secured by CSL’s assets … I paid about $180 million for CSL: The largest leveraged buyout in Canadian history … the deal was a gamble.”²⁵

Why were Paul Martin Junior’s eyeballs so profoundly fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines?

“I didn’t have the money … I didn’t have much money personally.”²⁶

The reason Paul Martin Junior looked the other way, as he ran around left and right raising cash, is because his eyes were always fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I was able to pursue my vision of taking CSL global. My goal was to see CSL become the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world which it eventually did.”²⁷

Paul Martin’s firm the Canada Steamship Lines was becoming the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world during the years Martin sat on a senior–most position of the Canada Development Corporation board, while a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest played a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal, wherein “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.”

In other words, Paul Martin Junior and his three sons were becoming multi–millionaires, and getting big loans from the banks, thanks to his lucrative connexions to the Government of Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa (“I didn’t have the money”), at the same time that Canadians were being infected with HIV and hepatitis C under his watch. (Other senior board members likewise turned a blind–eye, but they were not the owners of a firm that was becoming the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world.)

Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation therefore did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada: Martin was very deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines: “My experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”²⁸ But monsieur, why was your experience at the Canada Development Corporation not also closely linked with your “political and economic ideas”? Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada, otherwise he is not only grossly negligent but also a very evil man.

Why did Paul Martin Junior work at the Canada Development Corporation and other government jobs instead of his own firm, the Canada Steamship Lines?

“When you go to the market or to a lender and say, ‘We want to buy three ships, costing $200 million, and need to borrow $150 million,’ getting the money at a reasonable cost depends on your credibility.”²⁹

In other words, Paul Martin’s “experience with CSL was closely linked” with his “political and economic ideas.”

When Paul Martin was associated with the Government of Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, his company the Canada Steamship Lines did very lucrative business with federal and provincial crown corporations and government agencies:

“Ladi Pathy approached me to see whether we were interested in forming a joint venture with Fednav, the government and Upper Lakes Shipping to build and operate an Arctic–class bulk carrier. I jumped at the chance … We built the MV Arctic, which at the time of its first operation was 51 per cent owned by the government of Canada and 49 per cent by the three shipping companies … after I entered politics, the company lost interest in the North somewhat … the government decided to sell its share of the ship … it has become part of Ladi’s fleet at his company, Fednav.”³⁰

Why is the triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notion of the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada? The political and economic application of outdated conceptions in the world of today results in terrible tragedies like the Tainted–Blood Scandal: Politique fonctionelle, the modele Québécois, namely, fédéralisme asymétrique does not work in the world of today. Wherefore? In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome. In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines constitute the tragic last political and economic act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.

Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world.

In the New Canada, the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere.

ENDNOTES

1. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 18–19–61.

The twisted and demonic face of Paul Martin Junior and the Québécocracy is no Janus head, but the mask of smiles, the mask of frowns, and the poker–faced mask, which is the most dangerous mask of them all.

2. This writing is dedicated to the memory of the many Canadians and their families whose lives were wrecked under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who endured great suffering and hardship in the face of overwhelming opposition in their search for justice: May their struggles not be in vain.

The cause of Canada and the Canadian People is well–worth fighting for, as the highest sacrifices of our ancestors in all the battlefields of the earth prove, in the liberation of humanity from the chains of oppression and the yoke of barbarism in the 20th century, and which are the eternal witnesses of the glory of our great and almighty civilization in the heart of the American world.

The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is very important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our beloved civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

3. See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, MEDIUM, 2017.

4. Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 11.

See: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.” Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the historical division between old England and continental Europe, this is his version of the influential historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called modern liberalism and socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France. Wilfrid Laurier thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve modern society from revolution and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany.

Karl Marx the most dangerous revolutionary of the age lived out his days in England. Wilfrid Laurier ignores this historical fact, evident even in his own time, during the last half of the 19th century: In the rising revolt of the masses there are very famous anarchists and revolutionists in Great Britain and the English–speaking world, whose influence is working to destroy modern society, and who are themselves the “most dangerous of men,” otherwise at least as dangerous as the modern revolutionists of France, Italy and Germany. Even in 1877 these men and women are making their presence felt in the very bowels of the great powers of the Western world, in London, Berlin, Vienna and Moscow. Thus Laurier’s political and economic distinctions are merely verbal.

Yet Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal its conceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

We know the true political and economic colors of Wilfrid Laurier: When faced with the stark choice of preserving modern society and old England, convulsed under the powers of irrationalism and revolutionism, Laurier sided in the end with those men like Louis Riel whose “principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”

5. Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Canadocentric Politics, Vancouver, 2016.

See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, The Canadocentric Polity, Vancouver, 2014.

6. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

Paul Martin Junior contradicts some of this in his memoirs: “I realized my position on the board was hopeless and that to stay any longer would be a betrayal of everything we had done at CDIC during my four–year tenure, so I resigned.” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 76.

See: “Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation (CDC) from 1981–1987.” Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Paul Martin Junior in his political memoirs devotes less than a half page to his “four–year tenure” at CDIC (Canadian Development and Investment Corporation), and he makes no mention of the Tainted–Blood Scandal and the Krever Commission Report. Considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, this is very surprising, and is the first indication a fortiori that Paul Martin Junior is hiding something. We shall soon discover exactly what this is: The easiest place to hide is always in plain sight.

See also: “Au moment du discours de Paul Martin sur la vaccination contre la polio, en 1956, la production du vaccin Salk est à la veille d’atteindre son maximum. Le laboratoire de virologie de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal est inauguré le 23 avril 1956, en présence de Paul Martin, du premier ministre du Québec, Maurice Duplessis, et du maire de Montréal, Jean Drapeau … Les gouvernements investissent d’importantes sommes dans la recherche et la production du vaccin Salk. La construction des laboratoires de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal coûte un million de dollars, dont 650 000 $ proviennent du gouvernement du Québec. L’Institut reçoit également 250 000 $ du gouvernement fédéral dans le cadre de l’entente fédérale–provinciale sur les subventions nationales à l’hygiène … Paul Martin accorde une subvention aux laboratoires Connaught en 1953. Il s’engage également auprès de Maurice Duplessis à payer les coûts de production du vaccin Salk, alors que le gouvernement du Québec absorbe les coûts du la construction de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène dirigé par Armand Frappier.” Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

See finally: “ … Martin was an unshakable Grit, who inherited a strong Liberal partisan identity rooted in the reform traditions of the ‘clear grits’ of pre–Confederation Ontario. The nickname referred to the fine sand valued by Upper Canadian masons — ‘all sand sand no dirt, clear grit all the way through.’ It was echoed in the American ‘true grit,’ conveying pluck and determination. Martin embodied both meanings. He resolutely practiced a tolerant and civil politics that sought to unite Canadians in their shared struggle for a more just and equitable social order [Québécocentricism].”
Greg Donaghy, “Preface,” Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, Vancouver/Toronto, 2015, xiii–xiv.

Greg Donaghy’s Liberal hagiography, backed by famous sycophants of the Québec Regime, namely John English and company, is the result of not seeing Canada whole: Donaghy conveniently ignores and neglects Paul Martin’s longstanding and substantial political and economic links to the Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy in Ottawa. Greg Donaghy’s book is therefore based upon a partial view of Canada and Canadian history, as his slim bibliography, and gross omission of franco–Canadian and Québec sources, proves. This ignorance, of course, is not entirely the fault of the author, since the Government of Canada archives of the past half–century are mostly sealed: There are, however, abundant sources and studies on the Québécocracy available in the French language.

So–called history and biography, like that produced by Greg Donaghy, which does not inscribe Québécocrats like Paul Martin in the rise and fall of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are devoid of the conception of Québécocratic power, and therefore lack the notion of world historical scientivity. The reason for this omission is evident: The last Québécocrats in Ottawa are still working away destroying the remaining foundations of Québécocratic power, under the guidance of their delusions it is true. But these necessary illusions are not phantasies in themselves, but rather delusions in virtue of the mental flabbiness of the degenerate ruling classes in the face of Global American civilization: Their inability to perceive the whole is the result of their political and economic inferiority, their Machiavellism and Bonapartism, which is ultimately the basis of their self–destructive behavior.

They cannot perceive that the weakness of Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry places a much greater taxation burden upon South Central Ontario, which means that public debts must increase dramatically in the coming years: This means services must be cut as in 1995. This result entails the destruction of the last remnants of the soixante–huitard ruling class which brought the Québec Regime into power. In Canada the strife between Bonapartism (enshrined as Eurocracy) and American Idealism is passing–away. Americanism prevails.

7. See: “Former pediatric cardiac patients who had received multiple transfusions … 17 of the 1,783 children were infected with the AIDS virus.” André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, Toronto, 1995, 152–153.

See: “Perhaps they [Paul Martin and company] had never heard about the RCMP investigation that resulted in Continental Pharma pleading guilty in 1980 for falsely labeling blood as coming from Swedish donors when it had actually been extracted from Russian cadavers.” Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 31

8. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

9. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

10. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

11. See: “Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 167.

Incidentally, in response to rabid Québéckocentrics like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin Junior, themselves deeply infatuated at an early age with modern European irrationalism, we do well to ask: Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, was Canada really a federation or rather a pseudo–federation? Pseudo–federalism in Canada is politique fonctionelle, namely fédéralisme asymétrique (modèle Québécois), and is profoundly asymmetrical: The Lion’s Share of all federal employment, public works and infrastructure contracts, and equalization is pocketed by Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc. We must not forget to mention the many provincial, as well as federal, crown corporations controlled by Québec Régimers, that have invested over the decades the Lion’s Share of vast amounts of resources from the treasuries of English Canada in the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class: Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB), Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan (OTPP), Alberta Investment Management Corporation (AIMCo), British Columbia Investment Management Corporation (BCIMC).

Incidentally, large profits from these schemes flow out of Canada because many of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class are located in Europe, far beyond the reach of Revenu Canada: “The Public Sector Pension Investment Board picked London as its European hub and plans to spend as much as 4.6 billion pounds ($6 billion) in the region in the next five years. The fund, which manages the savings of the Canadian Armed Forces, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Reserves, plans to hire executives for its private–equity and private–debt business … London will remain the key financial center in the region despite bouts of uncertainty and volatility following the decision to leave the European Union, André Bourbonnais, president and chief executive officer at PSP, said in an interview … The fund continues to seek infrastructure investments.” Sarah Jones, Ruth McGavin and Sarah Syed, “Canadian Fund With $6 Billion War Chest Picks London for EU Hub,” Bloomberg, 9 May 2017.

No doubt the Lion’s Share of the profits generated from these so–called “infrastructure investments” will line the pockets of Lafarge Holcim, and the cream will end up in Laurent Beaudoin’s bank accounts in Switzerland and the Tropics, far beyond the reach of Revenue Canada: Canadian pensioners will then fight over the crumbs from the feast. The Québec Régimers hide behind the language of the Industrial Revolution, in order to disguise their Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, in the same fashion as Wilfrid Laurier. These kindergarten tricks quickly evaporate in the face of Uncle Sam’s political and economic meat hook.

The sick and the elderly thus rot in the bread lines, soup kitchens and flop houses, otherwise they are shuffled into the bone yards, while Laurent Beaudoin and his family of Québec Régime parasites gorge themselves on caviar, champagne and filet mignon. These are the naked political and economic facts.

“We consider that the modèle Québécois is long gone: It really does not exist anymore.” Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque et Yves Vaillancourt “Trois positions dans le débat sur le modèle québécois,” Nouvelles pratiques sociales, 122(1999): 1–10, 1: “Pour nous, ce modèle relève du passé: Il n’existe plus comme tel.”

The actions of the Trudeau Liberals and the New Québec Régime in Ottawa, with regards to the gift of nearly a half billion dollars from the Treasury of Canada, delivered to their biggest backers Laurent Beaudoin and Pierre Beaudoin and Bombardier proves the very opposite, namely that the modèle Québécois is not long gone and still exists, albeit in somewhat reduced size. This is also proof of the profound corruption of Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque and Yves Vaillancourt, as well as the Québec Intelligensia over the decades at the hands of Paul Desmarais.

Whosoever takes the most money from the Treasury of Canada has the most political and economic power: Laurent Beaudoin has taken more than $4–Billion from the treasury over the years, therefore Laurent has the most political and economic power: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds,” Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

Whosoever has the most political and economic power in Canada rules over Ottawa. Therefore Laurent Beaudoin is the ruler of Canada. These are the naked political and economic facts: The New Québec Regime in Ottawa, after the death of Paul Desmarais, is a Bombardier ruling class.

Incidentally, the total amount must be substantially higher than $4–Billion because the exact amount of money is a very closely guarded secret in Ottawa: “Bombardier Inc. has gone to great lengths to suppress the release of information about the government funding it receives, heading to court 10 times in nine years, often citing competitive concerns … how that money was spent, and how or even if it was paid back is difficult to discern from the documents released. While Bombardier says the information must be withheld for competitive reasons, the company has made this argument far more frequently than its industry peers … Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans … because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions — and repayment of those contributions — met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced … The company said it is simply protecting its legal right to withhold information on competitive grounds … Bombardier’s legal strategy appears to be working, as it has successfully challenged several requests for information in the courts,” (Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016).

It does appear therefore, at first sight at least, that the newly created Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, under the influence of the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive make–work scheme for the Québec Inc, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes from South Central Ontario, since nearly half the population of Québec is so poor they pay no federal income tax: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actualy taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.” David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax. This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

See: “According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”

Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

American federalism, which prevails in Washington, established by the Constitution of the United States of America, is profoundly symmetrical. Americans obviously consider that American democracy means the White House should not be occupied for a half–century by Presidents from (say) California. American federalism is rational political and economic order in the world of today. The opposite and antithetical position, which is political and economic sophistry, is the fountainhead of anti–Americanism in the world of today: “French Canadian and English Canadian are both under the political and economic domination of the United States of America. We therefore both need each other, in order to escape from this despicable situation … We Canadians have only one true reason for sticking together, in order to work hard and to enrich ourselves from this wealthy country: Once Canadians really shoulder this great burden, then we will have a true ‘national purpose.’ Canada will then be in a position to negotiate with America, not as a satellite but as an equal power.” Jean Pellerin, “Coup d’oeil rapide sur une situation tragique: Les USA achètent le Canada avec notre propre argent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.68(juin–juillet, 1964): 8–20: “Les Canadiens français, tout comme les Canadiens anglais, sont tous deux soumis à la domination économico–politique des États–Unis. Ils ont tous les deux besoin l’un de l’autre s’ils veulent réellement échapper à la situation déshonorante dans laquelle ils se trouvent … Les Canadiens n’ont qu’un seul motif de vivre ensemble, et c’est de se serrer les coudes en vue de s’emparer à leur profit de ce pays extrêmement riche qui est le leur. Quand les Canadiens se seront réellement attelés à cette tâche gigantesque on pourra dire qu’ils ont un ‘national purpose.’ Ce jour là, le Canada pourra négocier, non comme un satellite, mais comme une puissance autonome avec les États–Unis.” It goes without saying that anti–Americanism, in its various guises and disguises, is a very dangerous, pernicious and harmful ideology, especially in the Middle East, but also in South Central Asia.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a profoundly Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower.

12. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 33.

13. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

14. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 11.

15. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 35–35–41–48–50.

16. André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, Toronto, 1995, 158–159.

17. Ibidem, 36.

18. Ibidem, 9.

19. Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14. The rejection of the Québéckocentric media in Canada is not a rejection of the Canadian media and journalism per se, but rather the rejection of media and journalism used for the purpose of political propaganda, disinformation and indoctrination at the hands of a criminal ruling class. Obviously politics is not immune to corruption: Mortal corruption however destroys the very foundations of civilization.

See: “Everything in Québec is so corrupt … everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec … I don’t know how to put all the pieces of this puzzle together … I just don’t know why Québec is so corrupt. Maybe you can tell me why we Québéckers are so corrupt?”

Senator André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

See finally: “Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?” Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

See: “La planification française se distingue de la planification faite ailleurs tant dans l’élaboration du plan lui–même que dans l’exécution. L’élaboration est une oeuvre collective à laquelle participent des milliers d’individus représentant tous les horizons économiques. La première étape est réalisée quand le Cabinet prend position sur les grandes lignes du plan, préalablement préparées par le Commissaire Général du Plan. À ce stade on s’entend par exemple sur un taux raisonnable de croissance pour une période de quatre ans. Par la suite le Commissariat se voit confier la tâche de détailler ces directives générales et de rédiger le plan dans sa forme définitive, après consultation avec les intéressés. Et c’est ici qu’intervient une des caractéristiques originales de la planification française. Le Commissariat en effet ne groupe en réalité qu’un nombre relativement restreint d’experts, mais il s’appuie dans son travail sur beaucoup de collaboration de l’extérieur. Celle–ci se manifeste de deux façons. Sur le plan technique, beaucoup de travaux spécifiques sont confiés à des services de toutes sortes et dans tous les domaines imaginables. Quant à la préparation immédiate du plan lui–même, la plus grande partie du travail est confiée aux Commissions dites de modernisation. Celles–ci, composées d’un nombre variable d’individus représentatifs des milieux gouvernementaux, patronaux et ouvriers, s’intéressent à un secteur particulier (e.g., main-d’oeuvre, transports, industrie chimique, investissements intellectuels, etc.) et remettent après étude un rapport qui sera ultérieurement intégré au plan. L’avantage de cette procédure c’est que le plan n’est pas uniquement le fruit des cogitations d’un groupe d’intellectuels plus ou moins détachés de la réalité, mais le résultat à la fois d’un travail d’expert, puisque très souvent les rapporteurs des commissions sont des chargés de mission rattachés au Commissariat du Plan, et d’une certaine discussion entre les intéressés qui seront éventuellement responsables de la mise à exécution du plan. Les objectifs particuliers détermines par les Commissions sont finalement acheminés vers une Commission des équilibres qui s’efforce d’en faire un ensemble cohérent et c’est le Commissariat lui–même qui est chargé de mettre la dernière main au texte final. Le plan sera ensuite discuté au Parlement et voté. Dans l’ordre des réalisations, une autre caractéristique du plan français, c’est qu’il n’est nullement impératif. Il convient ici de signaler une différence essentielle entre le secteur privé et le secteur public. Pour celui–ci en effet, le caractère contraignant du plan est plus marqué. Néanmoins, le passage du plan à l’action ne s’effectue pas directement par le seul fait qu’il y a eu vote du Parlement. Les divers services gouvernementaux en effet n’agissent qu’en vertu de lois–programmes, qui sont la concrétisation du plan lui–même, mais qui ne seront votées qu’après vérification de la disponibilité des ressources budgétaires …. Quant au secteur privé, il n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan. Il se trouve cependant que les objectifs proposés sont assortis de toute une série de stimulants qui incitent en quelque sorte les entreprises du secteur privé à se conformer bon gré mal gré. Dans l’ensemble, la politique française préfère les moyens positifs aux interdictions. Par exemple, en matière d’expansion industrielle, au lieu d’interdire l’établissement d’industries à tel ou tel endroit jugé non favorable (et exception faite de la région parisienne) on préfère aider les entreprises à s’établir dans les zones privilégiées. Il ne faudrait pas croire qu’aucune résistance ne se manifeste, mais on réussit très souvent à les vaincre par de simples efforts de persuation. Une multitude de comités conjoints jouent à ce titre un rôle de première importance … Au–dessus de toutes ces initiatives, on trouve un cerveau ordonnateur, qui esl le Commissariat au Plan, mais aussi, élément tout aussi indispensable, les capitaux, qui sont fournis par des entreprises d’État et particulièrement la Caisse Nationale des Dépôts et Consignations. Cette dernière société, qui réunit une bonne partie de l’épargne française, ne se contente pas de gérer ces fonds ‘en bon père de famille,’ mais intervient de façon extrêmement dynamique, grâce à cet énorme réservoir de capitaux, pour faciliter la mise en application du plan.”

Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Business interests which follow the directives of the Central Plan, controlled by the politicians (and their backers), are entitled to lucrative handouts from the treasury: “The private sector is in no way forced to follow the directives of the Central Plan … the Government of France prefers positive methods … we prefer to subsidize our business enterprises.” Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 12: “[Le secteur privé] n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan … la politique française préfère les moyens positifs … on préfère aider les entreprises.”

And the “directives” of the Central Plan? Obviously, since they get all the grease, they are forged in a way that benefits the politicians in power and their backers: Therefore not all business interests can benefit from the Central Plan. What is this but a recipe for political corruption on a total financial, commercial and industrial scale? The Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in the arena of politics and economics, namely, Bonapartisme, is therefore not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, the world historical foundations of the Industrial revolution: Modern freedom is not Global freedom. This is the greatest secret of the 20th century: The Doctrine of the Concept is the inescapable lesson of history.

See: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy.” (Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 19). The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics.” (Ibidem, 18)

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker — the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”

20. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

21. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soliel et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaines de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaines, et une seule chaine en possède 70%.”

22. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

23. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55.

24. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

25. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 57–59–59.

26. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55–57.

27. Ibidem, 60.

28. Ibidem, 61.

29. Ibidem, 130.

30. Ibidem, 322–323.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CITED

Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

Bowman, F.B. and Sidney Katz, “Three Blood Transfusions Out of Four Are More Likely to Harm Than to Heal,” Maclean’s, 26 August 1961.

Bueckert, Dennis, “Information Commissioner Reprimands Martin Staff For Withholding Documents,” Canadian Press, 25 March 2002.

Dobbin, Murray and Kevin Steel, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

Dobbin, Murray, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003).

Dobbin, Murray, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Donaghy, Greg, “Preface,” Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, (Vancouver/Toronto: University of British Columbia Press, 2015), xiii–xv.

Grange, Michael, “Blood is ‘Filthy,’ Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 11 December 1996.

Kennedy, Mark, “Martin’s Past Back to Haunt: What Did He Know About Tainted Blood?” Ottawa Citizen, 15 May 1999.

Kennedy, Mark, “Tainted–Blood Sleuth Fire–Bombed: Intimidation Campaign Suspected as Arkansas Clinic Razed, Montréal Office Ransacked,” Ottawa Citizen, 22 May 1999.

Krever, Horace, Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada: Final Report, 3 vols., (Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services Canada, 1997).

Le Hir, Richard, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, (Montréal: Les Livres Baraka, 2012).

McAuliffe, Gerald, Joan Hollobon and John Marshall, “Federal Regulations Violated: Contamination Problems, Danger of Infection Reported at Connaught,” Globe and Mail, 27 February 1975.

Marowits, Ross, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2008).

Parenteau, Roland, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Patriquin, Martin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

Picard, André, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, (Toronto: Harper Collins Publishers Ltd., 1995).

Picard, André, “Canada Still Lacks Controls on Plasma Trade, Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 14 December 1995.

Philpot, Robin, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, (Montréal: Les Éditions des Intouchables, 2008).

Pratte, André, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5.

Shortell, Anne, “Under the Microscope,” Whig Standard, 23 November 1991.

Steel, Kevin and Murray Dobbin, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

TAINTED–BLOOD SCANDAL: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1956–2017

Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

Barlow, Maud and Bruce Campbell, Straight Through the Heart: How the Liberals Abandoned the Just Society, (Toronto: Harper Collins, 1995).

Bowman, F.B. and Sidney Katz, “Three Blood Transfusions Out of Four Are More Likely to Harm Than to Heal,” Maclean’s, 26 August 1961.

Bueckert, Dennis, “Information Commissioner Reprimands Martin Staff For Withholding Documents,” Canadian Press, 25 March 2002.

Delacourt, Susan, Juggernaut: Paul Martin’s Campaign for Chrétien’s Crown, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2003).

Dettling, Christopher Richard Wade, Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, Google+ 2017.

Dobbin, Murray and Kevin Steel, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

Dobbin, Murray, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003).

Dobbin, Murray, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Furesz, J., “Memo to File: Telephone Conversation with Mr. James Gesling, FDA,” Federal Department of Health, 30 October 1974.

Grange, Michael, “Blood is ‘Filthy,’ Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 11 December 1996.

Greenspon, Edward and Anthony Wilson–Smith, Double Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power, (Toronto: Doubleday, 1996).

Kennedy, Mark, “Martin’s Past Back to Haunt: What Did He Know About Tainted Blood?” Ottawa Citizen, 15 May 1999.

Kennedy, Mark, “Tainted–Blood Sleuth Fire–Bombed: Intimidation Campaign Suspected as Arkansas Clinic Razed, Montréal Office Ransacked,” Ottawa Citizen, 22 May 1999.

Krever, Horace, Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada: Final Report, 3 vols., (Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services Canada, 1997).

Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2008).

McAuliffe, Gerald, Joan Hollobon and John Marshall, “Federal Regulations Violated: Contamination Problems, Danger of Infection Reported at Connaught,” Globe and Mail, 27 February 1975.

Murphy, Rae, Robert Chodos and Eric Hamovitch, Paul Martin: A Political Biography, (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1998).

Newman, Peter Charles, “The Good and the Ugly: Begin vs. Boyle,” Maclean’s, 30 September 1996.

Picard, André, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, (Toronto: Harper Collins Publishers Ltd., 1995).

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