QUÉBÉCOCRACY: EMPIRE OF PAUL DESMARAIS (SPECIAL EDITION)

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2018)

PREFACE

We hereby present to the public some of our writings on the Québécocracy, — a vanishing phase of world history in Canada. Indeed, the Hydro–Québec(hydraulic) ruling class disposed of the old British imperialist régimes in French and English Canada. Alas, the political and economic instrumentalities with which the Québécocracy eliminated British imperialism in Canada were themselves borrowed from European modernity in the form of Bonapartism (dirigisme), — namely autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher, 1865–1940). Once the groundworks of modern European raison d’État are destroyed in Canada, the very foundations of the Québécocracy dissolve along with the world historical efficacy of the political and economic institutions of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Canada is thus repositioned in natural alignment with Americanism: This at least is the rational verdict of exact historiography and world history.

At the turn of the century, I left Simon Fraser University for Eastern Canada, and a new adventure of ideas. After having passed some 13 very hard years in Montréal, where I studied philosophy and the classics at Concordia University,and the humanities at Thomas More Institute, and after having studied philosophy at the McLennan–Redpath Library of McGill University for more than a decade, I have decided to share some of my book learning with the public.

This essay on the Québécocracy of Paul Desmarais (DAY maw ray) is a very good start: The subject matter deals with a very thorny problem in Canadian political science, namely, the fiendishly diabolical question, What exactly is going on in Ottawa? The traditional answer advocated by our Kantian luminaries, under the modern European spell of Taylor, ✝Klibansky and Bunge, is that our conception of the Canadian polity essentially depends upon our birthplace: Every region has its own peculiar brand of Canadianism, all of which overlap to some degree of family resemblance. But then, dear reader, our conception of Canada in light of the diamond purity of Hegelianism, is no longer a conception, because conceptual thought in the world of today is not mere opinion. As this essay proves, in contradistinction to modern European irrationalism in Canada (Charles Margrave Taylor, ✝Henry Silton Harris, George Di Giovanni and John W. Burbidge), the political and economicphilosophy of American Idealism maintains the very opposite position, as the Canadocentric Polity and the rise of the Canadosphere which is conceptualized in universal history under the comprehensive notion of Americanism, — as the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world.

The aim of this essay is therefore the advancement of the American Idealistic philosophy in Canada, the fountainhead of rational political and economic order in the world of today. From out of the almighty clash between reason and unreason in universal history, in the strife between Descartes, Spinoza, Berkeley and Hegel on the one side, and Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant on the other, comes forth the modern struggle between Western civilization and barbarism: From out of old Europe arises the New World in universal history. From out of the womb of the 20th century world, therefore arise the rational foundations of Global civilization. In the vortex of these overpowering ideas mere mortals are uplifted and swept–along as upon a storm tossed sea: European modernity is hurled upon the rocks of unreason and explodes in a firestorm of irrationalism. Humanity is not undone in the rise of Americanism: In the violence and terror of the past hundred years, the Great American Idealists arose to confront the disease of modern barbarism in the blood–drenched struggle between Western civilization and Oriental despotism. These almighty Idealists, the flower of their generation, were sacrificed upon the altar of universal history, — their blessed remains repose in every corner of the world. They knew only one law, these shining stars in the firmament of American Ideals:Never to turn their backs upon America, never to abandon the American people, never to abandon the American dream. Nothing was ever beyond their grasp! American Liberty is the flesh and blood of world civilization. Rational political and economic order is therefore the project of today, forged in the flames of universal history: American Idealism is born in the firestorm of world ideas.

The four literary portraits of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin are therefore intended merely to outline and highlight the fertile ground of Canadian political and economic history under the comprehensive form of Americanism, as the world spirit of Globalism, — a magnificent task which awaits the rising generation of Canadians in the world of today.

We sincerely hope that our readers grasp the inner and immanent thread which unites these four portraits as an historical moment in the rise of Americanism, in the clash between English and French Canada, as the world spirit of Globalism, and therefore sympathize with our intention in publishing these mighty American ideas: The rational conception of Canada.

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, 2018

AMERICANISM: THE NEW HEGELIAN ORTHODOXY

Turn your backs upon method: Gangrene is never cured with Lavender water. Hegel¹

The supremacy of the American world and the birth of Global rational political and economic order is the handiwork of the 21st century, and is now well under way: Globalism is therefore world civilization, the ultimate phase of which is therefore Americanism.

The mortal enemies of the American world do not accept this verdict of exact historiography and universal history: Even today they fight tooth–and–nail against the floodtide of American political and economic rationality in the world. The mortal enemies of Americanism are therefore the destroyers of the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world:

“The Kantian philosophy thus serves as a cushion for intellectual indolence which soothes itself with the conviction that everything is already proved and settled.”²

We know the results of 20th century political and economic irrationalism in the disintegration of modernity and its inferior ruling classes: “Kant’s philosophy is a high one … the march of God in the world, that is what the state is.”³ The world historical ground of modernity is thus utterly swept–away in the rise of Globalism and the superior ruling class.

Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime.⁴ Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed.⁵ Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe, especially that of the 20th century:

“If Hegel … had been led to talk more about social needs and less about Absolute Knowledge, Western philosophy might … have saved itself a century of nervous shuffles.”⁶

Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European raison d’État.⁷ One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism.

“[Hegel] was a thoroughly anti–critical, anti–revolutionary philosopher … Hegel’s teaching had been taken up by the Left in a one–sided and abstract way; and the great majority of people always prefer what one can become fanatical about, and this is never anything but what is abstract.”⁸

The great ship of modernity is sinking and the irrationalists are going down …

In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world.⁹ This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history.¹⁰ From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?

“All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”¹¹

Thus, the world does not exist, according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion.¹² Locke’s irrationalism proved deadly in the arena of modern European politics and economics, especially in the 20th century:

“Nothing in the world is eternal,” says Joseph Stalin, “everything in the world is transient and mutable; nature changes, society changes, habits and customs change, conceptions of justice change, truth itself changes … our conceptions, our ‘self,’ exist only in so far as external conditions exist that give rise to impressions in our ‘self.’”¹³

Leibniz, Hume, and Kant as well as their schools are guilty of the selfsame sophistry: “Hegel’s spirit was sufficiently broad to contain, among its disciples, the most various and even contradictory tendencies. He was great, on the one hand by his metaphysical results, on the other by his logical method; on the one hand as the crown of dogmatic philosophy, on the other as the founder of the dialectic, with its then revolutionary doctrine of historical development. Both these aspects of Hegel’s work revolutionized thought, but in their practical bearing they diverged widely. While the practical tendency of his metaphysics was, and is, to glorify existing institutions, to see in Church and State the objective embodiment of the Absolute Idea, his dialectic methodtended to exhibit no proposition as unqualified truth, no state of things as final perfection … to Hegel, the reality of the world is only thought, the logical development of thought, from the simplest to the most complex forms, must reproduce itself in the historical development of things. The validity of this view we need not here examine; it is sufficient to point out that [5] Hegel, in his ‘Philosophy of History,’ endeavored to exhibit the actual course of the world as following the same necessary chain of development which, as it exists in thought, forms the subject of his logic. In this development, everything implies, and even tends to become, its opposite, as son implies father; the development of the world therefore proceeds by action and reaction, or, in technical language, by thesis and antithesis, and these become reconciled in a higher unity, the synthesis of both … we might live to see another French Revolution, perhaps even more glorious than the first, leaving Social Democracy to try one of the greatest and most crucial experiments in political history.”¹⁴

We might live to see another French Revolution, perhaps even more glorious than the first: “To Hegel, the life process of the human brain is the demiurgos of the real world, and the real world is only the external, phenomenal form of ‘the Idea’ … it [the Hegelian Dialectic] includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it [the Hegelian Dialectic] regards every historically–developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it [the Hegelian Dialectic] lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.”¹⁴

The rational dialectic of Hegel is in its essence critical and revolutionary? “The philosophy of Hegel is the algebra of revolution, it emancipates man to an extraordinary degree and leaves not a stone standing of the Christian world, of the world of outlived tradition.”¹⁵ Indeed, the two–headed beast of American irrationalism, the satanic creature of Chomskyism and Rortyism, leaves a path of intellectual destruction in its wake as it crawls on its crocodile–like paws, Russell, Wittgenstein, and Carnap on the one side, with Gödel, Tarski, and Popper on the other, while its filth encrusted Quinean and Kripkean tail slithers along behind.¹⁶

These modern European gentlemen, and they were not alone, reasoned about a part of the rational world, under the delusion that it is the whole of rationality, and thus they did not reason about the world at all: “When I hear the name ‘Hitler,’ I do feel it’s sort of analytic that the man was evil. But really, probably not. Hitler might have spent all his days in quiet in Linz … I say that a designator is rigid, and designates the same thing in all possible worlds.”¹⁷

Thus they became the victims of their own folly: Thus they fell prey to far greater reasoners. Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate logical and linguistic reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “The ultimate ground of logic is the realm of truth without veil, the system of pure reason and the world of pure thought.”¹⁸

Destroyer of language and logic, grandiose corrupter of the American Spirit, the political and economic diabolism of Chomskyism and Rortyism is thus forever banned from the Sacred Halls of Americanism: “Thou Shall Not Pass Here,” is inscribed upon the uppermost chambers of American Raison d’État.¹⁹

“The United States … imposes intolerable regimes on Asian, Latin American, and Middle East countries, and economically exploits the great majority of mankind who live at below–subsistence level to support American profit … The American government pursues a policy of genocide.”²⁰

Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate political and economic reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “The concrete Ideas, the minds of the nations, have their truth and their destiny in the concrete Idea which is absolute universality, i.e., in the world mind … as mind, it is nothing but its active movement towards absolute knowledge of itself.”²¹

All decline and decay in American civilization is therefore irrationalism: “Catholicism is the oldest and greatest totalitarian movement in history,” babbles Sidney Hook, “other totalitarian movements have borrowed from it … [Christianity] can never be applied.”²² All that is therefore mortally corrupt in America bears the rotten hallmark of modern irrationalism:

“If they do it it’s terrorism, if we do it it’s counter–terrorism. That’s an historical universal: Go back to Nazi propaganda the most extreme mass murders ever. If you look at Nazi propaganda, it’s exactly what they said: They said they are defending the populations and the legitimate governments of Europe like Vichy from the terrorist partisans who are directed from London, that’s the basic propaganda line … We did it therefore it’s a just cause: You can read that in the Nazi archives too.”²³

“It is not mere chance that the greatest philosopher of experimental empiricism — John Dewey — is also the greatest philosopher of democracy.”²⁴ Long ago, therefore, the Idealistic Spirit of a youthful and vibrant America in the firmament of great civilizations, was utterly debased by the sophistry of American philosophical irrationalism: It is the selfsame decadence that destroyed Old Europe in a firestorm of unreason, in the so–called modern democracies of liberalism, republicanism, nationalism, socialism and communism, — in the power of the people and tyranny of the masses as the dictatorship of the Proletariat, in the contagion of the modern European political and economic satanism of the 20th century:

“Logic, in the Hegelian use, is just that criterion of truth which we thought at first to find in Kant’s transcendental Logic … [Hegel] offers us Reason affirmative and negative, and affirmative only in and through its own negations.”²⁵

The New World is the greatest civilization in history because American Idealism is the Spirit of Americanism: American Idealism is the philosophy of Western civilization in the present age, the Spirit of rational political and economic order in the world: Roosevelt was a cripple; he was a physical weakling; he was a man with no legs; but his profound genius, his unswerving devotion to the cause of America, uplifted the American civilization to the heights of world power. Joseph Stalin, on the other hand, the man of steel, was a brawler, a thug, a hardened criminal and a cold–hearted killer: Stalin and Hitler sealed the fate of Europe and unleashed a floodtide of satanism that engulfed half the earth in a firestorm of unreason. The Spiritual development of American civilization is the political and economic progress of humanity in the world, the result of the systematic and ruthless destruction of barbarism: This is also the ultimate verdict of the exact historiography and history of Westernism in the 20th century. Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational.”²⁶

The disintegration of modern European civilization in a floodtide of irrationalism, culminating in the collapse of Old Europe and the political and economic satanism of the 20th century, has absolutely nothing to do with the true and real spirit of science and technology in the world of today. It is rather the sophistry of the modern irrationalists: Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant.²⁷ “What other movement can hold up a positive ideal of equality in freedom which can simultaneously give hope to millions and shake the ideological foundations of totalitarianism?”²⁸ From whence comes this contagion of modern political and economic unreason?

The clash between East versus West unleashed the plague of irrationalism and the spiritual degeneration of modern Europe in the warfare of civilization versus barbarism, which is therefore also the titanic struggle between reason and unreason in the world: “Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude of these minds, and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement.’”²⁹

In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become merely relative, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of the Absolute in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006.³⁰ Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Regime therefore signalizes the end of modern European Raison d’État in Canada, — in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation.³¹ The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome …

The aggrandizement of the Western Spirit in the Global rational political and economic order of American civilisation and the abolition of barbarism in the world is therefore the true and real spiritual power of the sciences, philosophy and history, as well as religion, literature and the arts.

The Idea of America and the rational distinction between Americanism and anti–Americanism in the world of today is therefore the result of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in the political and economic arena of 20th century world history: “Of all the disciplines, the study of the folly and achievements of man is best calculated to help develop the critical sense of what is permanent and meaningful amid the mass of superficial and transient events and decisions which engulf the presidency.”³²

The separation of the wheat from the chaff is therefore the work of the greatest American Idealists: Wilson, Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush the Elder, Clinton, Bush the Younger, Obama and Trump, to name but a few…

Americanism is therefore the spiritual journey of humanity in the world historical realm of rational political and economic order: Globalism is thus the end of world history and the birth of Cosmism. This is the ultimate secret of Americanism in the world of today.³³

American Idealists of the earth unite under the banner of Americanism in the world!

WORLD HISTORY AND CANADIAN POLITY

In world history the political and economic germs of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are found in the decline of the British Empire, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism, and not merely in the globalization of the earth. Economic globalization concerns every country on earth, while the supremacy of Globalism involves the rise of Western civilization in the world of today. The selfsame political and economic movement of Globalism, in various forms and degrees of intensity, in the clash with European modernity, is found in all 20th century world history:

“In our destruction of institutions and ways of thinking, we create the ability to transcend them: This is the basis of our movement. We want to constantly overthrow everything around us, to create a Utopia in the existing world.”¹

In Canadian political and economic history, the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism is named the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — the Québécocracy: From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.²

1 — Who Murdered Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson?

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais comes from out of the government of Louis Saint Laurent³ crushed under the hammer blows of John Diefenbaker and Westernism: From out of the struggles for power in Québec between the followers of Louis Saint Laurent and Maurice Duplessis.

With the Liberals out of power in Ottawa, the creatures of Louis Saint Laurent are out of work and prospects: They set their sights upon Québec and Maurice Duplessis. In the war against the Triple Alliance they are assisted by the federal Liberal opposition in their endeavors to destroy the Union nationale: According to their schemes, the road back to Ottawa leads through Québec with the destruction of Franco–Canadian conservatism.

After the sudden deaths of Premier Maurice Duplessis and Premier Paul Sauvé, the Union nationale is struck down in 1960 by the Jean Lesage Liberals. Now the road is open for the return of Liberalism in Ottawa under Pearson: John Diefenbaker is defeated in 1963 under the blows of the Pearson–Lesage combine, and Mike takes power. But the Union nationale is not very easily destroyed in Québec after so many years in office, which means Mike’s hold on power is weak and rests upon uncertain foundations: A strong and resurgent conservatism under Robarts and Johnson could still end the half century Liberal stranglehold upon Ottawa.

With the sudden death of Premier Daniel Johnson (the elder) the stage is set for the demise of Franco–Canadian conservatism in the rise of the Parti Québécois and the anti–federalist movement: Jean Chrétien and René Lévesque have arrived upon the scene:

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”⁴

The seeds are sowed: Rational political and economic order in Canada is undone. Nearly a half century will pass before Canada rises once again upon the seat of rational political and economic order under PM Stephen Harper.⁵ Québec will be deeply divided into federalist and anti–federalist camps, and the Canadian economy will be gutted. Henceforth the vote will be split in half, which is the true and real basis upon which rests the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles, — namely in the retardation of the integration between Toronto and Montréal.⁶

“We really are sick and tired of our Nigger Kings: I wonder if we could borrow a Sultan or Colonel from the Arabs.”⁷ Thus, as their Gaullist counterparts in the Francophonie and Communauté, with their modern European opposition between monarchism and republicanism, resultant from the world historical clash between the Industrial and French Revolutions, the rulers of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and their families are enriched beyond their wildest dreams. But the outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right is not the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America: Modern right is not Global freedom.⁸

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the arena of politics and economics is deeply rooted among Franco–Canadians like Pierre–Basile Mignault: “Nations are individuals: I will always uphold this analogy.”⁹ From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”¹⁰ Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion.¹¹ The French revolution unleashed upon European politics and economics this sophistical distemper of the philosophes,¹² and brought to prominence the modern unreason of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke:

“The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoléon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoléon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”¹³

The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself? “Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”¹⁴

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European raison d’État:

“France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and glorious achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”¹⁵

Shall we forget to mention the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man,” exactly like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Paul Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”¹⁶

We shall see where these “new ways” of political and economic power lead Paul Desmarais and the Québec Regime, just as the revolutionary power of Napoléon Bonaparte destroyed the Ancien Régime of feudal France: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles. From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.

2 — Crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006

The entire list of the monstrous crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian people: Only by the rational insight of the world historical necessity of such a political and economic recovery, will our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

The following is therefore an outline which highlights some of the crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais over the years. The mortal corruption of the Québécocracy involves political and economic crimes, which are not covered under the Criminal Code of Canada, because legalized theft is the modus operandi of criminal ruling classes, — also known as Kleptocracies. The puppets of the Québécocracy in the provincial legislatures will no doubt justify their criminality, and focus on the financial, commercial and industrial achievements of the Québécocracy: Indeed, in their destruction of finance, commerce and industry in Canada, the Québécocracy often replaced what they destroyed. But the replaced finance, commerce and industry was nearly always controlled by the Québécocrats, and their business practices borrowed from Gaullist France, namely the political and economic conditions of very low–growth, which is stagnation in face of the rational political economy of Americanism, and which therefore results in political and economic decline and decay: The Québécocracy replaced the finance, commerce and industry of the British imperialist élites in English and French Canada with the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc.

2.1 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Canada

Québec Anti–Federalism

The Québécocracy used anti–federalism, which big and small Québécocrats name as souveraineté, separatisme, indépendence, nationalisme, even démocratie (“dirigisme,” autocracy founded upon popular consent) and held referendums, which greatly increased the political and economic power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and which in turn greatly enriched the finance, commerce and industry of the Québec Inc., but also greatly impoverished a great many Canadians and Québéckers: The Québécocracy was greatly assisted in this endeavour by the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, and the puppets of the Québécocracy on the Supreme Court of Canada, which holds Canada in check, but on critical issues, they give very special passes to the Québécocracy, — which never signed the constitution of Canada. When the provinces outside Québec tried to resist the criminal encroachments (politique fonctionnelle) of the Québécocracy in their political economy over the years, the Supreme Court of Canada and the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution (Notwithstanding Clause) were used by the Québec Regime in Ottawa, and the puppets of the Québécocracy in the provinces, to uphold the interests of the Québec Inc.

From the destruction of the Triple Alliance between Western Canada, Ontario and Québec (the political and economic system which first uplifted the embryonic Canadocentric Polity of the Diefenbaker conservatives, which was destroyed by the downfall of Franco–Canadian conservatism), comes the collapse of the Union nationale which resulted from the sudden deaths of Premiers Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, — in the rise of Jean Lesage, and then the Parti Québécois: From the destruction of the embryonic Canadocentric Polity, in the name of Gaullism and Bonapartism, in the elimination of the British imperialist élites of English and French Canada, comes the contagion of modern European political and economic irrationalism of the Québécocracy in the last half of the 20th century. Therefore, from the political and economic division of Western and Eastern Canada, which results in regionalism, in the division and alienation of the erstwhile English Canada of British imperialism from the Western and Atlantic provinces, and from the control of Queen’s Park by the puppets of the Québécocracy, comes the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of the Canadian people.

The rational and spiritual evolution of the Canadaocentric Polity in world history was retarded by British imperialism in Canada, especially during the Cold War: World historical determinations which resulted in the collapse of modern European political and economic irrationalism (especially in the Soviet Union), unchained the Canadosphere, which is now freed from the Bonapartism of the degenerate British imperialist élites in London, whose unreason preferred the French Revolution over the Industrial Revolution (even while they pretended to reconcile both in their Kantio–Hegeliandelusions):

“You can lay down all these general principles, but this is not a policy. Surely, if you are to have a policy you must take the particular situations and consider what action or inaction is suitable for those particular situations. That is what I myself mean by a policy, and it is quite clear that as the situations and conditions in foreign affairs continually change from day to day, your policy cannot be stated for once and for all, if it is to be applicable to every situation that arises.”•

In the 20th century destruction of modern European political and economic irrationalism, in the world historical downfall of modernity and rise of Global civilization in the world of today, the financial, commercial and industrial foundations of Bonapartism in Canada are therefore destroyed.

The clash between British and French Bonapartism in Canada was politically and economically expedient during the universal historical struggle between capitalism and communism in the 20th century, as a bulwark against the contagion of modern European unreason in the New World: The old conception of Canada is therefore undone, and thereby overcome, in the supremacy of American Liberty as the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world of today.

Modern European political and economic satanism in Canada destroyed itself.

The result of the modern European political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais over some 50 years, despite its very restrictive free trade with America, is the retardation of the political and economic integration of Toronto and Montréal (as well as Western and Eastern Canada), which in turn has greatly retarded the economic heartland of Canada, — including the financial, commercial and industrial integration of Canada and the United States of America.

The 1995 Cuts

Remember Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien (Jean–Jacques) and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? The Québécocentric actions of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals, namely fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle), gutted the Canadian military and threw many thousands of Canadian civil servants and their families into the bread lines, soup kitchens, food banks, even flop houses, especially in Ontario?¹⁷ The 1995 cuts were the handiwork of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals, which profoundly damaged social programs in Canada for a generation of Canadians, especially healthcare services in Ontario andQuébec.¹⁸

“In 1994 Paul Martin announced defense spending reductions totaling $7 billion in the following five years. The cuts would close four major bases and two military colleges within the next three years: Some sixteen smaller installations would also be pared down or be closed. The Martin–Chrétien plan would also terminate over 16,500 military and civilian employees of the defense department, leaving a civilian support staff and armed force of 91,900 men and women by the year 1998.”¹⁹

The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais greatly harmed the financial, commercial and industrial growth of Ontario, the heartland of the Canadian economy, causing Premier Mike Harris to make budget cuts in social services, instead of greatly increasing provincial taxes and debt, — thereby pushing Canada ever deeper into recession: The Harris policies were made very unpopular in Ontario by the Québec Regime media in anglophone Canada, since the biggest backer of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin over the years, namely Paul Desmarais, “controls some seven daily newspapers in Québec and Ontario.”²⁰ The Empire of Desmarais had a hand therefore in the downfall of the conservative government of Ontario: Desmarais thus helped to bring Paul Martin and his friends to power, especially in Ontario and British Columbia, as the Québec Regime in Victoria and Queen’s Park (Dalton McGuinty, Wynne and so forth), which greatly increased the public debt of British Columbia, and which eventually increased some threefold the provincial debt of Ontario, costing Ontarians more taxes, and giving them less services.

How many Canadians died in the 1990’s because they did not get the proper medical treatment they deserved when they needed it the most? They were the sick and elderly of the generation that supported conservatism in Ontario and Québec before the advent of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais. The same backwards policy was ruthlessly followed by Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan (another puppet of the Québec Regime), the main victims being the Old–Timers who founded the Co–operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti–Liberalism in Western Canada:

“The new minister delivered a tough budget … With a cumulative public debt of $14.9 billion and a population in which less than one–third of 1 million people pay income tax, prospects for revenue growth were dim … Saskatchewan, which introduced the first medicare (public health care) system in North America … planned to reduce the number of hospital beds from 7,284 to 4,300.”²¹

The Tainted–Blood Scandal

Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation,as one of a handful of senior–most Québécocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.”²² Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines. In other words, Paul Martin Junior and his three sons were becoming multi–millionaires, thanks to his lucrative connexions to the Government of Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa (“I didn’t have the money”²³), at the same time that Canadians were being infected with HIV and hepatitis C under his watch. (Other senior board members likewise turned a blind–eye, but they were not the owners of a firm that was becoming the biggest self–unloader operator in the world.)

Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation therefore did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada: Martin was very deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines: “My experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”²⁴ But monsieur, why was your experience at the Canada Development Corporation not also closely linked with your “political and economic ideas”? Perhaps it was: Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation, focused on fast money, and becoming a multi–billionaire, did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada, — flowing into the veins of Canadian men, women, children, babies, even the elderly, and thereby poisoning them to death.

The Sponsorship Scandal (Adscam)

Canada was hanging by the fingertips from the edge of annihilation in the 1995 Referendum, the work of five centuries was being undone: Who knows how many would have perished in the conflagration? Perhaps an entire generation would have been lost: The vampire demon of modern political and economic unreason was opening its bloodthirsty maw. One wrong move and the whole power keg would blow: The daggers and bayonets were coming out … around the corner a mighty historical catastrophe awaited Canada. The Golden Streets of this Canadian Paradise would be awash in rivers of blood: So many Canadians thought, themselves under the modern spell of the media empire of the Québécocracy. We did not perceive that the anti–federalists in Ottawa and Québec City were really Québécocrats in disguise, who used anti–federalism to drive out their anglophone competitors, and strangle them with red tape, in the name of the Notwithstanding Clause and the Chretien–Trudeau Constitution, — in order to uplift the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc. For what other reason did René Lévesque and the Caisse greatly enrich and empower Paul Desmarais? For what other reason did the presidents of the Power Corporation, Bombardier, SNC–Lavalin, Québécor, Alcan and so forth, advance the cause of the anti–federalist governments of the Parti Québécois over the years (e.g., 1985 Blue Ribbon Task Force)? Meanwhile, the Sponsorship criminals were busy cutting Canada’s lifeline and filling their pockets with cash: Paul Martin and his associates cut Canada’s lifeline in the 1995 Québec Referendum. We now know that the Québec Regime puppet master behind the Sponsorship Scandal was Joseph Jacques–Jean Chrétien, via his lieutenant ✝Jacques Corriveau, — a convicted gangster.²⁵

Québécocentric “Supply Management”

In Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, nearly all dairy production is controlled by the Québec Inc., namely Saputo (Dairyland), Parmalat, Agropur, Lactantia, and so forth, a practice long named “supply management” by Québec Regime puppets like Andrew Coyne (Cité Libre) in the anglophone Canadian press.²⁶ But the “supply management” of the Québécocracy is not supply management at all, — it is supply management interpreted as politique fonctionnelle. This massive organization of corruption is the brain–child of men like Lino Saputo, perhaps the biggest backer of Jean Chrétien and the Liberal Party of Canada over the years, and now one of the 10 richest men in Canada according to Forbes Magazine.²⁷

The Québec Inc., which monopolized Canada’s milk supply, uses ultra–high temperature sterilization (UHT) to pasteurize Canadian milk, rendering it useless for homemade cheese, cottage cheese, good yogurt and other dairy products. Of course, the Québec Inc cheese is made of low–temperature pasteurized milk and even raw milk.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa has established its puppets in the capital cities of every Canadian province over the years, in order to bribe or coerce local municipal, provincial and federal politicians and their family members: Thus the Québécocracy always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal government employment,²⁸ the Lion’s Share of all public works and infrastructure projects in Canada and abroad (the Francophonie, and so forth), as well as the Lion’s Share of all (unconstitutional) federal equalization payments (the Québécocracy has never signed the Chrétien–Trudeau constitution).²⁹ The creatures of the Québec Regime (big and small “Québécocrats”), also ensure that legislation is passed in the provinces (as well as Ottawa) that protects the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc. Raw milk, which is used to make cheese, is thus banned in nearly all of Canada.

How many Canadian children were malnourished over the past 50 years because their families could not afford to put milk, butter, cheese and eggs on their breakfast tables every morning? Today, some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty (merci Messieurs Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin). How many Canadian families were malnourished over the years because of the political and economic satanism of Lino Saputo and the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006?

2.2 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Ontario and Western Canada

Exact historiography proves the Old–Timers who founded the Co–operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti–Liberalism in Western Canada, were sacrificed upon the altar of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle):

“In an article entitled ‘Why Equalization No Longer Works,’ former Finance Minister Joe Oliver reviews several fundamental problems associated with equalization and questions whether this massive government program meets its original goal and still achieves a legitimate public purpose. He concludes by noting that current economic circumstances cry out for ‘a major overhaul of a decades old equalization program that is past its best before date’ … Québec, for example, has been able, at least in part due to the equalization subsidies from other Canadians which this year topped $10 billion, to support provincial programming that is much more accessible to residents in that province than elsewhere. Statistics Canada reported that the weighted average undergraduate tuition fees for full–time students in Québec is less than half the Alberta figure. The Globe and Mail also reported that average monthly fees for full–day daycare for toddlers in Québec was $152 in 2012. The corresponding figures were $825 for Alberta and $925 for Ontario, the highest of all provinces.”³⁰

Our (unconstitutional) equalization cash belongs in Western Canada (as Joe Oliver maintains), in provincial healthcare and education, as well as other public services: Without the resources, the puppets of the Québécocracy in the provincial legislatures turn their backs upon the sick and elderly, especially in the lower class, — exactly as under Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan. Historiasters at the schools of the Québec Regime (Janice MacKinnon and company) tell another tale because their snouts are in the trough.³¹

The Québec Regime “Left” (André Desmarais and Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien) in Ottawa hands out the goodies to the Québec Inc., namely the Lion’s Share of federal employment, infrastructure and public works projects, and (unconstitutional) equalization payments. When the debt crunch finally comes, as in 1995, the Québec Regime “Right” (Paul Desmarais Junior and Brian Mulroney) arrives upon the scene and makes sweeping tax cuts, which greatly benefit the Québec Inc., and which means the sick and elderly are dumped into the dustbin of history. Adolf Hitler’s economic policy in the 1930’s greatly enriched the ruling class of Germany and employed many Germans, but mutatis mutandis this is no rational argument for the benevolence of Nazidom.

This folly is called “centrism,” or governing from the center (Québécocentrismeas politique fonctionnelle or dirigisme), by Québec Regimers like Paul Martin Junior, which means that all anti–Québec Regime politics and economics is attacked as non–centrist. It goes without saying that the Québec Regimers (Québécocrats) are neither Liberals nor Conservatives, in the traditional meaning of the terms inherited from Great Britain and the United States of America (Industrial Revolution), but are really nothing more than a gang of crooks.³²

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has robbed Western Canadians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the Western economy, putting Westerners to work, building up Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry, especially in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has also robbed Ontarians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the economy of Ontario, putting Ontarians to work, building up finance, commerce and industry in Ontario.

2.3 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Aboriginals

Another example of the political and economic satanism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (the Québécocracy):

“History shows there are two ways societies can deal with diversity of opinion and behavior … The objective was to ‘take the Indian out of the child,’ and thus to solve what John A. MacDonald referred to as the ‘Indian problem.’ ‘Indianness’ was not to be tolerated; rather it must be eliminated. In the buzz–word of the day, assimilation; in the language of the 21st century, cultural genocide.”³³

Exact historiography and world history proves there are many different ways that societies have dealt with diversity of opinion and behavior in the past. The historical objective of Sir John A. MacDonald and the Government of Canada was not to “take the Indian out of the child,” to solve what was referred to as the “Indian problem” and commit what modern irrationalists like Beverley McLachlin, in hysterical exaggeration, name as “cultural genocide.”

Canadian Indians and “Indianness” were greatly tolerated in most parts of Canada, as the historical evidence demonstrates: Our population has always intermingled to an extraordinary degree. Assimilation and the assimilation of Indians and “Indianness” in the exact historiography and history of Canada is not therefore, and never was, cultural genocide: The so–called notion of culture advanced by Beverley McLachlin and her clique of irrationalists at the Supreme Court of Canada, the “juridical” basis of fédéralisme asymétrique, is a Kantian delusion.³⁴

Beverley, dear, how many Canadian “Indians” across the country are either dead or suffering from very serious health problems, men, women, children, elderly, even babies, caused by the toxic waste dumps of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (your very good friends): A human and environmental catastrophe which is costing Canadian taxpayers more than $4–billion to clean–up (as well as the yet uncalculated $Billions in First Nations and aboriginal healthcare costs)? Kitty–cat got your tongue, Beverley dear? So much for justice and human rights under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais.

2.4 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Ontario

Bobby Rae wrecked the New Democratic Party for Jean Chrétien and Pierre Trudeau: It was love at first sight, when Joseph Jacques Jean (Jean–Jacques?) Chrétien first laid his eyes upon angelic Bobby and his brother floating down the ski slopes of Europe back in the 1960’s.³⁵ Of course Pierre got in on the action: Rae syndrome spread like syphilis amongst careerists and opportunists alike; Bobby’s pygmies soon controlled the uppermost echelons of the New Democratic Party in Ottawa, and across Canada.

Since 1968, and without exception, at least until the rise of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Western conservatism and the Ford Nation, the leaders of every Liberal, Conservative and New Democratic government in Ottawa and the provinces (except Alberta and Saskatchewan) have always been the creatures of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, because the Québécocracy is a criminal (degenerate) ruling class:

“Premier Robert K. Rae, head of the New Democratic Party (NDP) government, went on television on January 21 to announce stiff restraints on government spending. Increases in provincial allowances for hospitals, schools, and municipalities were to be limited to 1 per cent for fiscal 1992–1993 and to 2 per cent for each of the next two years … On January 22, Ontario purchased a 49 per cent equity interest in de Havilland, an aircraft manufacturer and subsidiary of Boeing Company of Seattle, for $49 million ($39.9 million U.S.) and pledged another $300 million ($240 million U.S.) in subsidies. Bombardier Incorporated of Québec purchased a controlling interest in the company.”³⁶

Since the rise of Bobby Rae, until the advent of Stephen Harper, the Ford Nation, and Western conservatism, whether under Mike Harcourt in British Columbia or Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan, in the provinces the New Democratic Party has been firmly controlled by the Québec Regime. We must ask ourselves, therefore, Does Bobby Keith Rae suffer deeply from the affliction of flabby mindedness? Rae nearly bankrupted Ontario, according to the famous Canadian historian Peter Charles Newman.³⁷

At the same time in Ottawa and the provinces, the Liberal Parties were firmly in the hands of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy, thanks to the selfsame vermin, whether in Ontario under Peterson, in Québec under Bourassa, in New Brunswick under McKenna, in Prince Edward Island under Ghiz, and under Wells in Newfoundland. Socialists and Liberals alike sold their souls to the corrupt oligarchy: The proof is in their attributions of massive federal and provincial public works and infrastructure contracts and in their control over the vast resource monopolies of Canadian crown lands. Nearly all infrastructure and equalization payments over the years have profited by far the backwards monopolies, outdated cartels and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime, which uses nationalism and socialism (“laFrancophonie”) as a weapon to advance the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Inc., which is composed of the largest labor movement and unions in Canada, namely, the Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec and the Confédération des syndicats nationaux.

Yet the selfsame vampire oligarchy is wrecking Canadian finance, commerce and industry in the world of today. All these things are known to many Canadians. They are silent in fear of the bread line, soup kitchen, food bank and even the flop house. And rightly so. My creed is the philosophy of American Idealism: The Western establishment must govern in both Ottawa and the provinces in the name of rational political and economic order in Canada, — from the very homeland of Canadocentricism, first established in embryonic form under the government of John Diefenbaker. The burdensome taxation, the greatest part of which falls upon Western Canada, in the form of unconstitutional federal equalization payments (the Québécocracy has never signed the constitution), of which the Québec Regime always receives more than 50 per cent, must end with legislation passed under the Notwithstanding Clause, — once the criminal ruling class is undone in the rise of Americanism.

Liberal Party and New Democratic Party sweet talkers, first and foremost, serve the interests of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, especially under Thomas Mulcair, at least when it comes to the important question of who gets the biggest cut: Under Québec Regime domination (whether right, left, or center), the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of federal handouts. No more! At least not since the reorganization of the American world initiated by President Trump. The Eastern Establishment under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, the Québécocracy, has been completely corrupted by the modern European political and economic irrationalism of the criminal ruling class.

2.5 — Québec Regime Crimes Against British Columbia

For this reason, amongst others, the worse mass murderer in the history of Canada tortured and killed some fifty Canadian women (perhaps more) over the span of a decade, while the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Victoria did absolutely nothing to stop the carnage. The proof? They had information on the killer all along, but allowed the monster to roam free. Liberalism shut down the bloodbath and then trumpeted the feat far and wide in order to fill its putrid maw with caviar and filet mignon. Bravo! Why did the federal Liberals under Jean Chrétien, whose family is now one of the richest in Canada (Forbes Magazine), sit on their hands for more than a decade in the first place? Because they are the selfsame Québécocracy, — the selfsame inferior ruling class.

Did Premier Mike Harcourt and his insects rise to the top of the New Democratic Party without the assistance and intervention of the Québec Regime in Victoria and Bobby Rae? Not at all.³⁸ Every provincial and federal Liberal and New Democratic Party leaders, especially since the rise of Bobby Rae and his brother,³⁹ who is now a board member of the Power Corporation, have always been the creatures of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, — the Québécocracy is now, since the death of Big Paul, a Bombardier ruling class:

“Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, direct relations exist between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”⁴⁰

On many occasions, I have spoken to powerful politicians (and their emissaries) around the country over the years (whether they heed my words I cannot say): Canada should invest far more public works and infrastructure dollars in American finance, commerce and industry (which employs many millions of Canadians) because the vast political and economic advancement of Americanism (Amazon, Google, Microsoft, Apple, Facebook, Netflix) is far superior to the meager profits of the Québec Inc.

2.6 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Québec

According to the Charbonneau Commission of Montréal, organised crime long ago infiltrated the construction industry, and the ruling class of Québec was financed by this corruption. In other words, the Québec Regime was greatly enriched by the proceeds of organised crime. Over many decades organised crime in Montréal laundered drug money in the Québec construction industry. Therefore, proceeds of the heroin traffic from the Port of Montréal and the Saint Lawrence Seaway greatly enriched the ruling class of Québec. Blood money is therefore at the foundation of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais. Monsieur Martin, how many young people in Canada and the United States, as well as their families, were systematically ruined and destroyed by the political and economic satanism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais?

Do the families of the many thousands of victims of the Québec Regime in Ottawa deserve financial compensation for the horrific deaths of their loved ones, and for their losses, pain and suffering inflicted over the years? If your child dies a horrible death from heroin addiction and drug overdose, because evil politicians allow powerful Montréal crime bosses to roam free for many years, what do you do? Junior always ran in a Québec riding, and he was very closely associated with the ruling class of Québec for a half century: Yet he knew absolutely nothing of the massive political and economic corruption in the Québec construction industry and the money laundering links to Montréal organised crime? Remember the infamous mafia overlord Rizzuto, who got a bullet in his neck, and who was the biggest and most deadly crime boss in the history of Canada, perhaps even North America, and who in his day was as powerful as the New York bosses.

Paul Martin Junior is either mentally defective, otherwise he is in cahoots with organised crime (otherwise he is mentally defective and in cahoots with organised crime), — as is proved by his rôle in the Tainted–Blood Scandal. How do you get involved with politicians and politics and then become a billionaire in 20 years? You cut corners … How much dope came into Canada on the ships of Paul Martin and Canada Steamship Lines (CSL) under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — and from thence into America?

Is this really a stretch of the imagination? From Cliché to Charboneau, the highest echelons of the Québécocracy have been mortally corrupted by organized crime, — at least this is the verdict of jornalists and scholars like Linda Gyulai, André Cédilot, André Noël and many others who have reported anonymously over the years in Canadian media circles. The selfsame verdict is evidenced in the reports of the Gomery Commission, Bastarache Commission, as well as the Charbonneau Commission, — even in the testimony that is not redacted by the Québécocracy.

2.7 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Western Canada

For nearly a half century Alberta tried to get its oil pipelines directly to Toronto and Montréal, and thereby decrease the cost of gasoline in eastern Canada: An excellent policy for Canadian productivity. The Western establishment and its energy projects were systematically and ruthlessly sabotaged by the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais. Meanwhile, for some 30 years or more Paul Martin Junior made very good profits shipping Arab oil to eastern Canada. Canada is the only oil producing country in the world that has always imported the majority of its domestic oil consumption from foreign sources: A very bad policy for Canadian productivity. In Canadian history, the name of Paul Martin Junior is synonymous with the political and economic retardation of Canada.

2.8 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Atlantic Canada and the Maritimes

The Québécocracy destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the Maritimes and Atlantic Canada (the Golden Cod), in the name of French chauvinism, — mainly to curry favor with the Gaullist élites in Paris (whether Left or Right), in order to smooth the way for the Bombardier Corporation in France, and thereby greatly enrich Laurent Beaudoin and the Bombardier family:

“[Brian Mulroney] had allowed his officials to bargain away Newfoundland’s most precious commodity, its northern cod, by striking a secret deal with the French. [9] Newfoundland officials had been included in the negotiations right up until two days before External Affairs sneaked privately off to Paris to offer the French the golden cod … [109] Though quotas for Canadian fisherman had been cut, Ottawa gave France fishing rights in disputed waters plus the right to take fifteen thousand tonnes of Canadian fish elsewhere off Newfoundland … the deal was struck after federal negotiators secretly flew to Paris to reach a settlement without telling the Newfoundland officials, who had, up until then, been involved in the negotiations … [Brian Mulroney] blamed a 1972 treaty negotiated by the Liberals for giving the French the right to fish there … [146] [Brian Mulroney] predicted that he would play ‘a vigorous rôle, not a pretentious one’ in representing Third World concerns … [147]Mulroney replied that Canada would ‘never participate in a common front against France … [we] will always look for ways to reconcile French and Canadian positions,’ and would vigorously oppose ‘any attempt to isolate the French.’ His words would come back to haunt him months later when his government gave France everything it wanted in a fishing agreement off the coast of Newfoundland.”⁴¹

Brian Mulroney is a Québécocrat, in the same tradition as Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin?

“Inside the Conservative party, the anti–Diefenbaker element saw themselves as ‘progressives,’ and their goal, at least in the beginning, was not so much ousting Diefenbaker as changing the face of the party. First and foremost, this meant creating a responsiveness within the party to the demands of the new Québec [Politique fonctionnelle]. As a Tory student leader at Laval, Brian Mulroney was one of the ‘progressives.’”⁴²

Brian Mulroney is a Québécocrat — in the same tradition as Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, — as the Mulroney Québécocracy, the second Québec Régime in Ottawa:

“The new Mulroney government seemed to establish the worst excesses of the past as its only standard. Almost immediately, the Tories acquired a reputation for patronage and a return to the old ways of doing the government’s business in Québec. But equally quickly, there was a price to pay. The embarrassments of André Bissonnette and Michel Côté left Québec voters deeply disillusioned with the Conservatives [Mulroney Québécocracy], and the polls in Québec showed the government’s popularity plunging.”⁴³

The Mulroney Québécocrats (who are often referred to as “Tories” in the Québécocentric press, although they are the very opposite historical tradition), acquired a reputation for patronage and a return to the old ways of doing the government’s business in Québec:

“[Mulroneyists] had sold about 24,280 hectares of land (expropriated by the previous Liberal regime [376] for Mirabel Airport) for just over 30 per cent of its market value. Many of the bargains went to prominent Tories [Québécocrats]. François Romeo, a Tory [Québécocentrist] organizer, bought three houses on a 178–hectare farm for $148,000 and sold it all to a Montréal developer for $400,000 just twenty–four hours after the deal was registered. Former minister Roch LaSalle, boasting about the deal, said he had faced systematic opposition to his plan from civil servants, so, ‘I went to see Brian Mulroney and in thirty minutes I convinced him to get those fuddy–duddies off my back so I could deal with this problem in my own way.’”⁴⁴

We repeat: The Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is the vanishing ruling class that swept–away the old British imperialist élites in the world historical struggle between republicanism and monarchism in Canada, as the clash between the opposing conceptions of right unleashed by the Industrial and French revolutions, in the 20th century collapse of European modernity and rise of American Globalism, as the supremacy of universal freedom in the world, the rational political and economic order of Global civilization: Canada was ruled by big Québécocrats (Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin) for nearly a half century, — except for one year under Clark, Turner and Campbell. John Turner and Kim Campbell are big puppets of the Québécocracy (the Hydro–Québec ruling class), while Joe Clark is a small one. Puppets of the Québécocracy, in order to greatly enrich themselves and their family members, assist big and small Québécocrats in the propagation of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc.

Nearly a half century will pass before Canada rises once again upon the seat of rational political and economic order under PM Stephen Harper. Québec will be deeply divided into federalist and anti–federalist camps, and the Canadian economy will be gutted. Henceforth the vote will be split in half, which is the true and real basis upon which rests the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles.

Canadocentric politicians (mortal enemies of the Québécocracy), more often than not, have ended up like Jack Layton, Jim Flaherty, Rob Ford and Jim Prentice. Remember the fate of Duplesis, Sauvé and Johnson? Today this situation is changing, thanks to the dissolution of the media empire of Paul Guy Desmarais (“Canadian culture”), under the hammer blows of Global telecommunications and supercomputers, first unleashed by Ronald Reagan and the U.S. military industrial complex during the Cold War: American Idealism is on the rise in the White House,Washington and on Wall Street.

Of course, all this is categorized as a false narrative by the Québécocentric media, which is subsidized to the tune of many $–millions in public funds by the last remnants of the Québécocracy in Ottawa, money which is far better spent on good healthcare for the sick and elderly, — including many of the earliest supporters of the Québec Régime, who have paid very high taxes and large portions of their incomes over the years in contributions to the Québécocracy, in the name of false promises issued by the big Québécocrats, and ultimately based upon inert ideas, their outdated and surpassed conceptions which are therefore phantasms and delusions because powerless to uplift humanity to a greater level of political and economic freedom in the world of today.

We must not be overcome with pessimism and hatred, but must also clearly perceive what is coming–to–be in Canada: The divisions between English and French Canada have greatly benefited Uncle Sam by ensuring that modern European political and economic irrationalism in North America is weak. The supremacy of the American superpower is likewise a great benefit to Canada and the Canadian people, and for this reason the majority of our population lives along the Canada and U.S. border. Today, instead of the backwards political economy of the past, which has benefited Americanism during the Cold War, we propose the advanced political economy of the future, which greatly benefits both Canada and the United States of America, — in the name of 21st century Americanism.

3 — Québécocentrisme: Quiet Revolution and Asymmetrical Federalism (Politique Fonctionnelle)

Today, the province of Québec is a “Have–Not” region, like Ontario and Eastern Canada, because of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa:

“If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion — this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments.”⁴⁵

Paul Desmarais, Jean–Louis Lévesque, and the Québécocracy⁴⁶ first wrecked the finance, commerce and industry of Québec in the 1960’s by destroying the political and economic foundations of Duplessis and the Union nationale, — which unchained the Quiet revolution:

“The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles … We now know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”⁴⁷

The Quiet revolution and Empire of Paul Desmarais are the historical foundations of asymmetrical federalism (fédéralisme asymétrique) in Canada, which is Québécocentricism (Québécocentrisme), and which originates in the sophistical political economy of the Functional Politics (politique fonctionnelle) of Pierre Elliot Trudeau: Functional Politics is named by Trudeau as French–Canadian “democracy,” (démocratie) which he characterizes as “dirigisme,” which is nothing more than Bonapartism, — autocracy founded upon popular consent. Bonapartism, modern European raison d’Etat, is the Québec Regime’s political and economic justification for the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, — the criminal ruling class. Functional politics as Bonapartism (dirigisme) “works” because it “functions,” but its work is not the uplifting of Canada and the Canadian people to a higher level of political and economic freedom in the world, but rather the sweeping–away of the older order (the British imperialist ruling class of English and French Canada), the very groundwork from which the Québécocracy springs, — modern European political and economic irrationalism.

From whence comes the modern European political and economic irrationalismof Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy? The modern European unreason of Pierre Trudeau (dialectique de l’action) and the Québécocracy comes from the Kantio–Hegelianism of Charles Margrave Taylor (imperialisme yankee), one of the founders of the New Left in Great Britain. In modern European politics and economics, Kantio–Hegelianism is the sophistical philosophical justification of autocracy founded upon popular consent, — the power of the people and tyranny of the masses as the dictatorship of the Proletariat.

Leaders like Paul Desmarais in world history, who seek to replace in Canada the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, with the outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French Revolutionary “conception” of right, they are sophists, irrationalists in the iron–grip of modern European unreason: Modern right is not Global freedom.

For this reason, Paul Desmarais in his lifetime is a phantom: “The influence of Paul Desmarais is everywhere, while he remains invisible: The man seems to fear the light of day.”⁴⁸ In 1985 his fortune is estimated at around $500–Million: By 2008 Desmarais’ fortune has increased tenfold and is thought to be some $5–Billion.⁴⁹

“By the time he handed daily operations of the company to his sons in 1996, Desmarais had seen Power’s assets increase to $2.7 billion, from $165 million. Net earnings increased to $209 million from $3 million, and the market value of the company’s shares increased from $61 million to $2.6 billion, for a compounded annual return of 16.4 per cent. Canadian Business magazine ranked Desmarais as the wealthiest Québécker and Canada’s seventh wealthiest person, with a fortune estimated at $4.4 billion.”⁵⁰

The words of Paul Desmarais speak for themselves: “Canada is my country. Québec is my province.”⁵¹ Paul Desmarais is a French chauvinist: “French Canadians have not been able to think of the long–term in business because they’ve had no economic power: This must change.”⁵² The exact historiography of the Franco–Canadian people proves that they have possessed political and economic power in Canada and North America for centuries: Frenchchauvinists, on the other hand, have not possessed very much political and economic power until the advent of the Quiet revolution and the Empire of Desmarais.

What begins as the Quiet revolution, “Maîtres Chez Nous,” in the collapse of Franco–Canadian conservatism under Maurice Duplessis and the Unionnationale at the hands of Jean Lesage and the federal and provincial Liberals, ends with the rape of Québec at the hands of Paul Desmarais and his Empire: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”⁵³ In other words, “the ruling class of Québec greatly enriched Paul Desmarais and his family over the years.”⁵⁴

Jean Lesage creates the Société Générale de Financement, and with René Lévesque, nationalizes the electrical companies of Québec. After the sudden deaths of Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, and the destruction of the Unionnationale in the Quiet Revolution, the greatest part of all Canadian political and economic power in Québec falls into the hands of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy: “The interests of Paul Desmarais are everywhere in Québec: His influence at the Caisse is well known.”⁵⁵

“Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepard, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”⁵⁶

The Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy is the result of massive political and economic corruption, beginning under Jean Lesage and the Québec Liberal Party, and continuing after the death of Daniel Johnson under both federalist and anti–federalist leaders in Québec:

“The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais thus accumulated could only be obtained through his patronage of government officials and his influence in Québec politics: That is the history of Desmarais’ takeover of Gelco (GatineauElectric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation, which received huge subsidies over the years from the Québec Government.”⁵⁷

The Empire of Paul Desmarais was first built upon Crown Lands controlled by his political friends in the Liberal Government of Québec: “Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years.”⁵⁸

“In the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years, for $2.6–Billion to American investors. The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550–Million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off (arrachés) $3–Billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Québec.”⁵⁹

In other words, Paul Desmarais was one of the main backers of the Québec Liberal Party, and he was repaid with Crown Lands by Québec federalist and anti–federalist politicians like Jean Lesage, René Lévesque and Robert Bourassa.⁶⁰ (Lévesque anti–federalist in 1960) “The hand of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation dominates the constitutional, economic and social developments of Québec, and will continue in future governments.”⁶¹

4 — The Rational Conception of the Québécocracy as a Vanishing Phase of World History

The Empire of Paul Desmarais and Québec Regime in Ottawa (Desmarais and his family are located at the very center of political and economic power, namely as the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy) then attack those English Canadian manufacturing sectors of Ontario and the industries of Western Canada (not to mention industries in Atlantic Canada) which backed Diefenbaker and Canadian Conservatism, in order to consolidate and expand the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, is therefore the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc: The Hydro–Québec (the biggest Canadian corporation), the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec (CDPQ), BCE/BellMedia, Power Corporation, Bombardier Corporation, Saputo Corporation, SNC–Lavalin, DesJardins, Banque Nationale, the FTQ and CSN, and so forth, — the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the Québécocracy.⁶²

The Québec Pension Plan, the Hydro–Québec,⁶³ and the rest of these backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts, are of course ultimately controlled by powerful Québec politicians and their family members on a hereditary basis, which is precisely the reason why the Caisse has invested $Billions of taxpayer funds over the years in their corrupt business ventures.

These public funds are mostly from the taxpayers of Western Canada and Ontario, but Québéckers themselves are also very heavily taxed: The funds come from the Lion’s Share of all federal government employment; from the Lion’s Share of all public works and infrastructure contracts in Canada, as well as all unconstitutional federal equalization payments. In the space of a half century this wealth amounts to many $Trillions in public funds: Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle) is the main cause of the political and economic retardation of Canada.

The resultant political and economic vacuum in Canada created over the years by the Québec Regime in Ottawa was quickly filled by American finance, commerce and industry, and which now employs many millions of Canadians. In the world of today, therefore, the tables are turned: One does not simply destroy the political and economic backers of Americanism.

The corrupt methodology of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais is very simple: Over the years, the Lion’s Share of all provincial and federal megaprojects, and other government investments, from the Department of Regional Economic Expansion (Jean Marchand), the Canada Pension Plan and the Business Development Bank, to the new InfrastructureBank (as well as kickbacks from overseas aid to the Third World countries of the la Francophonie), and so forth, line the pockets of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy and the Québécocracy.

From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, under the powerful influence of world historical determinations, as the collapse of European modernity and supremacy of world civilization, arises the rational political economy of Westernism, which unites Western Canada and Ontario in the iron–clad embrace of Americanism, and which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.

What are the political and economic complexifications (instrumentalities of world history) exemplified in the struggle between English and French Canada in the last half of the 20th century, as the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, and how do they involve the world historical determinations of Globalism?

“[The] Saint Lawrence Seaway has opened the world’s largest inland waterway to deep–sea navigation. It permits large ocean–going ships to sail from the Atlantic Ocean to ports on the Great Lakes … By using it, about 80 per cent of the world’s cargo ships can now sail as far west as Lake Superior.”⁶⁴

The opening of the Saint Lawrence Seaway in 1959 “caused an agricultural and industrial boom in the Great Lakes region.”⁶⁵ The Second World War created greater interest in the seaway because of an increased “demand for electricity and shipbuilding resources.”⁶⁶ A special “Canadian–United States understanding was signed in March, 1941.”⁶⁷ The collapse of the British Empire and European modernity, and the rise of Americanism, unchains the Saint Lawrence Seaway.

The opening of the Saint Lawrence Seaway in 1959 vastly increases the financial, commercial and industrial intercourse between Canada and the United States of America, and greatly increases the power of Americanism in the world: Now the modern power struggles between English and French Canada are fundamentally transformed. The political and economic complexifications of the struggle between English and French Canada, resultant from the world historical form of Americanism, are mainly the result of the Cold War and the Global struggle between capitalism and communism.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais is not immune to the new political and economic complexifications unleashed by the world historical struggle between capitalism and communism, in the clash between English and French Canada. The power struggles between English and French Canada take the form of the strife between capitalism and communism, namely as the political and economic difference between Americanism and anti–Americanism: The modern world historical foundation of English and French Canada in the realm of politics and economics, the strife between monarchism and republicanism inherited from the French revolution, dissolves under the onslaught of Americanism in the world.

The outdated Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right (which is a Kantio–Hegelian delusion in the world of today), enshrined as the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, confronts the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and Constitution of the United States of America: This is the wall that checks the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — the Québécocracy. Despite their greatest efforts, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin are powerless in Ottawa to halt the advancement of Americanism in Canada, which means their grasp upon Canadian political and economic power is weak because America is now becoming an adversary of “modern Canada,” — in the birth of the Canadocentric Polity, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada. The Québécocracy is henceforth world historically divided, politically and economically, between Québécocentricism and Canadocentricism, — in the rise of the Canadosphere.

The clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais originates in the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, the political and economic effort in Canada to destroy the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. The clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Desmarais is accelerated in the wars of Meech Lake, which bring forth the Bloc Québécois, and finally bursts asunder in the contest for NAFTA between Brian Mulroney and Jean Chrétien.

The world historical conditions for the demise of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais reside in the end of the Cold War and the supremacy of Americanism in the world: The collapse of the war between capitalism and communism means the power struggles between English and French Canada, which have taken the political and economic form of the strife between Americanism and anti–Americanism, are undone. These power struggles are now sublated into the highest political and economic form of universal history: The supremacy of Global American rational political and economic order in the world.

English and French Canada are no more: The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is undone. Modern right is not Global freedom because the rise of Globalism entails the destruction of modern political and economic irrationalism in the supremacy of American finance, commerce and industry in the world: The backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the inferior ruling classes of the earth will be destroyed, as surely as Newton’s apple must fall.⁶⁸

The decline therefore of the British Empire and the world historical movement from modernity to Globalism is especially evidenced in Ottawa, the first sphere of Americanism: The new distinction between the Right and Left in Canada (resultant from Westernism, Harperism and the Ford Nation) is between the Conservative Party and the New Democratic Party, which is mostly based upon the American distinction between the U.S. republicans and democrats. The Québécocracy is gangrene, an abomination and monstrosity: Québec Regime federalism and anti–federalism alike are nothing more than politique fonctionnelle (Québécocentrisme), which is anti–Americanism in the world of today.⁶⁹

Canada thus appears at first sight to be a patchwork of municipal, provincial and federal power: But in the political and economic realm of world history this patchwork disintegrates into what is coming–to–be and what is passing–away. Indeed, the rational manifold of power relations between the spheres of politics and economics is the arena of technology in world history: The growth of rational political and economic order in the world is therefore inseparable from the rise of knowledge. Americanism, therefore, is the political and economic rationality of the American world, the fountainhead of Globalism.

Canadians have only one road to follow: The road of rational political and economic order in the world. And there are many speeds, trajectories and dimensions in what is coming–to–be, as the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes: The almighty clash between reason and unreason resounds in the arena of the sciences, philosophy and history, as well as religion, literature and art.

What is coming–to–be is a vast Global system of new power relations in the world, and especially in Canada, the first sphere of Americanism. This great world historical revolution is at the center of all serious Canadian political and economic calculations and policies. The old regimes of the earth either reject this situation outright, which takes the form of bloodshed and mass murder, otherwise they seek a modus operandi with the new order. Reason tells us these half–measures are ultimately doomed to failure, in light of the grave challenges which confront humanity: World problems need Global solutions.

Which speeds, trajectories and dimensions in the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, will therefore greatly advance Canada and the Canadian people on the road of rational political and economic order? In the rise of Globalism and the collapse of European modernity, as the unfolding of the American conception of the political and economic world in universal history, rational federalism is that system of power relations which destroys the fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle) of the Québécocracy, and is therefore the fountainhead of financial, commercial and industrial supremacy in Canada.

In Canadian history, therefore, the criminal ruling class has swept–away the old foundations of Canada since the end of the Second World War and the collapse of the British Empire: Now their time is come, since their work is done. The Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy is coming undone in the rise of Americanism.⁷⁰ The ultimate destruction of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, and downfall of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy, will indeed unchain the vast productive powers of finance, commerce and industry in Canada, and usher in a political and economic Golden Age:

The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history … When philosophy paints its grey in grey, then has a shape of life grown old, — Hegel.⁷¹

Detractors of rational political and economic order will undoubtedly turn away from these writings, — and level the charge of ideology against American Idealism: But when has the Constitution of the United States of America ever been named as ideology in the Western world, outside the Kantian traditions, in the sense of Stalinism, Hitlerism and Maoism? If the signers of the American Constitution are idéologues, then we are in very good company. If our adversaries mean we are ideologists in the pejorative sense of the word, then they place themselves squarely in the camp of anti–Americanism, and the dustbin of world history …

CHAPTER 1: ROBIN PHILPOT’S ARGUMENT AND THE CORRUPT LEGACY OF PAUL DESMARAIS

Quebec journalist and author Robin Philpot wrote a scathing attack upon Paul Desmarais and his corrupt legacy.¹ Desmarais had recently died, and great praise was being heaped upon the deceased, for all the amazing things he had supposedly done for Quebec. Few people, however, realized what Quebec and the National Assembly had done for Paul Desmarais: The ruling class of Quebec had greatly enriched Paul Desmarais and his family.²

According to Robin Philpot, the destiny of Paul Desmarais and his wealthy family would have been very different without the involvement of the government of Quebec over the years, which according to a famous contemporary, aspires to be a country and not merely a province: “French–Canadians who feel threatened always turn to Quebec,” Desmarais once said. “It’s our mentality.”³ Is this the secret behind the enormous wealth of Paul Desmarais and his family, that he was a persecuted French–Canadian businessman who needed government assistance in order to succeed in life? If Desmarais was so persecuted as a French–Canadian, then who were his persecutors? We know very well where this traditional sophistical reasoning leads in Canadian politics and economics.

Canadian establishmentarian journalists like Peter Charles Newman and Diane Francis have characterized the meteoric rise of Paul Desmarais in the 1960’s to the fact that he was “politically correct and a French–Canadian,” namely an arch–federalist capable of protecting the national interests of Canada and the Canadian ruling class from the evils of the Quebec independence movement: This analysis, according to Robin Philpot, is fallacious, and is completely at odds with the real political and economic legacy of Paul Desmarais.⁴

1 — Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation

Paul Desmarais was never an entrepreneur: “Starting at the bottom takes far too long … I have never done anything from scratch.” Desmarais was the builder of a financial empire based entirely upon the constant influx of easy money, which was quickly turned into a vast fortune. The enormous wealth Desmarais thus accumulated could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in Quebec politics: That is the history of Desmarais’ take over of Gelco (Gatineau Electric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation, which received huge subsidies over the years from the Quebec Government.⁵ After his take over of Power Corporation and the Montreal newspaper La Presse, the notion of the Empire of Desmarais first appeared, when the young Liberal deputy Yves Michaud sounded the alarm at the Quebec National Assembly:

“If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit of Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”⁶

Despite the patriotic eloquence of Yves Michaud, nobody in Quebec really seemed to care …

2 — The Financial Empire of Desmarais: The Quebec Inc

Desmarais always cultivated very close political and economic connexions with provincial and federal elites, so that every Premier of Quebec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to “eat from his hand.”⁷ Yet, in the eyes of Robin Philpot, the anti–federalist Premiers of Quebec, René Lévesque and Jacques Parizeau, were never the creatures of Paul Desmarais.

Much has been written on the political and economic relations between Paul Desmarais and Jean–Louis Lévesque: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montreal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance.’”⁸ As for Jacques Parizeau, he was the Premier of Quebec only for a relatively short period of time before being replaced by Lucien Bouchard, leader of the Second Quebec Referendum: Premier Bouchard did have political and economic affiliations with Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais: “Brian Mulroney and Lucien Bouchard used to talk about the meetings they had together at the Élysée with President François Mitterrand and Paul Desmarais.”⁹

According to Robin Philpot, not only did Paul Desmarais make investors flee from Quebec in the 1990’s during the administration of Robert Bourassa, but in 1989, in the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Quebec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from taxpayers over the years, for $2.6–Billion to American investors.¹⁰ The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550 million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off (arrachés) $3–Billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Quebec.¹¹

3 — The Quebec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006

According to journalist and author Robin Philpot, Paul Desmarais was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and therefore he was also a very big crook.¹²

Defenders of Desmarais such as Marc Jussaume, who attack the credibility and honesty of Robin Philpot, assert that since Desmarais paid his taxes in Quebec, he was not therefore a very corrupt businessman: “Paul Desmarais decided to live in Montréal, and the Charlevoix, and for that reason Power Corporation has remained a Quebec taxpayer. What is the bad–faith of Philpot’s attack? Philpot accuses Paul Desmarais of being the most corrupt Quebec businessman.”¹³

But apart from his existentialist critique of Philpot’s bad–faith (the phrase mauvaise foi, popularized by Jean–Paul Sartre and his Parisian counter–culture followers in the 1960’s), Jussaume advances no further information on the exact amount of taxes the Empire of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation has actually paidin Quebec over the years: Paul Desmarais, according to Robin Philpot, was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, but he also undoubtedly paid some taxes.

Jussaume also accuses Robin Philpot of tendentiousness and hyperbole: “The problem is that the nationalization of hydro–electricity started in 1962–1963, and was completed in 1964–1965. The investors who sold their companies to Desmarais essentially sold him bank accounts, and he did not receive any liquidity. Paul Desmarais was therefore not part of the nationalizations.”¹⁴

Of course, this “problem” certainly depends very much on what exactly Jussaume means by the “nationalizations” of hydro–electricity, and also on his divisions and subdivisions of the historical chronology of Quebec’s political and economic history, matters of exact historiography upon which he and many others are silent. Once the exact historiography of Canada in the last half of the 20th century is very well known, and also exonerates Paul Desmarais and the Quebec Regime in Ottawa of their monstrous political and economic corruption, then Marc Jussaume and his friends can fit their defense of Desmarais into the appropriate chapter, — if that day ever comes.¹⁵

According to Jussaume, “after the initial purchase of Power Corporation in 1968, which held 18% of Consolidated–Bathurst, the latter company lost a lot of money, but instead of selling Consolidated–Bathurst, Paul Desmarais increased his shares to 42%, and then he took over. Only afterwards did Consolidated–Bathurst become very profitable.”¹⁶

Says Robin Philpot in rebuttal: The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais accumulated over the years could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in Quebec politics, because every Premier of Quebec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to “eat from his hand.”¹⁷ No wonder then that Consolidated–Bathurst became “very profitable” under the control of Paul Desmarais and his family.

Robin Philpot’s charge against Paul Desmarais is straightforward: The vast fortune Desmarais accumulated over the years could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in politics: “All the Premiers of Quebec and Prime Ministers of Canada, since the time of Maurice Duplessis … used to eat from his hand.”¹⁸ In other words, Paul Desmarais was a very big crook.¹⁹

The political and economic inclinations of Robin Philpot are not here in question.²⁰ The historical and philosophical question at hand is whether or not Paul Desmarais was an extremely corrupt businessman, and therefore the biggest crook in Canadian history. Robin Philpot advances a number of instances in support of his historical argument: Unless his examples of Paul Desmarais’ corrupt legacy are demonstrably false, the argument of Philpot stands, and the conclusion is therefore irresistible.

The political and economic consequences of Philpot’s argument are of great interest with regards to the historical development of the rational conception of Canada and its actualization in the world of today: By far, the Empire of Paul Desmarais, namely, Power Corporation and the Quebec Inc., was the main backer of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006, when Canada was ruled by Quebeckers for nearly a half century, except for one year under Kim Campbell, Joe Clark and John Turner:

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Quebec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”²¹

CHAPTER 2: PAUL DESMARAIS AND CANADIAN CULTURE

The influence of the Power Corporation on Canadian federal and provincial politics is undeniable. US Ambassador David Jacobson¹

The ultimate secret of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is its concentration of media power, which comes from its control of Crown Lands, namely, the forest industry, as well as the sweet energy deals from its control of the Hydro–Québec: From the Chrétien family pulp and paper cartels comes the cheap newspaper that feeds the media empire. The linchpin of the “System D” is therefore French chauvinism, which ensures that what the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais names “Canadian culture” first and foremost serves them as their propaganda weapon, as with Cité Libre:

“The spirit of Emmanuel Mounier will fill all the pages of Cité Libre … Long live the French Republic!”²

Machiavellism is the political and economic fountainhead of Canadian Culture under the Québec Regime.³

As we shall see, Canadian culture, at least for the very most part, means so–called “Québecois culture,” which is ultimately another name for Canadian culture as French chauvinism: These are the main political and economic foundations of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, as the scientific notion of the Québec Inc.

In genuinely Hegelian fashion, this threefold world historical prism, the light of which we direct upon Canadian culture, is composed of (1) the Empire of Paul Desmarais, (2) the Québec Regime in Ottawa, and (3) the Québec Inc. In substance this triadic distinction constitutes the world historical notion of the Canadian struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in the collapse of modernity and rise of the Global world: This is also therefore the selfsame substance of the Canadian press in the last half of the 20th century.

Let us clarify our meaning straightaway. Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the modern conception of Canada is found in Canadian culture as French chauvinism: “French chauvinists in Canada harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all the power, and live as in France or as in French North America, because (as they hold) the Napoleonic and French revolutionary conception of right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, or that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing.”⁴ The strife between monarchism and republicanism, in the disintegration of the British Empire, in the power struggles between France and Germany in the 20th century, prove that these contradictory conceptions of right are not really the same thing at all, but together they contain the political and economic germs of a higher conception of freedom. At least this is the verdict of exact historiography and modern European world history: Modern freedom is not Global freedom.

French chauvinism, at least in the writings of the Québec Regimers (Cité Libre, La Presse, and so forth) is another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in Canada. French chauvinism also has a history in the Communauté and Francophonie, especially in Europe but also in Africa: Its last political and economic form was forged by Charles DeGaulle, before it was submerged under the floodtide of Americanism in world history. In the world of today, French chauvinism is therefore nothing but an inert idea.

Jean Chrétien: “I opposed Québec nationalism because I thought separation would destroy the French fact in North America, not build it up.”⁵ Most Canadians like myself, and the present generation, oppose “Québec nationalism” because the destruction of Canada will plunge this peaceful and industrious land into a firestorm of unreason, which will fill the gutters of our streets with rivers of blood, and condemn a generation of Canadian young people to a life of violence and misery: Unlike Jean Chrétien’s generation, therefore, Canadians really do not care very much about France and its political and economic status in the New World. That is why Canadians support the free–trade agreement between Canada and the European Union. At one time, however, Jean Chrétien was such a French chauvinist that he named his only daughter after the modern republic of France.

Of course, Jean Chrétien betrays himself (and his followers) in the first edition of Straight from the Heart, where he confesses that after twenty years in Ottawa what he really wants is “to be where the cash is.”⁶ Once the French chauvinists of the Québec Regime had looted the last remnants of the British Empire in Canada, they discovered Uncle Sam in the bowels of the treasure chest, upon whom their French chauvinism does not work. We understand, therefore, that Chrétien is neither interested in “the French fact in North America,” nor does he care much about France and its political and economic ambitions in the New World: What Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power:

“My family has always been rouge [Red], Liberal in the free-thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century … I had become a lawyer in order to become a politician … I was quite left wing when I began in politics. I wasn’t obsessed with making money … My pitch has always been to the working class because the Liberal Party in my riding is supported by the unions and the workers. We were the party that fought Duplessis, and I was an authentic descendant of those gutsy rouges who had fought against the bishops … Politics is a game of friends.”⁷

Again, what Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power: Unless francophone Canada is divided into Québec federalist and anti–federalist camps, this will not happen:

“The truth is that without Jean Chrétien’s low and despicable actions, on the 23rd of June, Québec would have returned into the arms of the great Canadian family. Today, we Québeckers are profoundly shocked and humiliated: Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back.”⁸

French chauvinists in Canada are therefore really francophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and other such scatology as La Presse. The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Pierre Beaudoin, Paul Desmarais and Lino Saputo into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive.⁹

As Chrétien admitted in 1986, the fabulous wealth of his family comes from his political work: “I owe to Canada all the privileges I have received.”¹⁰ And his family has certainly received many privileges over the decades from federal and provincial governments under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: In 1963 Jean Chrétien went to Ottawa with empty pockets, his father used to work in the lumber yards of Shawinigan, but when Chrétien retired from politics after many years his family had amassed a fortune worth more than $4-Billion dollars, and an international financial and media empire some say is worth more than $100 Billion. Today, the family of Jean Chrétien is something like the 4th richest in Canada, and the richest in Québec according to Forbes Magazine.¹¹

According to the biography, Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais first “met in the late 1960’s through a mutual acquaintance, the lawyer Pierre Genest.”¹² Indeed, Jean Chrétien always maintained “cozy connections with the Power Corporation” over the decades.¹³ The Power Corporation was even the backer of Chrétien’s first leadership campaign against John Turner.¹⁴ Chrétien used to handle the “major negotiations” for the Desmarais family because of “his tight personal and professional relations with the Power Corporation.”¹⁵ Chrétien probably first met Paul Desmarais through Paul Martin Senior, whom Chrétien ardently supported for the party leadership very early in his budding career back in 1958.¹⁶ Chrétien used to visit the family home of Paul Martin Senior in Windsor.¹⁷ Later on in his career Chrétien and Martin’s son, Paul Martin Junior, used to get together and hold meetings in the offices of the Power Corporation “during the 1970s and 1980s.”¹⁸

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner. In other words, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin were greatly enriched by the many political and economic divisions they created and promoted, but these same divisions have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada over the years.

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the realm of politics and economics is deeply rooted among French Canadians like Pierre-Basile Mignault: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.”¹⁹ From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”²⁰ Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion. This, of course, is the opposite of the teaching of Cartesius.²¹

The sophistical distemper of the philosophes, which brought to prominence the modern unreason of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke, was unleashed upon European politics and economics by the French Revolution: “The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoleon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoleon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”²² “Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”²³

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European raison d’État: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoleonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoleon Bonaparte.”²⁴ Shall we forget to mention the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader! Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoleon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man” like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoleon, Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”²⁵

Of course the historiasters like John English will strongly disagree with the above passages: He served as Liberal Member of Parliament for Kitchener 1993–1997, and has done very well for himself and his family under the Québec Regime in Ottawa. His book, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau 1968–2000, the index of which contains no entry on the Power Corporation, and only one entry on Paul Desmarais Senior, therefore completely ignores and neglects the very considerable political and economic connexions between Pierre Trudeau, Paul Desmarais, and the Power Corporation:

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”²⁶

Obviously, therefore, we are dealing here with a work of hagiography and not with exact historiography. Let us recall these words: “In our relations with the state, we are fairly immoral: We corrupt civil servants, we use blackmail on Members of Parliament, we put pressure on the courts, we defraud the treasury, we obligingly look the other way when it concerns our interests.”²⁷ These are the utterances of the Pierre Trudeau who once served as vice–president, then director, and finally president of the Rassemblement pour l’indépendence nationale (Assembly for National Independence), the French Canadian supporters of the General DeGaulle and his Vive le Québec Libre speech. We should therefore call John English’s book a work of pure Québec Regime propaganda.²⁸ Of course the book publishers are more than happy to accommodate the extremely corrupt politicians in their ideological zealotry, since in exchange they receive very cheap, taxpayer subsidized paper from Crown Lands controlled by the oligarchs of the Québec Regime.

The list of Québec Regime sycophants is therefore very considerable. We might mention in passing Charles Margrave Taylor, Monique Nemni, Ramsay Cook, and Radwanski, but there are legions of mercenary ideologues in the media cartels of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais. Is it ever otherwise with the political and economic corruption of inferior ruling classes? “Senior members of the major political parties are integrated into an intricate corporate web dominated by Paul Desmarais, owner of Power Corporation.”²⁹

What exactly is the relationship between Paul Desmarais and the Canadian Press? The connexion is named Power Corporation:

“Through Gesca Ltee, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Groupsubsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”³⁰

Robin Philpot the Québec journalist and historian tells the story of how, “after Paul Desmarais’ takeover of Power Corporation and the Montreal newspaper La Presse, the notion of the Empire of Desmarais first appeared, when the young Liberal deputy Yves Michaud sounded the alarm at the Québec National Assembly in 1968.”³⁰

We should cite the young deputy’s prescient words: “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”³¹

Owning newspapers and a media empire is no crime in the world of rational political economy, but the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no rational political and economic order in the world of today:

“The Liberal government showed favoritism to Desmarais’s Power Corporationin April 1995, when the federal cabinet ordered the CRTC to allow Power’s direct–to–home DirectTV channel to apply for a broadcasting license.”³²

Certainly, in the eyes of some Canadians, especially in Western Canada, “the Liberal government showed favoritism to Desmarais’s Power Corporation,” because the “federal cabinet ordered the CRTC to allow Power’s direct–to–home DirectTV channel to apply for a broadcasting license.”

From whence comes this political and economic corruption? Peter Charles Newman writes that “no businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.”³³ In other words, Paul Desmarais is the puppet master behind the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half–century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner: “Desmarais has been called the most powerful businessman in Canada, gaining the ear of Pierre Trudeau, Paul Martin, Brian Mulroney and Jean Chrétien.”³⁴

Thus, the substance of these reports is that the very “senior members of the major political parties are integrated into an intricate corporate web dominated by Paul Desmarais, owner of Power Corporation.” Let us advance a step further: “The making and breaking of governments in Québec and Canada is the prerogative of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation: This has been going on for some 40 years.”³⁵

From out of the web of Paul Desmarais comes therefore the late 20th century world historical notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“The Power Corporation of Canada has seventeen board members, namely, Pierre Beaudoin, Laurent Dassault, André Desmarais, Paul Desmarais, Paul Desmarais Junior, Paul Fribourg (US Government), Anthony R.M. Graham (See: William Carvel Graham), Robert Gratton (Government of Canada), the very honorable Donald Frank Mazankowski (Government of Canada), Jerry Edgar Allan Nickerson, James R. Nininger (Revenue Canada), Robert Jeffrey Orr (See: Robert Orr, Government of Canada), Robert Parizeau (Quebec Government), Michel Plessis–Bélair (Quebec Government), John A. Rae (the brother of Bob Rae the Premier of Ontario, Government of Ontario and Government of Canada), Amaury–Daniel de Sèze (French Government) and Emöke Jolan Erzsebet Szathmáry (Government of Canada) … Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, there exists direct relations between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation: Laurent Beaudoin, André Berard, J.R. André Bombardier, Janine Bombardier, L. Denis Desautels (Government of Canada), Jean–Louis Fontaine, Jane F. Garvey (Federal Aviation Administration, Obama Administration), Daniel Johnson [the younger], Jean C. Monty (Nortel, Bell, Alcatel–Lucent), André Navarri (Association des industries ferroviaires européennes), Carlos Eduardo Represas (Bombardier Mexico, Latin American Business Council), Jean–Pierre Rosso (US Government), Federico Sada González (Mexican Government, ITESM), Heinrich Weiss (German Government) … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”³⁶

From out of the web of Paul Desmarais comes therefore, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism in 20th century world history, the notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, because there are financial, commercial and industrial connexions between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation: As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec. Not only is Laurent Beaudoin famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.

Considering the many $Billions in healthcare transfers over the years, we must not forget to mention other essential political and economic spheres of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“Hélène Desmarais, a fierce opponent of plans to locate the University of Montréal Hospital Complex (CHUM/HUMC) in downtown Montréal during the controversial debates of 2004–2005, will soon join the Regional Healthcare Administrative Board, according to La Presse. Last June, Hélène Desmarais was nominated as president of the consultation committee on ‘how to facilitate the integration of the CHUM/HUMC into the diverse spheres of society.’ Hélène Desmarais is also the president of the board of directors of the Montréal Economic Institute, a right–wing think–tank which promotes the increased privatization of the Québec Public Healthcare System. Hélène Desmarais also sits on the consultative commission of the medical faculty of the University of Montréal. Hélène Desmarais is the wife of Paul Desmarais Jr., who runs the Power Corporation.”³⁷

What exactly is the web of Paul Desmarais?

“Power Corporation controls some of Canada’s biggest blue–chip companies, including the Investors Group, the country’s largest mutual fund dealer, and investment firm Mackenzie Financial. It owns insurers Great–West Lifeco, Canada Life and London Life. Power Corporation owns several Quebec newspapers, including La Presse. It also holds substantial positions in Chinese airlines and telecom firms and has large stakes in the world’s leading entertainment company, Bertelsmann, as well as a big piece of one of Europe’s largest oil producers. In 2003, Power Corporation reported annual revenues of $16 billion.”³⁸

From out of the modern European struggle between republicanism and monarchism, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism in 20th century world history, in the French chauvinist inspired nationalization of electrical energy and the firesale of vast public domains of Crown Lands, Paul Desmarais was first greatly enriched:

“[Power Corporation] received huge subsidies over the years from the Government of Québec … Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, under the control of Paul Desmarais, had benefited from very generous subsidies over the decades from the taxpayers of Québec.”³⁹

Paul Desmarais was therefore greatly enriched in the political and economic destruction of the Union nationale and the physical elimination of Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, who were powerless to resist the onslaught against them, as the influence of the British Empire waned in Canada and the world. Therefore we will always find the Hydro–Québec and White Gold at the very center of the political and economic notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, especially in 20th century world history, as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“Michel Plessis–Bélair, the vice–president of the board of directors of Power Corporation, has also sat on the board of directors of Hydro–Québec.”⁴⁰

Let us not forget in passing the connexion between Paul Desmarais and the Quebec Pension Plan (along with the Canada Pension Plan and the Business Development Bank of Canada), which has over the years invested very considerable sums of public money in his business ventures:

“Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepherd, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”⁴¹

From whence exactly springs the vast financial, commercial and industrial web of Paul Desmarais?

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far-away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.”⁴²

Now we know the germs of the Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right of the Québec Regime in Ottawa are found in the Canadian Press and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation,⁴³ as the modern (outdated) notion of Canadian culture, illuminated under the threefold prism of the Empire of Paul Desmarais in the disintegration of modernity and rise of world civilization as the self–determining and self–comprehending political and economic conception of Global freedom in 20th century world history …

Now the dream of Napoléon and the revolutionaries fades away as flesh and blood disappears, for Bonapartism is after all only a dream in the world of today, the political and economic nightmare of the 20th century: The true and real substance of world history remains and is named Americanism.⁴⁴

CHAPTER 3: TRUDEAU PHILOLOGY AND TRUDEAUISME

Dialectics of action drive us toward the imperialistic concentration of our powers upon a single objective: Democracy … I believe that statism (dirigisme) is necessary in order to maximize our Liberty.
Pierre Elliott Trudeau¹

[We] secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.
Pierre Arbour²

For Canadians, the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982 marks the birth of modern–day Canada. Jean–François Lisée³

The wars of the French Revolution marked the transition to the nation–state defined by common language and culture … [The United States of America] have never been nation–states in the European sense. America has succeeded in forming a distinct culture from a polyglot national composition.
Henry Kissinger⁴

In the last half of the 20th century, during the Quiet revolution, Canada and the Canadian people turned a blind–eye to the mortal corruption of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Their eyes were blinded by “Canadian culture,” namely propaganda from the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, in this case the media empire of Paul Desmarais, — and protected (protectionnisme) in Ottawa as a central cogwheel of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class. Canadians were assisted in their ignorance of the true state of affairs in Ottawa by the many ideological productions of the Québécocracy, which were passed–off over the years by the creatures of the White Gold ruling class, in the guise of exact historiography. The defenders of the White Gold ruling class, and their publishing conglomerates, received cheap paper and newsprint over the decades from their control of Crown Lands, and many of their adversaries, without this massive government support (investissement), were driven out of business, otherwise moved south.

One of the main areas of the ideological endeavors of the White Gold élites, is found in the masking of the satanism of the Québécocracy, the mortal corruption at the very basis of its 1968 seizure of power in Ottawa, and the diabolism behind its political and economic domination:

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”⁵

Peter Charles Newman, the well–known Canadian historian, says in his work on How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power:

“One of Desmarais’ favorite collectibles is Pierre Trudeau, who remains on Power Corp.’s international advisory board … plans for Trudeau’s candidacy had first been hatched in early 1968 at the offices of Power Corporation, at Friday–night meetings presided over by then–Power vice–president Claude Frenette. In August of that year, two months after Trudeau swept the country, the new PM flew to visit Desmarais at Murray Bay.”⁶

The Empire of Paul Desmarais was the main backer of the Québec régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006:

“In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”⁷

“[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … [Jean Chrétien] cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”⁸

“Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president … Paul Martin will be the fourth politician this Québec billionaire has groomed for or financially assisted into being prime minister.”⁹

Peter Charles Newman: “No businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.”¹⁰ In other words, “The making and breaking of governments in Québec and Canada is the prerogative of the Empire of Paul Desmarais: This has been going on for some 40 years.”¹¹

What is the political and economic relationship between Paul Desmarais and the White Gold ruling class?

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”¹²

Jean–Louis Lévesque, Paul Desmarais, and the backers of Jean Lesage are the figures that lurk behind the rise of the Quiet revolution and the birth of the Québécocracy, wrought by the deaths of Maurice Duplessis, Paul Sauvé and Daniel Johnson:

Jean Lesage (5 August 1958): “All that matters to me is that we find, in the very near future, a means which will allow us to combine our forces, in order to crush forever the Duplessis machine.”¹³

The arena of federal politics and economics, under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, is therefore the bastion of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class:

“Hydro–Quebec, a provincial Crown Corporation, is Canada’s largest electric utility and, judged by assets ($25 billion in 1983), Canada’s largest corporation … First created as a legal entity in 1944, Hydro–Québec did not become a major force until the early 1960s. René Lévesque then resources minister to the Liberal government of Jean Lesage, oversaw the nationalization of the province’s larger private electrical utilities. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Parti Québécois governments led by Lévesque further reorganized Hydro–Québec. The utility enjoys formidable economic advantages: Once dams are in place, operating costs are very low; furthermore, it has a contract to buy power from the Churchill Falls project in Labrador at 1969 prices until the year 2041. Hydro–Québec can thus underbid Ontario Hydro in the US export market, provide cheap power within Québec and still pay a dividend to the provincial government.”¹⁴

The rise of the White Gold ruling class (“nouvelle classe de parvenus”) under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and inscribed within the conceptual realm of 20th century world history as the collapse of European modernity and the rise of Americanism, is therefore in very large part the result of souveraineté, indépendance, séparatisme and other abstractions, first rigorously elaborated by Pierre Trudeau, René Lévesque, Jacques Parizeau, Pierre Vallières and many others at Cité Libre, — the very basis of the Québec anti–federalist movement:

“How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers (nouvelle classe de parvenus) instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”¹⁵

But the “airy fairy” ideology of Trudeauism, and the abstractions of souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme, are not the ghostly emanations of some netherworld, but are themselves inscribed within the political and economic arena of the world historical struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in the rise and fall of the Québécocracy, as the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the White Gold ruling class:

“Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Powershares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”¹⁶

“At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at the Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few.”¹⁷

“During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ),we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the many $millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse (Québec Pension Plan): Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not these wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”¹⁸

We have unmasked in the above paragraphs (which undoubtedly causes some confusion and stupefaction in the minds of those whose intellects were abused over the years by the delusions of Trudeauism), the satanism of the Québécocracy, the mortal corruption at the very basis of its 1968 seizure of power in Ottawa, and the diabolism of its political and economic domination:

“As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unravelled extended beyond inter–union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan–sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.”¹⁹

“Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”²⁰

“Everything in Québec is so corrupt … we all know that everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec.”²¹

“The faith of Québéckers in their public institutions is deeply convulsed … Corruption destroys the very foundations of our democracy … What is at stake here is the very idea of the evolution of the rational conception of right in Canada.”²²

We shall repeat our words from the beginning: For the past half–century, Canada and the Canadian people have turned a blind–eye to the mortal corruption of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Their eyes were blinded by “Canadian culture,” namely propaganda from the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, otherwise known as the media empire of Paul Desmarais, — and protected (protectionnisme) in Ottawa as a central cogwheel of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class:

Yves Michaud (1968): “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our National Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”²³

“[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvellisteof Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the specter of a virtual information monopoly.”²⁴

“Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Groupsubsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”²⁵

“It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95 % in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”²⁶

Indeed, from April 1962 until August 1966, very important years in the rise of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the Québécocracy, the magazine Cité Libre was regularly published by Pierre Desmarais Inc., of Montréal.

The argument is sometimes made by followers of the Québécocracy, that so long as they themselves are greatly enriched, they can tolerate the corrupt politicians and corruption. But these flabby minds do not draw the rational distinction between corruption on the one hand and decadence (mortal corruption) on the other. The Québécocracy was therefore greatly enriched while the modern political and economic foundations of finance, commerce and industry were swept–away. But the Québécocracy has sought to erect backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts as replacements, and thereby impede the rise of rational political and economic order. This situation has prevailed in the regions of Canada, and many Canadians are thereby impoverished. Canada, like Mexico, is in the grasp of a criminal ruling class, but the eyes of Canadians during the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, were blinded by “Canadian culture.” America and the American people have suffered over the years from the irrationalism of the Canadian and Mexican ruling classes. This almighty Global civilization, and its beautiful American idealists, upholders of freedom and humanity in the 20th century at great cost, have been stabbed in the back by their own neighbours, the effete and degenerate ruling classes of European modernity in the New World. The Québécocracy and the narco–élites are an abomination: Let them rot on the dunghill of history. The spiritual power of universal history is moving against the destroyers of America and the American people, the last wreckers of rational political and economic order in the world, and is neutralizing them one by one: Their extinction is the supremacy of Americanism in the 21st century.

Québécocrats are therefore francophone and anglophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and other such scatology as La Presse, The Canadian Press and so forth, namely Canadian culture. The political and economic abstractions of the Québécocracy, based upon the phantasm of French Canada, was very useful in making Pierre Beaudoin, Paul Desmarais and Lino Saputo into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin, and many others. But today, thanks to their delusions of the French Fact in North America (souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme), some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive:

“According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”²⁷

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax:

“The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”²⁸

This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers: “[We] secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”

The actions of Pierre Trudeau and René Lévesque (his erstwhile companion at Cité Libre), whether in Ottawa or Québec, always aimed at uplifting themselves and the Québécocracy, as the dominant ruling class in Canada, and as the replacements of the old British imperialist élites: This at least is the verdict of the rational conception of Canada in 20th century universal history, as the spiritual evolution from the lowest to the very highest form of freedom in the world, as the supremacy of Global civilization and American Liberty. Therefore, as a result of these power struggles, the very notion of Canada (and Canadian history) during the past half century has been profoundly perverted and debased as regionalism, in the creation of ideological constructions to seduce the Canadian electorate, based upon the Machiavellism of the Québécocracy. The Québécocracy requires the assistance of anglophone Canadians in order to implement its political and economic domination of Canada, especially the Anglos in South Central Ontario, the Maritimes, and the West. Today, the old British imperialistic conception of Canada is undone, but its modern–day ideological replacement by the Québec régime in Ottawa, is financially, commercially and industrially powerless in the political and economic arena of world history, — out of step with our times. The Québécocracy is therefore out of step with the reorganization of the American world.

The arena of the ideological constructions of this modern conception of Canada, is the propaganda of Trudeauism, which is based upon “biographies” of Pierre Trudeau (published by companies that get especially cheap rates on paper and newsprint granted by the Québécocracy’s rape of Crown Lands):

“Trudeau the chameleon, many people believe, will always be an enigma. Indeed, journalists, biographers, and many Canadians, have been and continue to be intrigued and puzzled by Trudeau. A witty comment about him conjures up the peculiar state of confusion writers find themselves in when they set out to describe him: ‘Someone is going to say one day, ‘Will the real Mr. Trudeau please stand up,’ and about fifty–eight people will rise.’”²⁹

We must beware of sophistical Trudeau philology in the elucidation of the rational conception of Canada in the world of today: Sophistical Trudeau philology is often used in order to “prove” the existence of the nationalist–federalist shift in the rise of Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy, namely to “imply” that the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class is the upholder of rational political and economic order in Canada, — the “implication” (suggestion) that the Québécocracy is a Canadocentric polity:

“[Trudeau] provided Canada with a charter defending the inalienable rights of the person … [Trudeau] adopted positions at odds with those he had championed … when and how did he make this 180–degree turn? … this son of Québec became the father of Canada … Unlike many Cité Libre collaborators, including Gérard Pelletier, Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party.”³⁰

According to Max and Monique Nemni, Pierre Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party, unlike many Cité Libre collaborators, including Gérard Pelletier: Where is the precise philological difference drawn between Pierre Trudeau and the collaborators of Cité Libre in their book, Trudeau Transformed (2011)? Max and Monique Nemni do not draw an exact philological distinction between the writings of Pierre Trudeau published in Cité Libre which bear his name, and those writings which do not, namely, collective pieces published by the editorial team, upon which he collaborated, and other unsigned articles which as a member of the board, he chose and approved. Pierre Trudeau and the editorial team of Cité Libre, of which he was a founding member, certainly shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the modern European irrationalism at the very foundation of the French Communist Party:

“Emmanuel Mounier is dead. Even two months after his death, the time is not yet ripe for us to gauge the scope of the great loss which results from his demise. The most distracted of our readers can discover in each page of Cité Libre, not only the influence exercised upon each of us by the magazine Esprit, but also our very own determined effort to emulate its special objectivity, — which we want to elaborate even more profoundly: We have directly inherited this agenda from Emmanuel Mounier. The backers of Cité Libre had decided, from the time of their very first meetings, to send the director of Esprit the very first copy of Cité Libre that rolled–off the printing press. It is sufficient to say that Cité Libre was born under the banner of Esprit, and is faithful to the very same values for which Emmanuel Mounier fought until his very last breath … Even after his death, the spirit of Emmanuel Mounier will henceforth fill all the pages of Cité Libre.”³¹

Pierre Trudeau’s “nationalist–federalist shift,” the ideological construction of Max and Monique Nemni, themselves longtime puppets of the Québécocracy, therefore evaporates in the light of exact philological determinations. Pierre Trudeau did not shift from anti–federalism to federalism, such that he moved away from Québécocentricism toward Canadocentricism: Trudeau’s activities on the national and federal scenes are rather the different spheres within which he applied his modern European political and economic irrationalism, in the destruction of the old British imperialistic élites, as the advancement of the Québécocracy, the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the White Gold ruling class, both provincially and federally.

Pierre Trudeau first directed his Québécocentricism against the British imperialistic ruling class in Québec (l’idéologie dominante), especially as personified by the government of Maurice Duplessis: Trudeau later directed his Québécocentricism, especially after the rise of the Gaullist (néo–nationaliste) Jean Lesage, against the British imperialistic ruling class in Ottawa, personified in his mind by the government of John Diefenbaker. Towards the Québec Liberal Party, Trudeau directed his Québécocentricism against its British imperialistic wing: Once inside the Liberal Party of Canada, Trudeau directed his Québécocentricism against its British imperialistic wing. Eventually, under the rising power of the Québécocracy, Walter Gordon and even Lester Pearson himself, as well as many other old timers (maudits anglais), were ultimately struck down or pushed aside.

Pierre Trudeau really started to direct his modern European irrationalism towards the federal scene after the deaths of Maurice Duplessis and Paul Sauvé, and during the decline of the Union nationale, under the hammer blows of Jean Lesage and Gaullism:

“De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning — or hoping — to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … de Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”³²

Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the son of Québec, became the father of Canada? The White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class is a Canadocentric polity? Nothing is further from the truth: The Québécocracy and its élites constitute a Québécocentric polity in Ottawa:

“Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”³³

We must therefore abandon the abstract conception of Canada, the thoughts in the heads of some Canadians (hagiographers and sycophants) of what Canada can be, might be, could be, would be, should be and even ought to be. These phantasms of the feeding–trough are the tunes the puppets of the Québécocracy play to the captive minds of their mostly eastern audience:

“Where will the new ideas in Québec come from? Will they come from our departments of political science? This is unlikely because our political scientists in Québec prefer to write rather than participate in politics, at least those whose brains have not been irreparably destroyed by the obscurantism of the hermeneutic, constructivist–relativist and paleo–Marxist philosophies.”³⁴

We will indeed avoid the obscurantism of the hermeneutic, constructivist–relativist and paleo–Marxist “philosophies.” Of course, we shall also avoid neo–Marxism like the plague, as well as the “philosophy” of Mario Bunge: His country was never raped by Uncle Sam and Yankee Imperialism, but rather wrecked by world communism and narco–terrorism. As lovers of truth and reality, instead we shall apply ourselves to the elucidation of that which constitutes the rational notion of Canada within the realm of exact historiography and world history: We shall not therefore restrict ourselves only to those writings in Cité Libre which alone bear the imprint of Pierre Trudeau’s name.

Thus, we shall apply ourselves to exact Trudeau philology with a vengeance: The writings of Pierre Trudeau in Cité Libre are categorized into three main groups: (1) Writings by Pierre Trudeau which bear the imprint of his name, (2) writings of the editorial team of Cité Libre of which Trudeau was a some–time member, and (3) writings of the editorial team from Cité Libre when Trudeau was not a member, but also during the period that he sat on the administrative board of the magazine.

This policy allows us to elucidate the rational conception of Canada, based in part upon the notion of the Québécocracy as an inferior ruling class: The Québécocracy is the dominant ruling class in Canada because its backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trust are based upon impérialisme (souveraineté, indépendance, and séparatisme). The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in its opposite, in the impérialisme of the French Revolution. Pierre Trudeau was a nationalist and a federalist because he was an impérialiste of the Québécocracy: Séparatisme is for the lowest classes; indépendance is for the middle classes; and souveraineté is for the upper classes, — at least for the most part under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, 1968–2006. Souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme, whether in Québec or Ottawa, as anti–federalism or federalism, therefore always means the political and economic domination of Canada by the Québécocracy, the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class.

The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in its opposite, as the impérialisme of the French Revolution, in the clash between subjective and objective freedom: Beyond the British empire in world history, we find no rising modern civilization, including that of the French empire. The adversaries of the United States of America and “Yankee Imperialism,” have only phantasms behind their outdated policies, out of step with the world–march of history ever since the collapse of Soviet communism: The “serious” critics of Washington on the world stage are not really the enemies of “Yankee Imperialism,” but the adversaries of some administration in the White House, whether republican or democrat, and therefore they are not really destroyers of Americanism, but adversaries of some American political and economic policy. The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in the impérialisme of the French Revolution, its opposite, precisely because the clash between monarchism and republicanism, in every corner of the earth, overcomes European modernity in the rise of Western civilization, as Global rational political and economic order, — the notion of universal freedom as the supremacy of American Liberty.

The struggle between republicanism and monarchism in the genuine Hegelian dialectic of finitude, as the modern political and economic form of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, is inscribed within the spiritual evolution of world history as the collapse of European modernity and rise of Global civilization. What is the meaning of this doctrine in the school of American Idealism? For the germs of this conception, we need only refer to the last part of Hegel’s Rechtsphilosophie:

“It is as particular entities that states enter into relations with one another. Hence their relations are on the largest scale a maelstrom of external contingency and the inner particularity of passions, private interests and selfish ends, abilities and virtues, vices, force, and wrong. All these whirl together, and in their vortex the ethical whole itself, the autonomy of the state, is exposed to contingency. The principles of the national minds are wholly restricted on account of their particularity, for it is in this particularity that, as existent individuals, they have their objective actuality and their self–consciousness. Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude of these minds [die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit], and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement.’”³⁵

The result is therefore always the same, whether as a Québec nationalist (anti–federalist) or federalist: The Québécocracy dominates all other Canadian ruling classes in the name of Québec impérialisme, as autocracy founded upon popular consent, which is the bastion of the (outdated) Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right in Canada and the political and economic arena of 20th century world history:

“[ii] What is in issue now is not the minor matter of the state’s form; what is in issue is the nature of the state itself. We cannot, as I conceive, understand the profundity of the debate unless we realize that it is a crisis which involves the ultimate substance of society’s constitution … [iii] The fundamental issue, at least, is straightforward; what is challenged is the liberal [Industrial revolutionary] theory of the state … [The state] is, in fact, the supreme coercive power in any given political society; but it is, in fact, used to protect and promote in that society the interest of those who own its instruments of production. The state expresses a will to maintain a given system of class–relations. It does so through the use of its supreme coercive power to that end. In the last analysis, this power consists of the defense forces of the state. These are used, in ultimate challenge, to impose the will of the owners of the instruments of production upon those excluded from such ownership … [iv]There may be more or less of coercion at any given moment, according as the economic situation of society enables more or less concessions of material well–being to be made to those excluded from the privileges of ownership … [v] in such a society the coercive power of the state is used to promote differences in relation to the satisfaction of demand which may be (and in fact often are) unjust. Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy this condition. This, as I understand it, is the challenge issued to the classic theories of the state in recent years. In its general outline, it was first formulated by Marx and Engels, and it received its classic re–statement by Lenin in his State and Revolution. I am not aware of any adequate answer to it from opponents of the challenge … Those who defend the classic theories of the state must be able to show not that an ideal state which exists only in their own construction, but the actual states, England, France, the United States of America, that we know, are inherently capable, granted the class–relations they maintain, of fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale, and that, therefore, they have a moral claim to the allegiance of their members on this ground … [vi] we are in a psychological condition comparable, as I have said … to the epoch of the French Revolution, when men seek to reconstitute the foundations of society. This they are now, as then, unable to do unless they redefine its class–relations. They cannot re–define them without possession of the state–power since it is in the use of its coercive authority that the means of re–definition are to be found.”³⁶

Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy “unjust” conditions by fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale:

Lenin: “The state is the supreme coercive power in any given political order, which is used, in fact, to promote and protect in that order, the interests of those who own its instruments of production … the state is the product and the manifestation of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms … the state arises when, where, and to the extent that the class antagonisms cannot be objectively reconciled … and, conversely, the existence of the state proves that the class antagonisms are irreconcilable … according to Marx, the state is an organ of class domination, an organ of oppression of one class by another; its aim is the creation of ‘order’ which legalizes and perpetuates this oppression by moderating the collisions between the classes.”³⁷

Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy “unjust” conditions by fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale? How, pray tell, is this accomplished? The methodology of this “capture of the state,” and the re–definition of its legal postulates, is based upon the Kantio–Hegelian sophistry of Karl Marx:

“My dialectic … is not only different from Hegel’s, but its direct opposite. To Hegel, the life process of the human brain is the demiurgos of the real world, and the real world is only the external, phenomenal form of ‘the Idea.’ With me, on the contrary, the ideal is nothing else than the material world reflected by the human mind, [5] and translated into forms of thought … In its mystified form, [the Hegelian] dialectic became the fashion in Germany, because it seemed to transfigure and to glorify the existing state of things. In its rational form it [the Hegelian Dialectic] is a scandal and an abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] regards every historically–developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.”³⁸

Modern freedom, as the Kantio–Hegelian dialectic of 19th and 20th century European political and economic irrationalism, is therefore the ideological fountainhead of the Québécocracy:

“Dialectics of Action (la dialectique de l’action) drive us toward the imperialistic concentration of our powers upon a single objective: Democracy … I believe that statism (dirigisme) is necessary in order to maximize our Liberty (la liberté).”³⁹

In other words, Kantio–Hegelianism, rechristened by Pierre Trudeau as the Dialectics of Action (la dialectique de l’action), as found in the pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism of Charles Margrave Taylor’s impure Hegelianism, is the backbone of the Trudeauist ideology, especially as outlined in Hegel (1975), Hegel and Modern Society, (1979) and “Hegel and the Philosophy of Action” (1983).⁴⁰ This is the secret of the rational conception of Canada and Trudeau philology. The implementation of Trudeauist democracy or “elected dictatorship” (Peter C. Newman), as the “la dialectique de l’action” of the Québec régime, is named “dirigisme” by Pierre Trudeau, but really results in little more than the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right (la liberté), especially familiar to francophone Europeans as the rationale behind Bonapartism: Autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher).

Pierre Trudeau maintains that the Dialectics of Action compel democrats like himself toward the imperialistic concentration of power upon democracy: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur … la démocratie.” For Trudeau, the imperialistic concentration of power upon democracy necessarily results in statism (dirigisme), because only modern European political and economic irrationalism maximises Liberty: “Je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.” Lenin, Stalin, Hitler and Mao also used the power of the people in the name of statism and imperialism: The same modern unreason that brought Europe to its knees in the 20th century, is served up on a new platter by the charlatanism of Pierre Trudeau, as the Machiavellism of the Québec régime.

But the New World is not old Europe, as is evidenced in the White House, Washington and Wall Street …

Today, the profound disillusionment in Queen’s Park merely signifies that the last remnants of the “soixante–huitard” ruling classes are being swept into the dustbin of history, victims of broken promises and shattered dreams: Their funeral pyres signalize the new ground of the highest conception of Canada and its place in the world of today. As the world historical groundwork of the last remnants of modern European political and economic degeneration in Canada is swept upon the dunghill of the earth, there arises a vast new spiritual conception of humanity as Western civilization and the supremacy of American Liberty in the world. From out of the world historical ashes of the Québécocracy, in the collapse of European modernity and rise of Globalism, comes the Canadosphere, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, — the Canadocentric Polity: The Québécocracy is undone in the rational conception of Canada as the supremacy of American Liberty in the world. The political and economic rationality of the American world bursts asunder the bonds of our modern unreason: The criminal ruling classes are undone in the rise of Americanism …

The Québécocracy is therefore the political and economic avatar of modern European raison d’état in Canada: This much at least is evidenced from the rational philological elucidation of the ideology of Pierre Trudeau and Cité Libre, in the rise and fall of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the hegemony of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class in Ottawa …

The 21st century is uplifting Canada and the Canadian people, especially on the West Coast — but not under the political and economic irrationalism of the Québécocracy — rather in the supremacy of American finance, commerce and industry in the world. The rise of the American world and Global civilization constitutes the political and economic liberation of Canada and the Canadian people from the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy, — the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class.

Of what use is the rational conception of Canada in the world of today? The American Idealistic conception of rational political and economic order, the bastion of Americanism, is really a very useful conception for all Canadians who greatly desire financial, commercial and industrial success, based upon the solid foundations of exact historiography and world history.

When applied to the realm of politics and economics, in the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, the rational conception of Canada therefore leads to happiness, prosperity and longevity: Make Canada Great!

CHAPTER 4: BRIAN MULRONEY VERSUS AMERICAN PROTECTIONISM

Exploitons à fond la Confédération … the confederation pact must not be allowed to continue on its present path, else it will be in danger of compromising its existence. Jean Lesage, 1962

Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.
Robert Bourassa, 1968¹

Brian Mulroney was recently decorated with the highest award of France, namely, the Grande–Croix de la légion d’honneur, established by Napoléon Bonaparte in 1802.² Why did Mulroney, a former Canadian Prime Minister, receive this great award? Mulroney was rewarded for his “distinguished services to the Government of France.”³ What distinguished services did Brian Mulroney perform for the French Republic? Mulroney was rewarded for his “dedicated advancement of the relations between France and Canada, and for the aggrandizement of the international Francophonie.”⁴ Brian Mulroney advanced the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“Mulroney is the first Conservative leader since Confederation who has any real ties to French–speaking Canada … Mulroney has been immersed in a distinct political culture that is alien to most English Canadians.”⁵

What do we have in mind? We must return to Québec City and the Law School of the Université de Laval, in the heyday of radicalism and revolutionism of the 1960’s.

“There was an explosion of conferences and symposiums, and the most spectacular of these was the 1961 Congress on Canadian Affairs at Laval University. Brian Mulroney and his Conservative friends — Meighen, White, Cogger and Bazin — were the driving force behind the symposium.”⁶

What is the significance of this event? “The English–speaking delegates of the conference were suddenly deeply immersed in the culture of intellectual revolutionism that presently disturbs French Canada.”⁷

The intellectual upheavals of the 1960’s in Québec, and Brian Mulroney’s education at Laval, are the early “driving force” behind his French chauvinism and later Québéckocentricism:

“In 1962, while Mulroney was a student there, the replacement of Guy Hudon as dean of law by Yves Pratte (later president of Air Canada and a Supreme Court justice) heralded an expansion of the new curriculum and a new openness to the forces of change that were penetrating the campus … the new directions in Québec society that accompanied the change of governments in 1960 were felt with particular force in the areas of federal–provincial relations and, more generally, in the relationship between French and English Canada … [Jean Lesage was] eager to involve the provincial government in new fields of endeavour, and adopted a newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa.”⁸

The impression of the intellectual revolutionism of the new curriculum, “un dialogue franc et ouvert,”⁹ profoundly affected the English–speaking participants of the famous Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs:

“The effect was amazing. To an English Canadian sitting in the crowded audience, the emotional response that he [Marcel Chaput] evoked was almost a tangible thing, a physical thing. Somehow he expressed the deep and abiding sense of insult — the word is not too strong — that his young listeners felt about the French Canadian minority position in a largely Anglo–Saxon country.”¹⁰

Brian Mulroney: “I was chairman of a panel discussion that made national headlines. On the panel was Marcel Chaput, the Québec civil servant who worked for the Ministry of National Defense and [who] made no attempt to hide his separatist leanings.”¹¹ From out of this ferment of 1960’s intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the Université de Laval in Québec City, arise the ringleaders of Joe Clark’s defeat. From out of the “new openness to the forces of change,” and the “new directions in Québec society,” from the “newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa,” arise the ringleaders of the Québécification of English Canadian conservatism:

“The 1961 Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs was the event that drew Brian Mulroney, Michael Meighen, Peter White, Jean Bazin and Michel Cogger together. The team that was to capture the leadership of the federal Progressive Conservative party in 1983 was in place.”¹²

In Mason Wade’s words, the graduates of the Université de Laval were, “the true makers of the ‘Quiet Revolution.’”¹³ The Quiet Revolution is the work of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc: “We Québéckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”¹⁴ Alas, Canadians have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession!

This same Brian Mulroney, who was very early influenced by French Chauvinism during the 1960’s upheaval of intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the most French chauvinistic university in Canada, the great defender of republican France and her political and economic traditions resultant from Napoléon Bonaparte and the French revolution, has a new lesson for Canada and the Canadian people:

“Brian Mulroney is warning Canada must not ignore the trade danger of American protectionism. ‘Americans are frustrated by the slow recovery of their economy … Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy.’”¹⁵

Brian Mulroney’s message to Donald Trump on NAFTA during the U.S. election campaign is very clear: “You’re cutting off your nose to spite your face.”¹⁶ Mulroney, in the national media, during the U.S. Presidential Elections (undoubtedly at the behest of Québec Régimers like Lawrence Martin, himself goaded onward by the toadies of Caroline Mulroney), predicts the defeat of Donald Trump: “I don’t think something like that [American protectionism], that negative, carries you to the White House.”¹⁷ According to Brian Mulroney, Donald Trump will lose the White House because his anti–NAFTA electoral position is out–of–touch with the American electorate. Brian Mulroney is therefore the political and economic adversary of Americanism in the world of today.

What is the trade danger of so–called American protectionism in the world of today? American protectionism, so–called by the mortal enemies of Americanism, is the political and economic advancement in world history far beyond the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the inferior ruling classes of the earth, — as the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world. Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy: American protectionism is a trade danger because Brian Mulroney cannot understand that Americanism under Washington and President Trump is the advancement and protection of the American world from the barbarism of disintegration, decline and decay: The outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right is not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Brian Mulroney cannot therefore understand that modern right is not Global freedom.¹⁸

What the mortal enemies of Americanism name as American protectionism therefore ignores the power struggles between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history: Modern sophists ignore the reasons why Washington is the American superpower in the world of today, and therefore Global civilization in their eyes is merely nationalism and imperialism. Thus when Washington turns its back upon criminal ruling classes, the destroyers of Americanism raise the bête noire of American protectionism, which they wrongly associate with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The modern sophists thus turn a blind eye to the rational distinction between corruption and décadence. Montesquieu speaks of décadence in terms of the political and economic power struggles between civilization and barbarism in world history:

“There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Roman civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes … in the nations conquered by Germans, power was in the hands of vassals, while right was the sole prerogative of the sovereign: In Rome the contrary prevailed.”¹⁹

There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Western civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes, according to Montesquieu: “Le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.” In their ignorance of this profound distinction, the greatest discovery of classical Athenian political economy, the mortal enemies of Americanism fail to notice the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity in contemporary world history:

“Admirers of Hegel are accustomed to refer to the first edition [Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Outline], as having most of the author’s freshness and power … in America, no one can look back a few years, without observing that the whole tone of our public men has changed, and that the phrases, ‘progress,’ ‘necessary development,’ and ‘God in history,’ occur with marked frequency.”²⁰

The Kantian traditions therefore are not the builders of rational political and economic order in the Global world.²¹ The rise of Western civilization into Global rational political and economic order in world history is the work of the superior ruling classes, while the decline of civilization into barbarism is the work of the inferior ruling classes. This at least is the verdict of exact historiography and 20th century world history: The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history.²²

Let us phrase this idea another way: “A prime minister’s powers are even greater than a president’s in that he can control the executive, the legislature and, if he is in power long enough, the judiciary.”²³

With these thoughts in mind, what therefore is the basis of Brian Mulroney’s new found anti–Americanism? It is the same old error that lurks behind his erstwhile pseudo–Americanism: Because of his French chauvinism and Québéckocentricism, Mulroney is unable to draw the rational distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history. For this same reason, as we shall see, free trade and NAFTA was watered–down under Brian Mulroney and the criminal ruling class in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

What is the Québec Inc? The Québec Inc is the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québécocentric ruling class that destroyed the old British Imperialists of the generation of Lester B. Pearson, and also the rising Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker, by destroying the Union nationale and replacing it with the Parti Québécois. At the very center of the Québec Inc is the web of Paul Desmarais, which is today a Bombardier ruling class: The Hydro–Québec is therefore the ultimate bastion of Québec Inc power.

René Lévesque: “The Hydro–Québec controls the political economy of Québec.”²⁴

The Hydro–Québec is used (1) to reward the backers of the Québec Régime with special energy deals, and to punish their enemies with lack thereof; (2) the Hydro–Québec is used to monopolize the energy infrastructure and public works projects of federal and provincial Québécocentric ruling classes in the rest of Canada, and abroad, often with the help of organized crime in the construction industry; (3) in the name of the Hydro–Québec, the Québec Régime wages political and economic warfare against the finance, commerce and industry of the oil and gas sector, especially in Western Canada; and lastly, (4) the Hydro–Québec therefore is used to dominate the Canadian energy industry, especially in Ontario, but also in Newfoundland and the Maritimes, as well as in British Columbia and Western Canada. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the backbone of the Québec Inc and the web of Paul Desmarais:

“The Power Corporation, the conglomerate which is controlled by Paul Desmarais, was able to infiltrate the highest levels of the Québec Government: Executives of the Power Corporation are also executives of the Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, vice–president of the board of the Power Corporation, has sat on the board of the Hydro–Québec.”²⁵

In 1993, under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Richard Drouin and the Hydro–Québec International directly invest public money with Paul Desmarais in Asia, some $66–million is invested in Power Financial Group in China, because “Hydro–Québec has unequaled expertise in hydro–electrical projects.”²⁶

Under the Québécocentric ruling class in Queen’s Park, Ontario Hydro directly invests public money with Paul Desmarais:

“[Maurice Strong] who in the 1960’s first uplifted the Power Corporation even before Paul Desmarais was in charge, also controlled the Ontario Hydro from 1992 until 1995 … in 1993, on the 6 October in Peking, Paul Desmarais and Maurice Strong announced the creation of the multinational consortium, the Asia Power Group, with combined investments of $100–million.”²⁷

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney turns a blind–eye to Paul Desmarais’ massive corruption, because Mulroney himself is in the trough: “Early in 1994 he [Mulroney] accompanied Power Corporation’s Paul Desmarais to China to advise him on the corporation’s role in the massive Three Gorges Dam hydroelectric project with Ontario Hydro and Hydro–Québec, as well as a $60–million real estate development in the Pudong region of China near Shanghai. Mulroney was extremely well compensated by Power Corporation for his assistance.”²⁸

The Caisse de dépôt et placements du Québec (the Québec Pension Plan) directly invests massive amounts of public funds over the decades in the Power Corporation:

“The Caisse de dépôt et placements du Québec and the Québec Pension Plan have invested large amounts of public funds over the years in the Power Corporation: This money is the basis of Power Financial’s smashing success. Ever since April 1984, whether in good times or bad, the Québec Pension Plan has not only maintained its support of Paul Desmarais, but even increased public investments in the Power Corporation beyond $370–million. On the 31 December 2007, the Caisse had shares in the Power Financial Corporation worth some $213–million.”²⁹

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Hydro–Québec and the Québec Inc is therefore the result of the constant and perpetual support of the Canadian taxpayers, and mostly from the very heavy taxation of English Canada, especially as Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle): The Québec Inc is therefore a moribund system of outdated monopolies, backwards cartels and corrupt trusts.

For this reason, the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, is the mortal enemy of the oil and gas industry in Canada and the United States, at least for the very most part, in order to protect the Hydro–Québec:

“The Hydro–Québec has an energy surplus since electricity prices are falling in the United States … the aggressive development of natural gas in America has forced the Hydro–Québec to sell its electricity very cheaply and in very large quantities to the United States in order to pay for construction of its new dams. The energy surplus of the Hydro–Québec and the drop in exportation prices promises to be a major headache for Pierre–Karl ­Péladeau the newly appointed president of the board … ‘the Hydro–Québec is guilty of dumping electricity outside of Québec — an historical amount of about 10% to 15% of all the electricity consumed in Québec is now on the spot market!’ …‘Now the Hydro–Québec must sell massive quantities of electricity to pay for the dams and stations that were once constructed for export markets’ … Péladeau is also vice–president of the board of Québecor Média, which controls Sun Media, and owns Le Journal de Montréal and Le Journal de Québec.”³⁰

Who now runs the Hydro–Québec? “Less than two weeks after having left his job as top executive at Bombardier, Éric Martel has been appointed president and general director of the Hydro–Québec … In 2014, the provincial Crown Corporation made record profits of $3.38–Billion, which amounts to a $2.53–Billion payout to the Québec government — the biggest in the history of Hydro–Québec.”³¹

What exactly are some of the political and economic connexions between the Power Corporation and Bombardier under the Québec Regime in Ottawa?

“The Power Corporation of Canada has seventeen board members, namely, Pierre Beaudoin, Laurent Dassault, André Desmarais, Paul Desmarais, Paul Desmarais Junior, Paul Fribourg [US Government], Anthony R.M. Graham [See: William Carvel Graham], Robert Gratton [Government of Canada], the very honorable Donald Frank Mazankowski [Government of Canada], Jerry Edgar Allan Nickerson, James R. Nininger [Revenue Canada], Robert Jeffrey Orr [See: Robert Orr, Government of Canada], Robert Parizeau [Quebec Government], Michel Plessis–Bélair [Québec Government], John A. Rae [the brother of Bob Rae the Premier of Ontario, Government of Ontario and Government of Canada], Amaury–Daniel de Sèze [French Government] and Emöke Jolan Erzsebet Szathmáry [Government of Canada] … Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, there exists direct relations between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation: Laurent Beaudoin, André Berard, J.R. André Bombardier, Janine Bombardier, L. Denis Desautels [Government of Canada], Jean–Louis Fontaine, Jane F. Garvey [Federal Aviation Administration, Obama Administration], Daniel Johnson [the younger], Jean C. Monty [Nortel, Bell, Alcatel–Lucent], André Navarri [Association des industries ferroviaires européennes], Carlos Eduardo Represas [Bombardier Mexico, Latin American Business Council], Jean–Pierre Rosso [US Government], Federico Sada González [Mexican Government, ITESM], Heinrich Weiss [German Government] … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”³²

Pseudo–federalists and anti–federalists alike in Québec are therefore Québécocentrists: They serve, first and foremost, the interests of the Québec Inc. Followers of the FLQ are sidelined as terrorists and radicals in Québec, because they attract the unwanted attention and ire of Uncle Sam. French chauvinism is the Québécocentrists’ ideological weapon of choice. What is their main strategy? They work to keep Canadocentric forces weak. For this very reason Canada is greatly infected with regionalism. The francophone populations in Manitoba, Ontario and the Maritimes are the essential puppets of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, without which Hydro–Québec, the political and economic backbone of Québécocentricism, will collapse. The provincial debt of Québec costs more than $10–Billion every year in interest payments and is rising at an alarming rate: Without Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique in Ottawa (politique fonctionelle), the Government of Québec will sell–off the Hydro–Québec in order to meet its financial obligations.³³ As in Ontario with the Hydro One file, under Kathleen Wynne and the Québec Regime in Toronto, the sale of provincial government assets will greatly enrich the Québécocentric élites of the Québec Inc.

How do the Québécocentrists keep themselves and the Hydro–Québec afloat? Despite their statements to the contrary (which are political falsehoods), and their intricate theatrics (which are political vaudeville), they keep Québec out of the Canadian constitution, which is the raison d’être of Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada (politique fonctionelle): By keeping Québec out of the constitution, the Québec Régime fans the flames of pseudo–federalism and anti–federalism, which ensures that nearly half of the Québec vote will remain in the hands of the Québécocentrics.³⁴ The Québécocentric ruling classes in Vancouver, Toronto and Montréal are therefore also the indispensable tools of Québec Régime power: For this reason organized crime is also their necessary weapon, which explains why they have often turned a blind–eye over the decades to the lucrative drug trade of the Rizzuto crime family. Like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney is a Québécocentrist:

“Domtar is a large Québec–based pulp and paper company that is 45 percent owned by the government of Québec through two provincially owned investment companies. In 1984 it made a profit of almost $90 million. Early in 1985 Domtar approached the Québec and federal governments with a request for approximately $200 million in grants to help finance a $1.2 billion modernization program for its fine–paper manufacturing plant at Windsor, Québec … On April 5, a deal was announced: The Québec government’s Société de développement industrielle would lend Domtar $150 million, to be repaid over ten years, and Ottawa and Québec would pay the interest on the loan on a fifty/fifty basis. Québec would also give Domtar a $21 million grant. The deal would cost Ottawa about $38 million.”³⁵

Meanwhile, Brian Mulroney allowed White Farm Equipment, an Ontario–based company, to fail.³⁶

In 1985 Mulroney said: “Our system of social programs, our commitment to fight regional disparities, our unique cultural identity, our special linguistic character — these are the essence of Canada. They are not at issue in these [free trade] negotiations.”³⁷ This is an admirable and worthy statement of our national interests, when forwarded by the statecraft of a superior ruling class. In the hands of the criminal ruling class the statement is a weapon of Québécocentric oppression, tyranny and enslavement, namely, Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada (politique fonctionelle). Indeed, this Québécocentric policy was used to water–down free trade and NAFTA under Brian Mulroney and the inferior ruling class, in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Free trade and the North American Free Trade Agreement was not the brain child of Brian Mulroney, but rather the work of Ronald Reagan, the great American Idealist: Mulroney liked to take credit for Reaganism in order to hoodwink Canadians into voting for him: The Québec Regime made free trade into a major federal election issue, when there is no real issue about our Anglo–Saxon traditions of political and economic freedom. They did so in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Canadians were held hostage by the Québec Regime once more, because a vote against Mulroney was made into a vote against rational political and economic order, when in fact the reverse is true: Free trade and NAFTA was watered–down in order to protect the Québec Inc. For this reason we have had many softwood lumber disputes with the United States over the decades, while Canada is handicapped by Quebecocentric “supply management,” among other things:

“B.C. dairy farmers were restricted by federal marketing agencies to exporting only 3 per cent of all the cheese manufactured in Canada in order to protect cheese factories in Ontario and Québec; B.C. dairies were thus forced to pour thousands of gallons of milk down the sewer … B.C. has 11 per cent of Canada’s population yet is restricted by Ottawa to producing 3 per cent of the country’s cheese.”³⁸

The real election issue was ignored by an electorate enslaved by our Québécocentric media, namely, the vast political and economic corruption over the years at the hands of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, resultant in the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of Canada at the behest of the Québec Inc. Mulroney and Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle) hide behind the mask of free trade and NAFTA, as pseudo–rational political and economic order. When all is said and done, Mulroney was just another Trudeau in disguise, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais, a political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime. Isn’t that so, Baie–Comeau?

Where did Brian Mulroney get his profound Québécocentricism? “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”³⁹

The “Red Tory” connexions to Paul Desmarais’ so–called conservatisme is evidenced in his strong support over the years of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Party, as well as his strong support over the years of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle), of which he was a great beneficiary. Desmarais was also one of the most powerful backers of the Liberal Party of Canada under Pierre–Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The so–called “French Canadian conservatism” of Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais is therefore most certainly at odds with the American conservative legacy of Ronald Reagan and the North American Free Trade Agreement:

“[Brian Mulroney] said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”⁴⁰

Québécocentric conservatives are very cozy with organized labor in Québec because their very expensive polices are offset by the Lion’s Share of federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash that comes mostly from the heavy taxation of English Canada, while the Québec unions like the FTQ Construction keep the anglophone “socialists” (the New Democratic Party from Ontario and Western Canada) out of the Québec Inc.⁴¹ Organized labor in Québec therefore is a lynch–pin of Québec Regime power in Ottawa.

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European Raison d’État: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”⁴² Shall we forget to mention the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man” like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”⁴³

As in the Francophonie and the Communauté, French chauvinists in Canada harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all, or nearly all, of the power for themselves and their families, and live as in France or as in French North America, because (as they hold) the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, or that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing: In fact, they are really francophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and such scatology as La Presse, namely, the Québécocentric media in Canada.⁴⁴ The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Paul Desmarais, Pierre Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and many other Québec Régimers into very rich men and women, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive.⁴⁵

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner. In other words, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin were greatly enriched by the many political and economic divisions they created and promoted, but these same divisions have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada over the years, in the name of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, which means the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash.

Today, thanks to the Québec Regime in Toronto and a half century of their political and economic irrationalism in the finance, commerce and industry of the economic heartland of Canada, Ontario is now a have–not province. In varying degrees of intensity, the same political and economic contagion of modern European Raison d’État is evidenced in Western Canada and the Maritimes, as well as in Québec.

The gas tank needs to be refilled: The Mulroney family fortune is on the wane, we surmise, after a half century of political and economic gluttony. The gas tank needs to be refilled: These filthy Québec Regimers have stuffed their bloated financial, commercial and industrial snouts with filet mignon and caviar at the public buffet for a very long time now. Shall we forget to mention the expensive champagne, fine wines and rare cognacs? Not at all, dear reader, not at all. Feast your eyes upon the orgy of corruption and criminality under the Québec Régime in Ottawa 1968–2006, the infamy and iniquity of a satanic ruling class. Their gas tanks are nearly emptied.

The Québécocentrics want to be in the driver’s seat of the New NAFTA renegotiations. For this reason Mulroney and his creatures will ensure the new leader of the federal conservatives is weak: Trudeau will then get his second mandate. The new NAFTA will therefore be renegotiated by Québéckocentrics like Jean Charest, Raymond Chrétien and André Desmarais (from behind the scenes), and will be mostly in favor of the Québec Inc., especially in the energy sector, and which will therefore increase and intensify the powerful Canadocentric forces of South Central Ontario (which holds a large accumulation): The Government of Premier Kathleen Wynne is therefore being sacrificed upon the blood–stained alter of Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique. An increase and intensification of Canadocentric forces means the power of Canadocentricism is on the rise: The rate of magnification is therefore bound to increase and accelerate under the dynamism of the world historical political and economic determinations unleashed in the first decade of the 21st century, but which date back to the end of the Cold War. The political and economic potency of this dynamic is evidenced in the demise of the TPP, the dissolution of the European Union, and the renegotiation of the NAFTA.

In the carbolic acid bubble–bath of Americanism therefore, slowly and surely these blood–sucking ticks, fleas and lice are falling–away from our body politic; these insects and vermin are the death–knell of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. Canada can surely rejoice at their destruction: Our abused and debased financial, commercial and industrial institutions are being reinvigorated once more, — under the floodtide of Americanism in the world!

Now that the Québec Regime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry must be protected, even strengthened, because it is a Canadocentric power: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower, namely the Canadosphere. When it comes therefore to Americanism and the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world of today, Brian Mulroney is an almighty ignoramus.

“Beware of Maya, the veil of deception that covers the eyes of mortals, and causes them to see a world of which one can say neither that it is or that it is not, because it is a dream.”

CHAPTER 5: JEAN CHRÉTIEN AND FRENCH CHAUVINISM

But blood–stained is the mire of December;
But the fog of Brumaire is perfidious;
In that air trees grow not, are barren,
Or bear fruits filled with poison and ashes.
Giosuè Carducci¹

Jean Chrétien: “I opposed Québec nationalism because I thought separation would destroy the French fact in North America, not build it up.”²

Most Canadians like myself and the present generation, oppose separation or separatism because “Québec nationalism” will destroy Canada and plunge the Canadian people into a firestorm of unreason which will flood the streets of our North American paradise with rivers of blood: As in the days of FLQterrorism, when gangs of murderous psychopaths slaughtered women, children (Jean Corbo) and the elderly, as well as political and law enforcement officials,―in the name of Vive le Québec Libre! This bloodbath brought the Canadian Military out of their barracks: Soldiers marched through our streets, armed to the teeth, while tanks and armored cars patrolled our cities. From finance, commerce and industry, the lifeblood of our great and prosperous North American civilization, we turned our attention to fratricide and mass–murder, the political and economic satanism of bloodletting cultivated by the modern European irrationalists of the 20th century.

This bloody experiment did not last very long, thank heavens, since alien to the very nature of the Canadian people, who mostly live alongside of the US border, and whose souls are daily nurtured by the powerful beacon of American Liberty: The nationalistic terrorists in Québec suddenly became federalistic terrorists in Ottawa, at least the cynical ones (hard terrorism became soft terrorism), with the sudden death of General Charles de Gaulle, who ran afoul of the Monroe doctrine, and whose untimely demise therefore greatly assisted in the decline of Québec anti–federalism and terrorism as a viable political and economic force in Canada.

Henry Kissinger: “The wars of the French Revolution marked the transition to the nation–state defined by common language and culture … [The United States] have never been nation–states in the European sense. America has succeeded in forming a distinct culture from a polyglot national composition.”³

The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary delusions of Wilfrid Laurier, his so–called “Political Liberalism,” ultimately derived from Louis–Joseph Papineau (in his senile period),⁴ therefore hold no sway upon the vast majority of Canadians, excluding the flabby minds of the Québécocracy, who mask their mortal corruption behind the Canadian flag,―while singing the tunes of the national anthem, they stab the treasury of Canada in the back:

“Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”⁵

In reaction to rabid Québécocentrics like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin Junior, themselves deeply infatuated at an early age with modern European irrationalism, we do well to ask ourselves: Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, was Canada really a federation or rather a pseudo–federation? Pseudo–federalism in Canada is politique fonctionelle, namely Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique (modèle Québécois), and is profoundly asymmetrical: The Lion’s Share of all federal employment, public works and infrastructure contracts, and equalization is pocketed by Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc.⁶ We must not forget to mention the many provincial, as well as federal, crown corporations controlled by Québec Régimers, that have invested over the decades the Lion’s Share of vast amounts of resources from the treasuries of anglophone and francophone Canada in the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy at home and abroad.

Unlike Jean Chrétien and his generation, therefore, Canadians really do not care very much about modern France and its political and economic grandeurin the New World. That is why Canadians support the free–trade agreement between Canada and the European Union. At one time, however, Jean Chrétien was such a French Chauvinist that he named his only daughter after the modern republic of France.

Of course, Jean Chrétien betrays himself (and his followers) in the first edition of Straight From the Heart, where he confesses that after some twenty years in Ottawa, he really wants “to be where the cash is.”⁷ Once the French Chauvinists of the Québec Régime had looted the last remnants of the British Empire in Canada, they discovered Uncle Sam in the bowels of the treasure chest, upon whom their French Chauvinism does not work. At the end of the day, we understand, therefore, that Jean Chrétien is neither interested in “the French fact in North America,” nor does he care much about France and its political and economic ambitions in the New World: What Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power:

“My family has always been rouge [red], Liberal in the free–thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century … I had become a lawyer in order to become a politician … I was quite left wing when I began in politics. I wasn’t obsessed with making money … My pitch has always been to the working class because the Liberal Party in my riding is supported by the unions and the workers. We were the party that fought Duplessis, and I was an authentic descendant of those gutsy rouges who had fought against the bishops … Politics is a game of friends.”⁸

Politics is a game of friends? Again, at the end of the day what Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power: Unless francophone Canada is divided into Québec federalist and anti–federalist camps, this will not happen:

“The truth is that without Jean Chrétien’s low and despicable actions, on the 23rd of June, Québec would have returned into the arms of the great Canadian family. Today, we Québéckers are profoundly shocked and humiliated: Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back.”⁹

Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back: The strife between fédéralisme and anti–fédéralisme in Québec over the decades (the Quiet Revolution) has greatly enriched the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. (Of course they deny the fact.) The proof however is in the pudding of their organized crime and political corruption:

“Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Powershares held by the Caisse de Dépôt du Québec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”¹⁰

Jean Chrétien and his family want the political and economic support of the French chauvinists, in order to elevate themselves to the heights of financial, commercial and industrial power:

“At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at the Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few.”¹¹

The proof of the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy is in the pudding of their organized crime:

“During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ),we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the many $millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse [Québec Pension Plan]: Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse de dépôtsecretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”¹²

The flabby minds of French chauvinists like Jean Chrétien, the modern European political and economic irrationalists in Canada, harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all the power, and live as in France (Canada français) or as in French North America, because (as their actions prove) the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right (in their esteem) is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Cartaand the Constitution of the United States of America. Otherwise, in order to save face among their ever–decreasing number of disciples, when push comes to Uncle Sam’s shove in the food line, the Québécocrats readily admit that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing (in order to avoid the charge of anti–Americanism and the wrath of Washington). How exactly do the French Chauvinists in Canada accomplish this amazing feat of the imagination?As the modern European revolutionists, they rush headlong into the arms of the sophistical philosophy of Immanuel Kant:

“Kant and other philosophers teach us our rationality … Every society establishes order, whether the Mafia or Christendom.”¹³

Immanuel Kant is a philosopher and not a sophist?

“The conception of a noumenon is problematical … the conception of a noumenon is therefore not the conception of an object, but merely a problematical conception … my existence cannot be considered as an inference from the proposition, ‘I think,’ as Descartes maintained.”¹⁴

Why the deep attraction of the Québécocracy to the philosophical sophistry of Kant?

“The publication of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason marks one of the two key events after which we may take nineteenth–century philosophy to begin. The other event is the French Revolution, of which many people saw Kant’s philosophy, with its emphasis on autonomy, as the theoretical correlate. ‘Nineteenth–century’ philosophy … thus actually begins in the later 1780s and the 1790s, in response to Kant’s Critical philosophy and the French Revolution.”¹⁵

Indeed, the philosophical sophistry of Kant follows directly in the footsteps of Locke, Leibniz and Hume, the modern European political and economic irrationalists:

“The Republican Constitution is, thus, the only one which arises out of the idea of the Original Compact upon which all the rightful legislation of a people is founded … the Republican Constitution is the only one which perfectly corresponds to the Rights of Man.”¹⁶

The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Kant is no friend of democracy:

“The Republican Constitution is not to be confounded with the DemocraticConstitution … of the three forms of the State, a Democracy, in the proper sense of the word, is necessarily a despotism; because it establishes an Executive power in which All resolve about, and, it may be, also against, any One who is not in accord with it; and consequently the All who thus resolve are really not all; which is a contradiction of the Universal Will with itself and with liberty.”¹⁷

Democracy is always despotism, and the republican constitution is not a democratic constitution, while the conception of a noumenon is problematical, since the conception of a noumenon is not the conception of an object, but merely a problematical conception: The Kantian conception of rational political and economic order is therefore problematical. As the genuine Hegel of Pure Hegelianism has foretold, the grandeur and decadence of Western civilization is the result of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, as the Dialectic of Finitude: The aggrandizement of Western civilization is the work of the superior ruling classes, while the decline of civilization into barbarism is the work of the inferior ruling classes. The rise of Western civilization in world history is therefore the result of superior ruling classes, whether aristocratic, monarchical or democratic.

For the Bonapartists of France, under the profound spell of modern unreason, the French Revolution is Kantianism in the arena of politics and economics:

“The awakening of the new age, namely, the ‘kingdom of the realized spirit,’ is the age of the Critical Philosophy of Kant and the French Revolution. A free will, albeit formal, whose content is created as it touches the real, is the Kantian principle: The Critical Philosophy is the basis of the French Revolution. The Kantian principle brings practical results to the French Revolution. Kantian reason legislates for the collective will as well as for the individual will … The French Revolution made the bold attempt to begin with individual wills, with the atoms of will: The revolutionary philosophy of Kant attacks the collective will of the Ancien Régime for its abusive privileges.”¹⁸

Of course the Bonapartists of France are not alone in their French Chauvinist delirium over Immanuel Kant and the French Revolution:

“The spirit of Emmanuel Mounier will fill all the pages of Cité Libre … Long live the French Republic!”¹⁹

What is the so–called “philosophy” of Emmanuel Mounier about?

“Our existence is always sinful, and it might almost be claimed that existence in this world is just as impossible as the act of pure good will is for Kant. We are sinful by the very fact that we exist.”²⁰

Emmanuel Mounier’s existentialism, his Personalism, is a brand of modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism inherited from Immanuel Kant:

“We ought not to forget how much personalism owes to Leibnitz and to Kant, or what the dialectic of personality owes to the whole reflective effort of idealist thought.”²¹

What else is French existentialism, but first and foremost the 20th century phantasm of modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism?

“Jean–Paul Sartre and myself have always been perfectly clear on this point: It is not because there is a desire to exist that this desire corresponds to reality as such. This is proved beyond doubt in Kant’s intellectual philosophy: The belief in causation is no basis for the belief in a Supreme Cause. Man desires to exist, which does not mean therefore that he could ever reach existence, or even that existence is a possible notion: Of course, we speak of being and existence as reflection. We refer to the synthesis between being and existence which is impossible. Sartre and I, we have always taught this doctrine, which is the very foundation of our philosophy: Out of timber so crooked as that from which man is made nothing entirely straight can be built.”²²

We are not surprised therefore when Jean Chrétien espouses the same nonsense, albeit in his own vernacular:

“Intellect doesn’t make a good leader, nor does it make a good country.”²³

In Ottawa, the tradition of modern European unreason, the basis of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, namely Bonapartism in politics and economics, or autocracy founded on popular consent, leads back to Wilfrid Laurier:

“You will see together those who are attracted by the charm of novelty, and you will see together those who are attracted by the charm of habit. You will see on one side those who attach themselves to everything that is ancient, and on the other side those who are always ready to reform … we unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good.”²⁴

We dream of the highest good? Intellect doesn’t make a good leader, nor does it make a good country? Out of timber so crooked as that from which man is made nothing entirely straight can be built? The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception or right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, otherwise both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing? How very backwards and outdated the flabby minds of the Québécocracy really are, is readily evidenced in the sphere of Canadian jurisprudence, at both the provincial and federal levels:

“In 1977, the Parti Québécois government of Mr. Lévesque enacted Bill 101, which included a provision regarding language of signage. This provision was challenged and, ultimately, struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada. In response to this decision, Premier Bourassa enacted Bill 178 … When Bill 178 was introduced, Premier Bourassa invoked the notwithstanding clause, a pernicious provision of the 1982 Constitution accepted and introduced by Prime Minister Trudeau. This provision unique in constitutions of the world―has been branded as ‘evil’ and ‘iniquitous’ by scholars to the point that Mr. Trudeau himself has acknowledged his grave error in consenting to its inclusion in a document designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.”²⁵

These are the words of Brian Mulroney, Québécocrat extraordinaire, who at the height of his power used to prey upon legions of lovely girls: “Very few women who were young and pretty escaped him.”²⁶

The 1982 Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, in the tradition of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, unlike the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, is not “designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.” The flabby minds of French chauvinists like Jean Chrétien, the modern European political and economic irrationalists in Canada, therefore harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all the power, and live as in France (French Canada) or as in French North America, because (as their actions prove) the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right in their esteem is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America.

Incidentally, Jean Chrétien claims to have come down the very hardest against Charles de Gaulle: “I was absolutely the strongest of them all.”²⁷ Alas, Ti–Jean is not a very honest and trustworthy historical witness, especially so many decades after the fact. We do not say that he is an historical liar, but he most certainly is an inveterate political demagogue: “Chrétien has always maintained that he and other francophones were barred from playing at the Grand’Mère golf course. Others who lived in Shawinigan said the club had no such discriminatory policy.”²⁸

From whence comes the French Chauvinism of the Québécocracy, the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class?

General Charles de Gaulle: “France is present in Canada not only through its representatives, but also because many Canadians are of French blood, French language, French culture and French mind. In short they are French except in matters concerning the realm of sovereignty … French Canada will inevitably become a state and it is in that perspective that we must act.”²⁹

Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006 (the Québécocracy), Gaullism is the fountainhead of French Chauvinism and Bonapartism in Canada:

“[4] Careful investigation leads to the discovery of more and more French diplomats, politicians, and state officials active in the cause of Québec separatism during the past thirty–five years … [5] By 1967, when de Gaulle made his notorious fourth visit to Québec on 23–26 July, he had already worked out a general plan of attack … Having launched a cold war campaign in Québec, de Gaulle then turned his attention to the smaller French–speaking community of Acadians in the Maritime provinces … there was no mistaking his [General de Gaulle’s] hostility to the Canadian confederation … [6] the two world wars of this century had the strongest influence [7] on the Gaullist mind. But behind their impact lies the imperial tradition established by Napoléon, and followed by his nephew, Napoléon III who ruled the Second Empire … [11] Political movements for the independence, or sovereignty, of Québec can be traced back into the 1950s, but the first with any permanence and influence was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (RIN), established in September 1960. Its founders were Raymond Barbeau, who in 1957 had launched a similar but short–lived movement called the Alliance Laurentienne … they worked to spread the idea that Québec ought to become an independent republic, ‘free, French and democratic’ … [13] By 1960, when de Gaulle made his visit to Canada, the Lesage liberals, the RIN, and other nationalists were forming a neo–nationalist movement … [14] The neo–nationalist were typical of what has become known as the Quiet Revolution … in its narrowest meaning the term applies to a series of reforms carried out by the Lesage government … when Duplessis died, Québec was seized with an outburst of liberal and national sentiments that led to changes so profound that they may justly be described as revolutionary. Educated Frenchmen, such as Charles de Gaulle and his staff, were immediately at home amid the liberal and national aspirations of the Quiet Revolution in Québec. Every French republic, even the Fifth, is founded on liberal and nationalist ideas that are an ideological legacy of the French Revolution … [18] De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning―or hoping―to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … De Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”³⁰

How did Gaullism become the fountainhead of French Chauvinism and Bonapartism in Canada?

“In 1956, Trudeau helped organize the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Assembly for National Independence). The group’s 600 members worked to explain democracy [Québec separatism] to the people of Québec and to persuade them to use it. Trudeau served as vice–president, then director, and finally president.”³¹

How exactly did French Chauvinism become politically and economically dominant (i.e., become Bonapartism) in Canada?

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”³²

Paul Desmarais and his backers (Jean–Louis Lévesque & company, namely, Jean Lesage and Louis St. Laurent)³³ brought Bonapartism first to Québec City and then to Ottawa:

“Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one … One of Desmarais’ favorite collectibles is Pierre Trudeau, who remains on Power Corp.’s international advisory board … plans for Trudeau’s candidacy had first been hatched in early 1968 at the offices of Power Corporation, at Friday–night meetings presided over by then–Power vice–president Claude Frenette. In August of that year, two months after Trudeau swept the country, the new PM flew to visit Desmarais at Murray Bay.”³⁴

Jean–Louis Lévesque was the main backer of Paul Desmarais:

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”³⁵

Why exactly did Paul Desmarais empower Bonapartism in Québec City and Ottawa?

“An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.”³⁶

Paul Desmarais used French Chauvinism and Bonapartism to greatly enrich himself and his family: French Chauvinism and Bonapartism therefore greatly enriched Jean Chrétien and his children.

“[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.”³⁷

In Canada, the world historical movement which encircles the collapse of the British Empire, as the demise of European modernity and the rise of Global civilization, is named the Quiet Revolution:

“We Québéckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”³⁸

With these ideas firmly in our minds, we are now in a very good position to ask the following question, which is not rhetorical: What exactly is Gaullism in 20th century world history?

“All de Gaulle’s acts were directed not toward war, but toward politics and the seizure of power for his own purposes … Gaullism is a phenomenon originating in fascism. It is a political movement born at a time when Nazi ideology was victorious in France and in the rest of Europe … Gaullism is a form of fascism that placed its stakes on the winning side. It is a fascism that glibly uses the language of Democracy, while despising and hating it. It is a fascism that digs into the structure of the Republic as Italian fascism, at an earlier date, dug into the Monarchy.”³⁹

Why is Gaullism a “form of fascism”?

“There is no mystery about the origins of Bonapartism. It is the child of Napoléon Bonaparte and the French Revolution … the strong executive founded upon the plebiscite which was to be the pillar of Bonapartism; and [Napoléon] had come to the conclusion that legislative assemblies should be merely supervisory, that they should have no power to change the constitution or to interfere with the executive … This is not the place for a detailed examination of the principles of Napoléonic law … The French nation, being consulted for the third time, for the third time by an overwhelming majority ratified its belief in Bonapartism … The guiding principle of Bonapartism was autocracy founded on popular consent.”⁴⁰

What is the result of Bonapartism in 19th century European history?

“The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoléon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoléon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”⁴¹

In Canada, Gaullism is Bonapartism (French Chauvinism in politics and economics), namely autocracy founded on popular consent: The sovereignty of the Québécocracy (their control of White Gold), as inscribed within the 1982 Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, is autocracy founded on popular consent, because the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, unlike the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, is not “designed to protect individual rights and freedoms” (Mulroney), since the Canadian Constitution is based upon the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right.

From whence comes autocracy founded on popular consent, the origin of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right?

“Law is not the work of mortals. Human legislators do not create the law: It is an earlier and pre–existent principle, general, absolute, immutable and invariable, because it comes from the very essence of man, which never changes. This is our definition of right: The fountainhead of justice, the foundation of the rationality of human action, from the point of view of the just and the unjust. This definition, as the complete and exact description of what right is, would itself have to be defined: It is necessary to elucidate the rationality governing human actions, as the fountainhead of justice. This problem we shall avoid by saying the solution is philosophical and therefore beyond the purview of jurisprudence. According to Victor Cousin, the necessity (raison première) of justice consists in upholding the liberation of mankind.”⁴²

Indeed, it is necessary to elucidate that which the modern irrationalists name, in their various terminological disguises, the rationality governing human actions, the fountainhead of all justice according to the dispensers of modern freedom, and the origin of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, the bastion of autocracy founded on popular consent, as the liberation of mankind:

“We propose a comparison between the doctrine of Machiavelli, as it emerges from the Prince, and the doctrine of absolutism, which we shall endeavor to discern, not from one or another of the theorists who were its champions, but from all of them … the absolutist doctrines, in their application, lead rulers to the same results as the doctrines of Machiavelli … Machiavellism and absolutism are derived from analogous historical situations. This is the first essential point of our parallel. The historical situation inspires Machiavelli with the idea of ​​the legitimacy of every means aimed at the achievement of public interest and the salvation of the State … those who were able to study Napoléon Bonaparte very closely tell us that he was a very powerful ruler who saw the spilling of blood [sang des hommes répandu] as perhaps the greatest remedy of political medicine … The Prince of Machiavelli and the doctrines of absolutism were born of the same sentiment of profound patriotism, at times and in countries where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress … Machiavelli reveals himself as an immoral patriot who wants to save the State, even though his conception of government appears as a policy that is respectful of political freedoms and that is aimed at the happiness of the people.”⁴³

Machiavellism and absolutism (autocracy not founded on popular consent) are derived from analogous historical situations; The Prince of Machiavelli and the doctrines of absolutism were born of the same sentiment of profound patriotism, at times and in countries where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress; Machiavelli reveals himself as an immoral patriot who wants to save the State, even though his conception of government appears as a policy that is respectful of political freedoms and that is aimed at the happiness of the people; the absolutist doctrines, in their application, lead rulers to the same results as the doctrines of Machiavelli: The spilling of blood is the greatest remedy of political medicine.

Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, is Machiavellism?

“[Rulers] cannot observe all those things which are considered good in men, being often obliged, in order to maintain the state, to act against faith, against charity, against humanity, and against religion … [rulers] must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and, as I said before, not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated.”⁴⁴

What is Machiavellism? “Empiricism began its career with a great bound of energy, starting with Machiavelli.”⁴⁵ Rulers and lawmakers must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated. Wherefore?

“Many have been and are of opinion that worldly events are so governed by fortune and by God, that men cannot by their prudence change them, and that on the contrary there is no remedy whatever, and for this they may judge it to be useless to toil much about them, but let things be ruled by chance … Our freewill may not be altogether extinguished, I think it may be true that fortune is the ruler of half our actions, but that she allows the other half or a little less to be governed by us. I would compare her to an impetuous river that, when turbulent, inundates the plains, ruins trees and buildings, removes earth from this side and places it on the other; every one flies before it, and everything yields to its fury without being able to oppose it.”⁴⁶

In other words, intelligent rulers and lawmakers are very savvy political and economic rapists:

“Fortune is a woman, and it is necessary, if you wish to master her, to conquer her by force; and it can be seen that she lets herself be overcome by these rather than by those who proceed coldly. And therefore, like a woman, she is a friend to the young, because they are less cautious, fiercer, and master her with greater audacity.”⁴⁷

Machiavellism: Intelligent rulers and lawmakers are very savvy political and economic rapists; they cannot observe all those things which are considered good in men, being often obliged, in order to maintain the state, to act against faith, against charity, against humanity, and against religion; they must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated; the arena of politics and economics is a woman, and it is necessary, if you wish to master her, to conquer her by force, and to master her with great audacity.

Is this not the modus operandi of Napoléon Bonaparte? Napoléon was a very powerful ruler who saw the spilling of blood as perhaps the greatest remedy of political medicine: The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right was born of the same sentiment as Machiavellism, at a time and in a country where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress. Wherefore? The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right is Machiavellism.

From whence comes autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, namely Machiavellism?

“These principalities … are upheld by higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, I will abstain from speaking of them; for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them … if one could change one’s nature with time and circumstances, fortune would never change … God will not do everything, in order not to deprive us of freewill.”⁴⁸

Higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, are exalted and maintained by God, the very highest power. Higher causation and rationality is the realm of the highest power, and is beyond the reach of humanity, civilization, and the rationality of political and economic order. What are the rational determinations of the highest power? We must abstain from speaking of them, for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them: The highest power of Machiavellism is the Absolute of Kant and the modern irrationalists. The highest power governing human actions, the fountainhead of all justice according to the Machiavellians, the dispensers of modern freedom, is Unknowable: The fountainhead of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right is modern unreason.

The “rationality governing human actions, the fountainhead of justice,” according to Machiavelli, his delusion of rationality and human reason, is modern unreason, the basis of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right: Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, therefore comes from the modern sophistry of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke and then ultimately from Machiavelli. Machiavellism, autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, is modern unreason in the world historical arena of European politics and economics.

In fact, Québécocrats are really francophone (and anglophone) Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and other such scatology as La Presse.⁴⁹ The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Pierre Beaudoin, Paul Desmarais and Lino Saputo into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive:

“According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”⁵⁰

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax:

“The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”⁵¹

This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

As Chrétien admitted in 1985, the fabulous wealth of his family comes from his political work: “I owe to Canada all the privileges I have received.”⁵² And his family has certainly received many privileges over the decades from federal and provincial governments under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: In 1963 Jean Chrétien went to Ottawa with empty pockets, his father used to work in the lumber yards of Shawinigan, but when Chrétien retired from politics after many years his family had amassed a fortune worth more than $4–Billion dollars, and an international financial and media empire some say is worth upwards of $100–Billion.⁵³ Today, the family of Jean Chrétien is something like the 4th or 5th richest in Canada, and the richest in Québec, alongside Lino Saputo, according to Forbes Magazine.⁵⁴

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Régimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, John Turner and Kim Campbell.⁵⁵ In other words, the many political and economic divisions created by the Québécocracy over the last half century have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada, especially in the Heartland, but Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin and their families were themselves greatly enriched over the years:

“[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … [Jean Chrétien] cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”⁵⁶

According to the biography, Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais first “met in the late 1960’s through a mutual acquaintance, the lawyer Pierre Genest.”⁵⁷ Indeed, Jean Chrétien always maintained “cozy connections with the Power Corporation” over the decades.⁵⁸ The Power Corporation was even the backer of Chrétien’s first leadership campaign against John Turner.⁵⁹ Chrétien used to handle the “major negotiations” for the Desmarais family because of “his tight personal and professional relations with the Power Corporation.”⁶⁰ Chrétien probably first met Paul Desmarais through Paul Martin Senior, whom Chrétien ardently supported for the party leadership very early in his budding career back in 1958.⁶¹ Chrétien used to visit the family home of Paul Martin Senior in Windsor.⁶² Later on in his career Chrétien and Martin’s son, Paul Martin Junior, used to get together and hold meetings in the offices of the Power Corporaton “during the 1970s and 1980s.”⁶³

Jean Chrétien’s daughter, France Chrétien, is married to André Desmarais, son of the late Paul Desmarais, who now owns the Power Corporation (along with his brother Paul Desmarais Junior), and who was recently engaged in a bitter family dispute with the late Big Paul’s brother, the elderly Louis Desmarais, over the ownership of some 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation.⁶⁴ Old Louis made a deal with Big Paul back in the day, and in turn was promised a portion of shares in the Power Corporation. Big Paul did not uphold his end of the bargain. The elderly gentleman was making claims upon his rightful possession. The daughter of André and France Chrétien–Desmarais, the beautiful Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, is married to the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx.⁶⁵ Unfortunately, some of the newer generation have rebuffed the claim of old Louis Desmarais: The Chrétien–Desmarais family rivalry has become manifest. Evidently, nothing in the world will satiate the pathological greed of Jean Chrétien:

“Louis R. Desmarais the brother of the late multi–billionaire Paul Desmarais Senior is dead, and his $75–million lawsuit over an alleged promise made by Big Paul back in 1979 is now on hold.”⁶⁶

Family means nothing to the worshipers of modern political and economic satanism, the disciples of Machiavelli.

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, in the name of fédéralisme asymétrique, the Lion’s Share of all federal infrastructure projects goes to Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc (as well as all federal equalization and employment), but the vast kickbacks and massive influence peddling requires the assistance of organized crime:

“The strategies of collusion and corruption as well as the infiltration activities of organized crime which the Charbonneau Commission has uncovered are not without grave consequences: The overcoming of the safeguards which protect public works in the construction industry and also protect the financial governance of political parties, combined with the infiltration of organized crime in the construction industry, has not only created economic burdens for the ensemble of Québec society, but has also undermined our most cherished democratic ideals and perverted the fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. The faith of Québéckers in their public institutions is deeply convulsed.”⁶⁷

Unfortunately, the organized crime of the Québécocracy has its hands on another highly profitable sector: The international drug trade. Together they constitute what is here named soft terrorism. Thus, Jean Chrétien, far from being a strong leader, was one of the weakest, most degenerate of all Canadian Prime Ministers. The biggest crime family in the history of Canada (Rizzuto), which caused the destruction of millions of Canadian and American youngsters and their families, was finally put down by PM Stephen Harper and the Western conservatives, after nearly a half century of political and economic satanism under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais:

“[Nicolò Rizzuto] the late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province … Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard–bearer of his father–in–law’s Sicilian Mafia clan … Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug–smuggling and money–laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid–2000s. Now it appears Nicolò Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolò Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and overinflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.”⁶⁸

Nicolò Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation of the political and economic corruption that begins with the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago and his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that is exposed in the Charbonneau Commission has been understated. This at least is the verdict of those whose mental power places them in the ranks of the superior ruling class. We know that the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc., is a criminal ruling class:

“It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first–round victory in the [leadership] race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.”⁶⁹

And who exactly, pray tell, is Senator Pietro Rizzuto?

“Liborio Milioto, Nicolò Rizzuto’s half–brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.”⁷⁰

We come to the end of the dialectical circle of Jean Chrétien’s political and economic life, inscribed within the notion of French Chauvinism and the world historical collapse of European modernity, as the rise of Global civilization and American Liberty. One last point must be squared away.

Without the collusion of the Montréal mafia there are no kickbacks from the $Billions in federal infrastructure and public works projects paid for with English Canadian taxes (some four million Québéckers are so poor they pay no income tax). Without organized crime in the construction industry therefore the Québec Régime and Empire of Paul Desmarais must collapse: For this reason the Québec Régime in Ottawa 1968–2006 is a criminal ruling class. For nearly a half century, under various guises, first starting with Trudeau, and then continuing with Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin, the Québécocracy had its filthy hands upon the Port of Montréal:

“Among the reappointments to Canada Ports Corp., was Québec business mogul Paul Desmarais, chairman and chief executive officer of Montréal’s Power Corp., the man who Ian MacDonald called ‘Mulroney’s mentor in the business world,’ his former boss, financial backer, and a frequent host to Mulroney at his Palm Beach home.”⁷¹

French Chauvinism, at least in the writings of the Québec Régimers and the Québécocentric media (Cité Libre, Canadian Press, La Presse and so forth) is therefore another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in Canada, namely Canadian Culture. French Chauvinism also has a history in La Communauté and La Francophonie as Bonapartism, especially in Europe but also in Africa, the Middle East and Asia: The last political and economic form of Bonapartism was forged by Charles de Gaulle, before it was finally submerged under the floodtide of Americanism in world history, as the European Union.

In the world of today, French Chauvinism, especially as found in the Kantian and Hegelian “free–thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century,” is therefore nothing more than an inert idea: Liberalism and conservatism in modern European world history, which lead to Bonapartism, the political and economic result of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right derived from Machiavelli, are nothing more than inert ideas.⁷² In the supremacy of the American superpower, modern European raison d’état is swept into the dustbin of history: Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism, thanks to the rational political economy of the American Idealists in Washington and on Wall Street.

The modern European political and economic struggles unchained by the Industrial and French revolutions ended in the 20th century with the rise of world civilization, the fountainhead of which is Americanism: The world historical clash between Global freedom, the rational conception of right found in The Magna Carta and The Constitution of the United States of America,versus the last vestiges of European modernity (unchained in the political and economic strife between the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right and the conception of right found in The Magna Carta and Industrial revolution), as the strife between superior and inferior ruling classes, begins in the New World with the victories of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln in the Civil Wars, as the rise of American Liberty in universal history and the collapse of the British Empire.

The bloodstained chapters of American Idealism in the Civil Wars are the birth pangs of Global freedom from out of the womb of world history,―as the sublation of modern freedom from out of the ashes of the Holy Roman Empire and the clash between old and new Christendom, in the strife of ruling classes unchained by the Industrial and French revolutions. The notion of the Global world, the highest conception of humanity, is therefore clothed in the immediacy of the flesh and blood of universal history: Henceforth the conception of universal freedom as the sublation of subjective and objective freedom in world history is no longer an abstraction: Absolute Liberty in the world of today is Americanism, the rise of Global rational political and economic order, as the supremacy of Washington in the 21st century.

In the realm of political and economic ideas, the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is advanced in the warfare between Kant and Hegel: This almighty clash between sophistry and philosophy plays out in the realm of modern European politics and economics in the power struggles between political parties, as the Left versus the Right. The world historical clash between Kantianism and Hegelianism in 20th century politics and economics separated modern Europeans into hostile camps. This clash of ideas, which exists even today in the mindset of European humanity, but without any Global historical political and economic significance whatsoever, is withering away under the floodtide of Americanism in the world: The substance of the conception vanishes as a stage of world history, and what remains is merely the empty husk, as the twilight of modernity. What exactly does this mean in the philosophy of American Idealism? The World Wars and collapse of European modernity is the result of the political and economic warfare between the Left and Right in the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom, as advanced in the Kantian and Hegelian clash between superior and inferior ruling classes:

“The philosophy of Globalism is the doctrine that there is a center of gravity in the world, a foundation of the universe, wherein all particular problems are especially resolved, such as the evils that plague humanity.”⁷³

In North America these political and economic movements follow a less intense path, especially in Canada and Mexico: The disintegration of the British Empire and collapse of modern Europe as the center of world power entails the decline of British and European influence in the New World. The historical struggle for world supremacy does not end in the ruins of Berlin, but continues into the Cold War: Therefore the last remnants of European modernity linger for another half century, until the collapse of Soviet Communism. In Canada and Mexico, the late 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is also advanced in the clash between Kant and Hegel: This almighty clash between sophistry and philosophy plays out in the realm of modern Canadian and Mexican politics and economics in the power struggles between political parties, as the Left versus the Right. In the New World, the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is therefore also advanced in the warfare of Kantians and Hegelians:

“Hegel was too much of a critical philosopher to want to undo Kant’s Copernican Revolution … the speculative theologians have never grasped the crucial significance of Kant in Hegel’s development.”⁷⁴

In Canada the 20th century modern European power struggles involve the political and economic strife between the Conservative and Liberal parties, which also means the strife between English and French Canada, which begins in earnest with the Government of Wilfrid Laurier and ends with the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Henceforth the financial, commercial and industrial development of Canada follows the path of Absolute freedom as Americanism, the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world, the supremacy of Washington in the 21st century.

The rational conception of Canada arises from the downfall of Canadian Liberalism and European modernity: The rise and fall of the Québec Régime in Ottawa as the birth of the Canadocentric Polity, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, is therefore of some interest with regards to the rise of Americanism in world history. Americanism is the world historical refutation of Wilfrid Laurier’s Political Liberalism, among other things, because Global rational political and economic order overcomes modern European Machiavellism in universal history.

The Canadosphere, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, is rising upwards in the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world.

American Idealism is the fountainhead of Global civilization. The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history: As the historical unfolding of the conceptual rationality of the notion of universal freedom, Americanism is rising upwards in the world of today.⁷⁵

CHAPTER 6: PAUL MARTIN, THE TAINTED–BLOOD SCANDAL AND CANADA STEAMSHIP LINES

The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy … my experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas. Paul Martin Junior¹

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is the tragic last act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.²

The triadic historical relationship is the tragic grande finale of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization. The Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior: Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Régime therefore signalizes the end of modern European raison d’État in Canada,―in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome. ³

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is therefore the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notionof the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada:Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world. “As long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.”⁴ Actions can never equal conceptions? Wilfrid Laurier’s words ring hollow in the age of American Idealism and world civilization.

“The world historical conditions behind the demise of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais reside in the end of the Cold War and the supremacy of Americanism in the world: The end of the clash between capitalism and communism means the power struggles between English and French Canada, which have taken the political and economic form of the strife between Americanism and anti–Americanism, are undone. These power struggles are now sublated into the highest political and economic form of universal history: The rise of Global American rational political and economic order in the world.”⁵

The organ–grinder of world history thus cranks a heady tune:

“In 1981, the Liberal Government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] chose Paul Martin to be one of its four nominees to the board of the Canada Development Corporation (CDC). During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal. The Canadian Hemophilia Society estimates that through the 1980s, 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C … Paul Martin’s connection to this tragedy was through Connaught Laboratories, one of fifteen in the Canada Development Corporation’s stable of companies. The federal government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] established the Canada Development Corporation in 1971 as a holding company … The contaminated blood products that were linked to so much suffering and death were supplied by Connaught Laboratories to the Canadian Red Cross during the years that Paul Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁶

Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, and especially Paul Martin Junior’s watch at the Canada Development Corporation (and Connaught Laboratories), 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the tainted–blood supply and thousands more contracted hepatitis C (even the lives of children and babies were destroyed): What benefits did Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of many thousands of Canadians, including even children and babies? ⁷

“During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporationboard, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁸

According to Paul Martin Junior, the matter never even came up. ⁹

“Evaluations of the safety of U.S.–sourced blood supplies were sent to Connaught Laboratories but were never even read by its senior officials. Instead, Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹⁰

What benefits did Paul Martin Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of Canadians, including even children and babies?

Paul Martin Junior was one of a select group of senior–most Québécocentric¹¹ board members of a major Canadian crown corporation (Canada Development Corporation), a holding company which had a controlling interest in a very important business enterprise (Connaught Laboratories), having a central rôle in the crown corporation’s business activities and profitability, especially involving transactions with the Canadian Red Cross: Yet as a senior–most Québéckocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned! If this is not utterly outrageous, considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, what is? Albert Speer, one of Adolf Hitler’s closest confidantes, took the same line when at his war crimes trial he stated that during the Second World War he had no idea the Holocaust was taking place.

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹²

Paul Martin Junior: “I was a director of the Canada Development Corporation … as I have already stated, I have no recollection of any discussions at the CDC board level on this matter.”¹³

Does Paul Martin Junior’s explanation sound like the modus operandi of an élite executive trained at an early age by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and then raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation for thirteen years?

“Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president.”¹⁴

Paul Martin Junior: “I had finished law school and my dreams for the future had begun to gel …[Maurice Strong] invited me to join him as his executive assistant at Montréal–based Power Corporation, where he was chief executive … [Paul Desmarais] made a pitch for me to stay for a year. I did stay: for thirteen … some of the most important lessons I learned at Power early in my career were about corporate vision and corporate responsibility, and I learned them in significant part because of the example of Paul Desmarais … looking back over my business career, I realized how lucky I was to have such mentors as Maurice Strong, Paul Desmarais, and Bill Turner.”¹⁵

What about the dreams and ambitions of the many Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman?

“No one was more excited by the news that the Beatles were coming to town than Randy Conners, the son of a soldier from the nearby military base at Longueuil. The 8–year–old, like many other hemophiliacs, often turned to music to help pass the countless days he spent confined to bed … Randal Duane Conners was freed from the nightmare of AIDS through death … Randy Conners had been infected with HIV when he was transfused with blood products.”¹⁶

“Before Kama married her husband, Lyle, they talked about th risk of AIDS. He is a mild hemophiliac who used factor concentrate only because it allowed him to play hockey. Lyle was tested for the AIDS virus in early 1986, and assumed he was fine. The couple married and had two children. In 1991, the results of his positive HIV test were found in Lyle’s medical file, no one had called with the news.”¹⁷

“Kenneth Pittman, a 53–year–old manager at The Bay and self–described ‘best hardware man in Canada’ … had curtailed his smoking and drinking, but his heart problems had persisted. In September of 1984 he had gone under the knife … Mr. Pittman suffered a heart attack on the operating table … the next morning he was infused with cryoprecipitate … [Kenneth Pittman] was infected with the AIDS virus.”¹⁸

Do not the lives and ambitions of Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman (the ‘best hardware man in Canada’) count in the Québéckocentric world of the Québec Régime? Yes, they do count very much, but first we must pass beyond the realm of fédéralisme asymétrique into the Candocentric world, and here is the reason why: The age of the Canadocentric Polity is at hand. Rational political and economic order in Canada is at hand.The Canadocentric Polity is the political and economic weapon of Canadians like Randy Connors, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman, and every other Canadian whose life was wrecked by the mortal corruption of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. The political and economic dagger of Canadocentricism shall smite the rotten financial, commercial and industrial heart of the Québec Régime: The backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts, their end is at hand. The criminal ruling class is undone in the supremacy of Canadocentricism. Wherefore? In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power.

These words are merely the pipe–dreams of a disaffected and disillusioned philosophy? Look upon the horizon of world history, dear reader: There before your eyes is the downfall of modernity and the rise of Globalism. Modern political and economic order is undone in the rise of Americanism. For those of us whose eyes are not blinded by outdated conceptions, we know the ultimate meaning of rational political and economic order in Canada: In the political and economic world of today the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Thus the Tainted–Blood Scandal unfolded under the blind–eyes of Paul Martin Junior, the élite Québéckocentric executive, who was a University of Toronto Law School graduate, trained by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and who was very early raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation: Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québécocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines.

As a senior–most Québéckocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned!

Those of us whose intellects have not been profoundly damaged at the public schools, crushed under the thumbs of the ministries of education of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell.

Have you liberated your own mind from the outdated conceptions, backwards notions and corrupt ideas of our Québécocentric media or are you another victim of old–fashioned ways? Perhaps you are lucky enough to have avoided altogether the political and economic insanity of the Québec Régime? Bravo! Most Canadians are the victims of the blood–stained claws of the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc in Canada: The political and economic corruption of the Québec Régime, especially in Ottawa, has greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry across Canada (mostly in Québec), and thereby greatly impoverished, and in some cases even destroyed, the lives of a great many Canadians over the decades.

What exactly do we mean by the Québéckocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture)?

“At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”¹⁹

What does this mean? “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”²⁰

Where does this lead? “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”²¹

What is the result? “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”²²

Freedom of the mind is the greatest fruit of world civilization: Those of us who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know exactly why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell, but rather sailing the high seas in very balmy climes with his treasure chest, surrounded by crates of champagne, tubs of caviar and fat slabs of filet mignon,―thanks to the abused and systematically deceived electorate: Most of whom are now trapped in Ontario and Québec, in a blizzard of unreason. Herein is proof that political and economic delusions are very dangerous things, and to be avoided at all cost. Is this not so, dear reader?

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. The Wall Street hipsters speak another lingo: There’s no free ride because in the end somebody always pays. The organ–grinder of world history cranks a heady tune: When the bloody cacophony ends this time around, who will be caught without a sofa–chair? The wheels of history are greased with magic sauce.

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québéckocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“In June 1981, Desmarais called me into his office on the top floor of the CSL building, as he had done so many times before. He told me that he wanted me to sell another company: This time it was CSL. ‘Fine,’ I said, ‘except that I don’t want to sell it. I want to buy it.’ He pointed out that I didn’t have the money. However, recognizing that I was an important part of any sale because of my knowledge of the company, he said he was willing to give me a chance. ‘I’ll make you a deal,’ he said. ‘I don’t want you shopping the company around while you try to find a partner. So I’ll give you one shot at it and a few weeks to find a partner and a bank, but if it doesn’t work out, then I want you to sell the company to the best available buyer.’ I said, ‘Deal.’”²³

Back in 1981 Paul Martin is cutting multi–million dollar deals with Paul Desmarais at the Power Corporation, and getting very rich, but isn’t Junior supposed to be working for Canada and the Canadian People?

“Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation (CDC) from 1981–1987.”²⁴

Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I didn’t have much money personally … the money―the lion’s share, in fact―would have to come from the bank, which would loan us money secured by CSL’s assets … I paid about $180 million for CSL: The largest leveraged buyout in Canadian history … the deal was a gamble.”²⁵

Why were Paul Martin Junior’s eyeballs so profoundly fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines?

“I didn’t have the money … I didn’t have much money personally.”²⁶

Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I was able to pursue my vision of taking CSL global. My goal was to see CSL become the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world which it eventually did.”²⁷

Paul Martin’s firm the Canada Steamship Lines was becoming the biggest self–unloader operator in the world during the years Martin sat on a senior–most position of the Canada Development Corporation board, while a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest played a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal, wherein “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.”

In other words, Paul Martin Junior and his three sons were becoming multi–millionaires, thanks to his lucrative connexions to the Government of Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa (“I didn’t have the money”), at the same time that Canadians were being infected with HIV and hepatitis C under his watch. (Other senior board members likewise turned a blind–eye, but they were not the owners of a firm that was becoming the biggest self–unloader operator in the world.)

Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation therefore did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada: Martin was very deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines: “My experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”²⁸ But monsieur, why was your experience at the Canada Development Corporation not also closely linked with your “political and economic ideas”? Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada, otherwise he is not only grossly negligent but also a very evil man.

Why did Paul Martin Junior work at the Canada Development Corporation and other government jobs instead of his own firm, the Canada Steamship Lines?

“When you go to the market or to a lender and say, ‘We want to buy three ships, costing $200 million, and need to borrow $150 million,’ getting the money at a reasonable cost depends on your credibility.”²⁹

In other words, Paul Martin’s “experience with CSL was closely linked” with his “political and economic ideas.”

When Paul Martin was associated with the Government of Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, his company the Canada Steamship Lines did very lucrative business with federal and provincial crown corporations and government agencies:

“Ladi Pathy approached me to see whether we were interested in forming a joint venture with Fednav, the government and Upper Lakes Shipping to build and operate an Arctic–class bulk carrier. I jumped at the chance … We built the MV Arctic, which at the time of its first operation was 51 per cent owned by the government of Canada and 49 per cent by the three shipping companies … after I entered politics, the company lost interest in the North somewhat … the government decided to sell its share of the ship … it has become part of Ladi’s fleet at his company, Fednav.”³⁰

Why is the triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notion of the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada? The political and economic application of outdated conceptions in the world of today results in terrible tragedies like the Tainted-Blood Scandal: Politique fonctionelle, the modele Québécois, and fédéralisme asymétrique do not work. Wherefore? In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome. In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines constitute the tragic last political and economic act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.

Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere.

APPENDIX: ROBIN PHILPOT’S “THE CORRUPT LEGACY OF PAUL DESMARAIS”

The lavish praise which from many quarters is bestowed upon Paul Desmarais and his business legacy, centers upon what he supposedly accomplished for the province of Québec.¹ Few people, however, really know just how much the ruling classes of Québec have actually done for Paul Desmarais and his business empire, the Power Corporation. The answer is very simple: For a half–century, the Québec Régime greatly enriched Paul Desmarais, his family and his business empire, upon a massive and historically unprecedented scale.²

The biography of Paul Desmarais and his vast empire, without the massive financial support over the years by the Québec Régime (which according to René Lévesque, a famous contemporary, aspires to become “not merely a province but also a country among the nations”) might very well have been quite different from what it actually is in historical fact.³ Paul Desmarais once described his vast web of political and economic connexions this way: “When we French Canadians feel shortchanged, we always deploy the Québec Régime: That is the French Canadian mentality.”⁴

Peter Charles Newman and Diane Francis, Canadian establishment writers and journalists, have often explained the meteoric rise of Desmarais in the 1960s in the following manner: Paul Desmarais was “French Canadian and politically correct.” Paul Desmarais was, in their words, a French Canadian arch–federalist devoted to the interests of the new Canadian élites, namely the Québec Régime in Ottawa, and an arch–enemy of the anti–federalist movement.⁵ While the political and historical analyses of Newman and Francis are not entirely at odds with the legacy of Paul Desmarais, they give rise to contradiction since they conflict with the traditional view of Canadian culture, because Canada is usually portrayed as a paradise of multiculturalism, as opposed to a land of political correctness.⁶

1 — The Financial Empire of Paul Desmarais

Desmarais was never an entrepreneur: “Starting at the bottom takes far too long: I have never done anything from scratch.”⁷ Paul Desmarais was the builder of a financial empire based entirely upon the constant influx of easy money, which was quickly turned into a vast fortune.

The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais thus accumulated was therefore obtained through his patronage of government officials and his influence in Québec politics and economics, namely his control of the Québec Régime: That is the history of Desmarais’ takeover of Gelco (Gatineau Electric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation. Paul Desmarais and his business enterprises received huge subsidies over the years from the Québec Régime.

After Paul Desmarais’ takeover of Power Corporation and the Montréal newspaper La Presse, the notion of the Empire of Desmarais first appeared, when the young Liberal deputy Yves Michaud sounded the alarm at the Québec National Assembly in 1968.⁸ Few people in Québec really seemed to care.

Very early in his career, Paul Desmarais learned to always cultivate very close political and economic connexions with provincial and federal Québec Régimers, so that every Premier of Québec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to eat from his hand, — with the sole exceptions of Premiers René Lévesque and Jacques Parizeau.⁹

People still talk about Paul Desmarais and the fake flight of capital in 1967 which caused Premier Daniel Johnson to turn his back upon the independence movement, after having been elected in large measure based upon the slogan “Equality or Independence” (Égalité ou Indépendance). Few people today recall the real flight of capital from Québec in the early 1990s, right under the nose of Premier Robert Bourassa, of which his close friend Paul Desmarais was the secret architect.

In early 1989, in the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst for $2.6–Billion to American investors. Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, under the control of Paul Desmarais, had benefited from massive subsidies over the decades from the taxpayers of Québec. The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550–Million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off (arrachés) $3–Billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Québec.¹⁰

2 — The Empire of Paul Desmarais

Yet even though he played all of his Québec Régime games, Paul Desmarais the master of deception was still haunted by journalists, unions and politicians, all of whom wanted to know where and when he was going to make his next investment. His answer was nearly always the same: The political and economic uncertainty in Québec frightens–away the serious investor like himself who requires a return on his investment of at least 15 per cent. In the 1970s an advisor to René Lévesque insisted that he meet Paul Desmarais because the latter supported “half of the population of the province of Québec.”

This was never really the case. Outside of his newspaper chain, Paul Desmarais never invested anything in Québec after 1990, although he continued to fill the dirty troughs of the corrupt swine. It is not surprising therefore that on the eve of the second Québec referendum in 1995, Premier Jacques Parizeau spoke of the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which continued, after having made $Billions off Québec, to control its ruling class, while investing $millions abroad, but practically nothing at home.¹¹

3 — Paul Desmarais and the Québec Regime in Ottawa

In this day and age, nobody really remembers Paul Desmarais as a French Canadian nationalist. The history of Canada and Confederation is such that, without changing his name and abandoning his heritage, Paul Desmarais really had no other choice.

Paul Desmarais was in fact a French Canadian nationalist, but he was not a Québec nationalist.¹² Desmarais’ French Canadian nationalism gave him access to Prime Ministers in Québec City and Ottawa, the Québec Régime. Desmarais chose this role for himself, as he explained to Peter Charles Newman: The Desmarais system was indeed very harsh, as he himself even admitted, especially with regards to minorities.¹³

When he was snubbed by the Canadian establishment (Argus 1975, Canadian Pacific 1982), Paul Desmarais had two options: Either he could endorse public opinion and his image as the greedy and corrupt backer of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, otherwise he could join the camp of the anti–federalists in the Parti Québecois and the Québec sovereignty movement, — the government of Premier René Lévesque made overtures in this direction, especially concerning the question of the propriety of the Canadian Pacific via la Caisse de dépôt deal in 1982.¹⁴

Paul Desmarais used to insist that he himself was really a “die–hard conservative” like Ronald Reagan, who was in his opinion: “The greatest American President.”¹⁵ Desmarais therefore ultimately chose the former position as the greedy and corrupt backer of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, undoubtedly because he feared the loss of his fortune was entailed by a more level playing–field, but also because the anti–federalism of the Parti Québecois and the Québec sovereignty movement is based upon social democracy.¹⁶ Paul Desmarais was, in other words, probably the most corrupt businessman in Canada, and the biggest crook in Canadian history.

4 — The Lessons of Paul Desmarais?

In 1972 Jean Bouthillette vividly characterized the essence of Paul Desmarais in the following manner: “Contradiction is the ultimate source of the political opportunism of the traditional Québec ruling class, which was — and still is — both nationalistic and patriotic: The survival instinct and the endeavor to remain in power at all cost, has caused our leaders to flatter the populace with slogans of freedom, which over the years has also convinced the British of our loyalty to the Crown. This duality of personality naturally leads to a dualism in politics, characteristic of all colonized peoples.”

After a half century of Paul Desmarais’ monstrous political and economic corruption, will we now learn to recognize the other foxes in the hen house, disguised in sheep’s clothing, who purposely confuse in the most diabolical manner their own private pecuniary interests with the public interests of Québec?¹⁷

Endnotes are published as: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling. Québécocracy: Empire of Paul Desmarais (Special Edition): Endnotes, San Francisco, California, The Medium Corporation, 2018.

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