QUÉBÉCOCRACY: EMPIRE OF PAUL DESMARAIS (SPECIAL EDITION): ENDNOTES

215 min readSep 27, 2018

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2018)

Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy

1. Hegel, “Die Verfassung Deutschlands (1801–1802),” Sämtliche Werke:Schriften zur Politik und Rechtsphilosophie, Unter Mitwirkung von Dr. Otto Weiß, Hrsg., Georg Lasson, Band VII, Leipzig, 1913, 113: “Hier kann aber von keiner Wahl der Mittel die Rede [sein], brandige Glieder können nicht mit Lavendelwasser geheilt werden.”

2. Hegel, “Introduction: General Division of Logic,” Hegel’s Science of Logic,Arnold Vincent Miller, translator & John Niemeyer Findlay, forward, New York, 1976, 62. [1969]

See: Hegel, “Einleitung: Allgemeine Eintheilung der Logik,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objektive Logik, Erster Band, Zweite Ausgabe, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1832, 26–34; 29–30. [1812]

See also: Hegel, “Einleitung,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objektive Logik,Erster Band, Nürnberg, 1812, i–xxvii.

See: “On the 7th of November, 1831, Hegel finished the preface to a second edition of his Logic. In closing he recalled the legend that Plato revised the Republic seven times, and remarked that, despite this illustrious example, ‘the writer must content himself with what he has been allowed to achieve under the pressure of circumstances, the unavoidable waste caused by the extent and many–sidedness of the interests of the time, and the haunting doubt whether, amid the loud clamor of the day and the deafening babble of opinion … there is left any room for sympathy with the passionless stillness of a science of pure thought.’ Seven days later he died of cholera, and was buried, as he had wished, between Fichte and Solger.”
Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, “Biographical Note: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, 1770–1831,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Chicago, 1960, v–vi.

3. Eduard Gans, “Additions to The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Thomas Malcolm Knox, translator & Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, Addition 86 = §135/129–Addition 152 = §258/141.

See: Eduard Gans, “Zusätze aus Hegels Vorlesungen, zusammengestellt,” Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, mit den von Eduard Gans redigierten Zusätzen aus Hegels Vorlesungen, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, neu hrsg., von Georg Lasson, Herausgegeber, Leipzig, 1911, Zusätze 86 = §135, 318–Zusätze 152 = §258, 349: “Den Standpunkt der Kantischen Philosophie hervorhoben … Es ist der Gang Gottes in der Welt, daß der Staat ist.”

See: “From the Kantian system and its highest completion I expect a revolution in Germany. It will proceed from principles that are present and that only need to be elaborated generally and applied to all hitherto existing knowledge.”
Hegel in Clark Butler & Christiana Seiler, editors and translators, Hegel: The Letters, Bloomington, Indiana, 1984, 35.

See: “Because of his continuing support for reform [Bonapartism] after the revolutions of 1830, his lectures were banned and he was dismissed.”
John W. Burbidge, “Eduard Gans (1798–1839),” Historical Dictionary of Hegelian Philosophy, Lanham, Maryland, 2008, 80.

4. See: “The Meiner Verlag series of Hegel Vorlesungen, commencing in 1983, includes volumes that remedy drawbacks of the Werke volumes on these lectures–only topics; they distinguish the lecture series on the same topics in different years, so that there is now a more faithful representation available of what Hegel himself actually said in a given series, and how his thought, albeit not finalized, had developed or changed over time … one can see from them [the Lecture Transcripts] what Hegel actually said in a given series.”
Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, “Editorial Introduction: 1. Background Issues,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures (Together with an Introduction by Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert), Oxford, 2014, 1.

See also: “The transcripts known today for all the Berlin lecture series are consistently, even surprisingly, reliable testimonies … It may indeed be disconcerting that only today do we doubt — and not everyone does — that Hegel’s lectures … are actually reproduced authentically in the published edition … that did not become full–blown for more than a hundred and fifty years. We can hardly examine here all the reasons for this circumstance.”
Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert, “Introduction: The Shape and Influence of Hegel’s Aesthetics,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures, Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, Oxford, 2014, 7–176; 32–36–36–36.

See finally: “After Hegel’s death, his former students came together with the rather noble thought of assembling various transcripts of the lecture series he gave and to which they had access, hoping to bring to the light of a general public the “system” that [they?] were convinced was completed for years and presented orally in the lecture hall. However, the methodologies through which they assembled these transcripts into standalone monographs, with the aid of Hegel’s own manuscripts for his lectures, is dubious at best. They paid little to no attention to changes between different lecture courses, combining them as they saw fit to guarantee the logical progression of the dialectical movement as they interpreted it. But without the original source material, it was impossible to test the suspicion that they may have falsified Hegel’s own views. Indeed, it was all we had to go on to have any understanding of his views. Now, however, many manuscripts and transcripts — even ones not available to his students — have been found. When one compares these manuscripts and transcripts with the lectures published by his students, the differences between them are in no case simply philological niceties … this information may drastically challenge our historical picture of Hegel.”
Sean J. McGrath & Joseph Carew, “Introduction: What Remains of German Idealism?” Rethinking German Idealism, Joseph Carew, Wes Furlotte, Jean–Christophe Goddard, Adrian Johnston, Cem Kömürcü, Sean J. McGrath, Constantin Rauer, Alexander Schnell, F. Scott Scribner, Devin Zane Shaw, Konrad Utz, Jason M. Wirth, contributors, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, 1–19; 4.

5. See: “The year 1992 poses a critical moral and cultural challenge for the more privileged sectors of the world–dominant societies. The challenge is heightened by the fact that within these societies, notably the first European colony liberated from imperial rule, popular struggle over many centuries has achieved a large measure of freedom, opening many opportunities for independent thought and committed action. How this challenge is addressed in the years to come will have fateful consequences. October 11, 1992 brings to an end the 500th year of the Old World Order, sometimes called the Colombian era of world history, or the Vasco da Gama era, depending on which adventurers bent on plunder got there first. Or ‘the 500–year Reich,’ to borrow the title of a commemorative volume that compares the methods and ideology of the Nazis with those of the European invaders who subjugated most of the world. The major theme of this Old World Order was a confrontation between the conquerors and the conquered on a global scale. It has taken various forms, and been given different names: Imperialism, neocolonialism, the North–South conflict, core versus periphery, G–7 (the 7 leading state capitalist industrial societies) and their satellites versus the rest. Or, more simply, Europe’s conquest of the world … ‘Hegel discoursed authoritatively on the same topics in his lectures on philosophy of history, brimming with confidence as we approach the final ‘phase of World–History,’ when Spirit reaches ‘its full maturity and strength’ in ‘the German world.’ Speaking from that lofty peak, he relates that native America was ‘physically and psychically powerless,’ its culture so limited that it ‘must expire as soon as Spirit approached it.’ Hence ‘the aborigines …gradually vanished at the breath of European activity.’ ‘A mild and passionless disposition, want of spirit, and a crouching submissiveness … are the chief characteristics of the native Americans,’ so ‘slothful’ that, under the kind ‘authority of the Friars,’ ‘at midnight a bell had to remind them even of their matrimonial duties.’ They were inferior even to the Negro, ‘the natural man in his completely wild and untamed state,’ who is beyond any ‘thought of reverence and morality — all that we call feeling’; there is ‘nothing harmonious with humanity … in this type of character.’ ‘Among the Negroes moral sentiments are quite weak, or more strictly speaking non–existent.’ ‘Parents sell their children, and conversely children their parents, as either has the opportunity,’ and ‘The polygamy of the Negroes has frequently for its object the having many children, to be sold, every one of them, into slavery.’ Creatures at the level of ‘a mere Thing — an object of no value,’ they treat ‘as enemies’ those who seek to abolish slavery, which has ‘been the occasion of the increase of human feeling among the Negroes,’ enabling them to become ‘participant in a higher morality and the culture connected with it’ … Hegel, Philosophy, 108–9, 81–2, 93–6; ‘the German world’ presumably takes in Northwest Europe … Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. The Philosophy of History (Dover, 1956; Lectures of 1830–31).”
Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues, Montréal/New York: Black Rose Books, 1993, 3–4–5–291–313.

See also: “Hegel discoursed authoritatively … in his lectures on philosophy of history.”
Chomsky, Ibidem, 4.

See finally: “Hegel’s own course notes and those of his students should be used with caution to clarify and illustrate the meaning of the texts he published during his lifetime … In general, the student notes written during or after Hegel’s classes should be used with caution … What has been said about the student notes must also be applied to the so–called Zusatze(additions), added by ‘the friends’ to the third edition of the Encyclopedia(1830) and the book on Rechtsphilosophie … Some commentators, however, seem to prefer the Zusatze over Hegel’s own writings; additions are sometimes even quoted as the only textual evidence for the interpretation of highly controversial issues. For scholarly use, however, we should use them only as applications, confirmations, or concretizations of Hegel’s theory. Only in cases where authentic texts are unavailable may they be accepted as indications of Hegel’s answers to questions that are not treated in his handwritten or published work. If they contradict the explicit theory of the authorized texts, we can presume that the student is wrong, unless we can show that it is plausible that they express a change in the evolution of Hegel’s thought … According to Leopold von Henning’s preface (pp. vi–vii) in his edition (1839) of the Encyclopädie of 1830, the editors of the Encyclopedia sometimes changed or completed the sentences in which the students had rendered Hegel’s classes.”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy, Dordrecht, 2001, xvi–27–28–29–29.

See: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse — Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Erste Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1840, v–viii.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse — Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Zweite Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1843, v–viii.

Remark: Genuine Hegelianism, the true Gospel of Hegel which greatly influenced America over the years, especially in the Civil War, unlike impure Hegelianism, suspends judgement on matters where Hegel left us without any authorized treatise, because the speculative logical and dialectical system of the pure Hegel’s philosophical science of absolute idealism comes only from the originalausgabe.

On issues where Hegel left us without any authorized treatise we must use the surviving course notes as the only possible access to Hegel’s thought, while the ultimate criteria for their authenticity lie in the principles of his authorized work(Adriaan Peperzak): Refutations of Hegel’s philosophy which contain as premises statements from the non–authorized work are not inferentially equivalent with arguments which contain as premises statements from Hegel’s authorized work because the former involve only the “possible access” to Hegel’s thought. The authenticity and “possible access” of such statements as premises lies in their reconciliation to the principles of the originalausgabe.But the interpretative determination, the hermeneutical judgement that entails the semantic reconciliation, that makes these non–authorized statements “authentic,” and therefore acceptable as premises in arguments against Hegel, does not thereby make them inferentially equivalent to the statements from the originalausgabe: They involve only the “possible access” to Hegel’s thought, whereas the latter involve the actual access to Hegel’s thought. In other words, the difference here between interpretative possibility and actuality entails the distinction between weaker and stronger levels of inference in the demonstrability of the refutation: A strong refutation of Hegel’s philosophy therefore contains premises from the originalausgabe,whereas a weak refutation of Hegel’s philosophy contains premises from the originalausgabe and from the non–authorized work, while a sophistical refutation contains no premise from the originalausgabe. Refutation of the Hegelian philosophy is inseparable from Hegel philology: Therefore, dialectical inference is inseparable from dialectical hermeneutics, as the notion of dialectical scientivity, — as the speculative logical and dialectical system of the pure Hegel’s philosophical science of absolute idealism.

6. Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, 71.

7. See: “Gradually, Kant and Hegel conquered the universities of France and England … [Hegel’s] system could never have arisen if Kant’s had not existed.”
Bertrand Russell, History of Western Philosophy and its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, London, 1947, 748–757.

8. Johann Eduard Erdmann, A History of Philosophy: German Philosophy Since Hegel, 4th German edition, vol. 3, London, 1899, 66–81.

9. See: “We [American] irrationalists do not foam at the mouth and behave like animals … we Americans have been more consistent than the Europeans.” Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, xix–xx.

10. See: “Come it will, and when ye hear a crashing such as never before has been heard in the world’s history, then know that at last the German thunderbolt has fallen. At this commotion the eagles will drop dead from the skies and the lions in the farthest wastes of Africa will bite their tails and creep into their royal lairs. There will be played in Germany a drama compared to which the French Revolution will seem but an innocent idyll. At present, it is true, everything is tolerably quiet; and though here and there some few men create a little stir, do not imagine these are to be the real actors in the piece. They are only little curs chasing one another round the empty arena, barking and snapping at one another, till the appointed hour when the troop of gladiators appear to fight for life and death. And the hour will come. As on the steps of an empty amphitheater, the nations will group themselves around Germany to witness the terrible combat.”
Heinrich Heine, Religion and Philosophy in Germany: A Fragment, Boston, 1959, xiv. [1834]

11. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, new edition, 2 vols., New York, 1824, I/381–II/203. [1690]

See: “Locke was heavily involved in the slave trade, both through his investments and through his administrative supervision of England’s burgeoning colonial activities … The attempt to reconcile Locke’s involvement in the slave trade with his reputation as a philosopher of liberal freedom has a long history, beginning shortly after the abolition of the slave trade … Locke’s readers are faced with the problem of how he could have been so intimately involved in promoting an activity that he apparently knew to be unjustified … We are disturbed by the ease with which some commentators excuse Locke of racism or minimize its significance … to advocate, administer, and profit from a specifically racialized form of slavery is clear evidence of [Locke’s] racism, if the word is to have any meaning at all.”
Robert Bernasconi & Anika Maaza Mann, “The Contradictions of Racism: Locke, Slavery, and the Two Treatises,” Race and Racism in Modern Philosophy,Andrew Valls, editor, Ithaca/London, 2005, 89–89–90–91–91.

12. Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”
Renatus Cartesius, “Secundæ Responsiones,” Œuvres de Descartes:Meditationes de Prima Philosophia, vol. 7, Charles Adam & Paul Tannery, éditeurs, Paris, 1904, 140–141.

How very clear and distinct are the ideas of Cartesius, coming from his very own hand, although his best translators are also clear and distinct, but less clear and less distinct than the very words of Cartesius himself, as found in his very greatest works, since his Latin is now a dead language, while his modern interpreters fail to elucidate the rational foundations of their sophistical critiques.

13. Joseph Stalin, “Anarchism or Socialism?” Works: 1901–1907, vol. 1, Moscow, 1954, 307–321.

See: Stalin, “Anarchism or Socialism?” Nobati, Musha, Akhali Tskhovreba, June–July 1906, 1–4.

See: “Rational idealism is profound knowledge of the unknowable.” [Reinster Idealismus deckt sich unbewußt mit tiefster Erkenntnis]
Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 851–855 auflage, München, 1943, 328.

See: “It is now known that unlike Kant, Hegel was despised by the Nazis.”
Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Peter Thielke, “Hegelianism,” New Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Game Theory to Lysenkoism, vol. 3, Maryanne Cline Horowitz, editor in chief, New York, 2005, 977.

14. From the London School of Economics and Political Science in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, London and New York, 1896, 2–163.

See also: “Marx is at once logically a dialectical rationalist and metaphysically a dogmatic materialist.”
Russell, Ibidem, 5.

Remark: Bertrand Russell’s sophistical (British Kantio–Hegelian) conceptions of logic and metaphysics cause him to completely neglect or ignore the “critical and revolutionary” (Kantian) nature of Marx’s “rational” dialectic.

See finally: “No logical absurdity results from the hypothesis that the world consists of myself and my thoughts and feelings and sensations, and that everything else is mere fancy … Philosophy is to be studied, not for the sake of any definite answers to its questions, since no definite answers can, as a rule, be known to be true.”
Russell, The Problems of Philosophy, London, 1912, 34–249.

15. Karl Marx in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, London and New York, 1896, 4–5.

See: “In its mystified form, [the Hegelian] dialectic became the fashion in Germany … In its rational form it [the Hegelian Dialectic] is a scandal and an abomination to bourgeoisdom.”
Karl Marx in Russell, Ibidem, 5.

See also: “[Feuerbach] says that his present teaching, so far from being an unfolding of Hegelian theories, on the contrary originated in opposition to these theories. If any one is to be called his forerunner, let it be Schleiermacher … he afterwards said that the so-called Right Wing of the Hegelian school was the one which was in complete harmony with the master.”
Erdmann, Ibidem, 79.

16. Alexander Herzen, Selected Philosophical Works, Moscow, 1956, 521.

See: “An Absolute Idea, is a theological invention of the idealist Hegel … the ordinary human idea became divine with Hegel when it was divorced from man and man’s brain … Hegel’s ‘Absolute Idea’ gathered together all the contradictions of Kantian idealism.”
Lenin, Collected Works: Materialism and Empirio–Criticism, 1908, vol. 14, Moscow, 1977, 227–232. [1962]

17. See: “Kant was a turning point in the history of Western philosophy because he was a reductio ad absurdum of the attempt to distinguish between the role of the subject and the role of the object in constituting knowledge … Hegel himself used the terms ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ … and used the term ‘union of subject and object’ to describe the end of history. This was a mistake.”
Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, 49.

18. Saul Kripke, “Naming and Necessity,” Semantics of Natural Language, Donald Davidson & Gilbert Harman, editors, Dordrecht, 1972, 288–289.

See: “Surely there was no logical fate hanging over either Aristotle or Hitler which made it in any sense inevitable that they should have possessed the properties we regard as important to them.”
Kripke, Ibidem, 289.

See also: “[Hitler] was one of the most evil men in world history.”
William Alexander Jenks, “Adolf Hitler,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 9, Chicago, 1971, 236.

See: Jenks, Vienna and the Young Hitler, New York, 1960.

19. Hegel, “Einleitung,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objective Logik, erster Band, Nürnberg, 1812, xiii.

20. See: “We cannot obey these murderers [Kennedy Administration]. They are abominable. They are the wickedest people who ever lived in the history of man and it is our duty to do what we can against them.”
Bertrand Russell (1 April 1961) in Harvey Arthur DeWeerd, Lord Russell’s War Crimes Tribunal, Santa Monica, 1967, 3.

21. Bertrand Russell (1963) in Harvey Arthur DeWeerd, Lord Russell’s War Crimes Tribunal, Santa Monica, 1967, 4.

22. Hegel, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel,vol. 46, Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor, Chicago, 1960, §352, 112.

23. Sidney Hook, Reason, Social Myths, and Democracy, New York, 1940, 76–105.

See: “The social principles of Christianity in so far as they are specifically Christian and construed in terms of the institutional behaviour of churches can never be adequate to profound social change.”
Sidney Hook, “Is Marxism Compatible with Christianity?” Christianity and Marxism: A Symposium, S.L. Solon, editor, New York, 1934, 31.

See also: Bertrand Russell, Why I Am Not a Christian: And Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects, London, 1957.

24. Noam Chomsky, “Interview Transcript,” from YouTube, 2015–2016.

25. Sidney Hook, Reason, Social Myths, and Democracy, 296.

26. John Dewey, “Kant and Philosophic Method,” Journal of Speculative Philosophy, 18(1 April 1884): 171–172.

See: “Kant, the founder of modernest philosophy … is the transition of the old abstract thought, the old meaningless conception of experience, into the new concrete thought, the ever growing, ever rich experience.”
Dewey, Ibidem, 162–174.

See also: John Dewey in Yervant Hovhannes Krikorian, editor, Naturalism and the Human Spirit, 1st edition, New York, 1944.

27. Hegel, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel,6.

28. See: “Culture and cultural identities, which at the broadest level are civilization identities, are shaping the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the post–Cold War world … Intellectual and scientific advance, Thomas Kuhn showed in his classic The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, consists of the displacement of one paradigm, which has become increasingly incapable of explaining new or newly discovered facts, by a new paradigm, which does account for those facts in a more satisfactory fashion.”
Samuel Phillips Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, New York, 1996, 20–30.

29. Sidney Hook, Social Democracy and America: 1976 Convention Statement of Social Democrats, USA, New York, 1976.

30. Hegel, Ibidem, §340, 110.

31. See: “Prime Minister Brian Mulroney has promised the labor movement a major voice in shaping policies adopted by his Progressive Conservative government. In a videotaped address yesterday to the CFL convention he said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”
Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

32. See: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166.

See also: “Paul Desmarais learned to always cultivate very close political and economic connexions with provincial and federal élites, so that every Premier of Québec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to eat from his hand … in the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years, for $2.6 billion to American investors. The sale of the Montréal Trust later followed for some $550 million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off $3 billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Québec … Paul Desmarais was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and therefore he was also a very evil person.”
Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

See also: Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014.

33. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, “How to Prepare for the Presidency,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 15, Chicago, 1971, 681.

34. Those men and women who harness the vast political and economic powers of the internet, which are embryonic in the world of today, will become the first trillionaires: Their task is the project of Global rational political and economic order … the financial, commercial and industrial foundations of the Space Age.

This brief outline is the last of what remains of a manuscript, the labor of more than a decade, which was unfortunately lost some years ago: The details of which, for the most part, have long been obliterated from the author’s memory.

World History and Canadian Polity

1. Paquerette Villeneuve (1932–2018), Mai 1968: Une Canadienne dans les rues de Paris pendant la revolte étudiante (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 149: “Ce que nous exprimons à travers la destruction de certaines institutions, et de certains modes de réflexion, c’est le besoin de les dépasser. En cela seulement, nous contestons. Nous voulons remettre continuellement en cause ce qui a été acquis, et introduire l’utopie au sein du monde existant.”

See: “Education outside France ignores that the student is a citizen of the future, and does not place enough emphasis on the objective and scientific explanation of economic and social facts, on the methodology of the critical spirit, which is the active, practical learning of freedom and responsibility: This education of young people is a fundamental activity of democratic government, and only public schools can fulfill such a task … Students are then faithful to Rimbaud, putting their poetry into action, and shining a light upon the human condition: They absolutely follow in the footsteps of Karl Marx, by truly bringing their Utopianism into line with reason.”

Paquerette Villeneuve, Ibidem, 134–149: “L’Enseignement méconnaît dans l’élève le futur citoyen. Il ne donne pas une importance suffisante à l’explication objective et scientifique des faits économiques et sociaux, à la culture méthodique de l’esprit critique, à l’apprentissage actif de l’énergie, de la liberté, de la responsabilité. Or, cette formation civique de la jeunesse est l’un des devoirs fondamentaux d’un état démocratique et c’est à l’enseignement public qu’il appartient de remplir ce devoir … Les étudiants sont alors fidèles à Rimbaud, en mettant en avant la poésie par rapport à l’action, et en faisant la lueur sur le projet humain. Ils refont l’itinéraire de Marx en allant sans cesse de la nécessaire utopie à la nécessaire rationalité.” [Italics added]

2. That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for this doctrine in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic.

3. Louis St. Laurent/St–Laurent.

4. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … Le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See: “All that is important to me is that we find, in the very near future, a means which will allow us to combine our forces, in order to crush forever the Duplessis machine.”
Jean Lesage (5 August 1958) in Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31; 26: “Je désire fermement que nous trouvions, au plus tôt, une formule qui nous permettra de combiner nos forces afin d’écraser à tout jamais la machine duplessiste.” [Italics added]

Remark: Henceforth the Economic Heartland of Canada will be the sole purview of the Québécocracy and its puppets in the provincial legislatures: Jean Lesage (1912–1980) and his followers will discover the political and economic means they require to destroy the Union nationale in the Parti Québécois, — led by René Lévesque, following in the footsteps of Jean–Louis Lévesque (1911–1994), — qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.

See: “In September, 1959, Premier Duplessis flew to the iron ore port of Sept–Îles, 150 kilometres downriver from Baie–Comeau, and then north to the iron–mining company town of Schefferville on the Labrador border. There he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and died four days later in the Iron Ore Company of Canada guest house … William Bennett, the president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, a former executive assistant to C.D. Howe and head of a number of Howe’s crown corporations, became a patron of the young lawyer [Brian Mulroney]. Bennett introduced him around town and surprised him one Christmas with a huge television set. He eventually groomed Mulroney to be his successor at Iron Ore.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos & Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1984, 43–61.

5 X

6. René Lévesque (1922–1987), “Pas plus bêtes que les arabes,” Cité Libre, 11.27(mai, 1960), 18: “On a vraiment l’air fin, avec nos rois nègres. Je me demande si on ne pourrait pas emprunter aux Arabes un de leurs sultans ou même de leurs colonels.” [Italics added]

7 X

8. See: “How could so many, after the many years that he held Cuba in bondage, tied to the malignant, exhausted banner of communism, hold Fidel Castro as a hero, and proclaim him their idol? It was surely not from what he did? Executions by fiat, repression of the press, surveillance on citizens, disappearances of loved ones, persecution of homosexuals and contempt for religion: These are not the practices to earn the praiseful flutterings of the Liberal heart. And yet they did, and Mr. Castro is mourned by some of the most sensitive souls of our time.”

Rex Murphy, “Sing Along With Fidel, Sensitive Souls, and You Won’t Hear the Cubans’ Screams,” National Post, 2 December 2016.

9. “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.”

Pierre–Basile Mignault (1854–1945), L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, 119.

See: “[Pierre–Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgments, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”

John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

10. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, new edition, 2 vols., New York, Valentine Seaman, 1824, I/381–II/203. [1690]

See: “Locke was heavily involved in the slave trade, both through his investments and through his administrative supervision of England’s burgeoning colonial activities … The attempt to reconcile Locke’s involvement in the slave trade with his reputation as a philosopher of liberal freedom has a long history, beginning shortly after the abolition of the slave trade … Locke’s readers are faced with the problem of how he could have been so intimately involved in promoting an activity that he apparently knew to be unjustified … We are disturbed by the ease with which some commentators excuse Locke of racism or minimize its significance … to advocate, administer, and profit from a specifically racialized form of slavery is clear evidence of [Locke’s] racism, if the word is to have any meaning at all.” Robert Bernasconi & Anika Maaza Mann, “The Contradictions of Racism: Locke, Slavery, and the Two Treatises,” Race and Racism in Modern Philosophy, Andrew Valls, editor, Ithaca/London, Cornell University Press, 2005, 89–107; 89–89–90–91–91.

11. Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

Renatus Cartesius, “Secundæ Responsiones,” Œuvres de Descartes:Meditationes de Prima Philosophia, vol. 7, Charles Adam & Paul Tannery, éditeurs, Paris, Léopold Cerf, 1904, 128–159; 140–141.

Remark: How very clear and distinct are the ideas of Cartesius, coming from his very own hand, although his best translators are also clear and distinct, but less clear and less distinct than the very words of Cartesius himself, as found in his very greatest works, since his Latin is now a dead language, while his modern interpreters fail to conceptually elucidate the rational philological and hermeneutical foundations of their sophistical critiques.

12. See: “In France, the unjust social and political conditions of the time were criticized by a group of philosophers known as the philosophes. This group, which included Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”

William Thomas Jones (1910–1998), “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

See also: “[Martin Luther] symbolizes the split within Christianity between Protestants and Roman Catholics. This split has affected the political and cultural developments of every nation in Europe and North and South America.”

Jaroslav Jan Pelican (1923–2006), “Martin Luther, 1483–1546,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 12, Chicago, 1971, 458–459.

See: “Some of the democratic ideas of the Puritans finally won a place for themselves after many years of oppression, persecution, a civil war, and a period of political and religious dictatorship.”

Wyndham Mason Southgate (1910–1998), “Puritan,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 15, Chicago, 1971, 803.

13. Frank Morgan & Henry William Carless Davis (1874–1928), French Policy Since 1871, London, 1914, 4.

14. William Thomas Jones, “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

15. Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v: “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme dont il porte le nom.”

16. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.” Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

• Neville Chamberlain, The Struggle For Peace, Toronto, Allen, 1939, 33. [Italics added]

Remark: In this instance, Chamberlain does not face every situation that arises, — he faces Hitlerite Germany: Neville Chamberlain “reconciles” his ideology with European events, and the result is subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the arena of modern British world politics and economics. Neville Chamberlain therefore fails to rationally reconcile the Industrial and French Revolutions in his domestic and foreign political and economic policy precisely because he is the fateful prisoner of 19th century British Kantio–Hegelian nationalism and imperialism.

See: “The intellectual superiority of the Left is seldom in doubt. The Left alone thinks out principles of political action and evolves ideas for statesmen to aim at … morality can only be relative, and not universal … ethics must be interpreted in terms of politics; and the search for an ethical norm outside politics is doomed to frustration.”
Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 1919–1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations, 2nd edition, London, Macmillan, 1962, 20–21–21.

See finally: “By my definition, a theory of international politics would be a set of generally valid and logically consistent propositions that explain the outcomes of interactions between and among political actors. As such, the theory would contain three kinds of statements: (1) those which identify or take inventory of components and properties of international systems and events, (2) those which identity and describe relationships among the components and properties of the international systems and events, and (3) those which explain or otherwise account for such relationships.”
Donald James Puchala, International Politics Today, New York, Dodd, Mead, 1971, 358.

17. The Thirty–Two 1995 Criminals: David Anderson, Lloyd Axworthy, Ethel Blondin–Andrew, Raymond Chan, Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien (Jean–Jacques), David Michael Collenette, Sheila Copps, David Charles Dingwall, Michel Dupuy, Arthur C. Eggleton, Joyce Fairbairn, Sheila Finestone, Alphonso Gagliani, Jon Gerrard, Ralph Edward Goodale, †Herbert Eser Gray, Ron Irwin, Lawrence MacAulay, Roy MacLaren, John Manley, Sergio Marchi, Diane Marleau, Paul Edgar Philippe Martin, Marcel Massé, Anne McLellan, André Ouellet, Fernand Robichaud, Douglas Peters, Allan Rock, Christine Stewart, Brian Tobin, Douglas Young.

18. Let us not forget the Québec Regime at Queen’s Park: “In February, provincial Premier Robert K. Rae announced his government would support ‘Let’s Move,’ a program to spend $2.5 billion on new subways and transit lines [Bombardier/SNC–Lavalin/Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec]. Four of the lines were to be built in the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto. Another was slated for Mississauga, which is immediately to the west of Toronto. The provincial government was to pay 75 percent of the cost of ‘Let’s Move,’ and local municipalities were to pay 25 percent. But over the summer, the provincial government decided to try reducing its deficit by cutting grants to municipalities. These losses forced municipalities to cut their payrolls by 5 percent. This was accomplished by requiring municipal employees to take up to 12 days of unpaid leave.”

David Lewis Stein, “Toronto,” A Review of the Events of 1993: The 1994 World Book Year Book, the Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1994, 416.

See: “The Ontario government sold the SkyDome … to a group of private investors for $151 million. The 50,000–seat stadium, which features a retractable roof and adjoining hotel, cost about $600 million to build in the mid–1980’s.”

David Morice Leigh Farr, “Canadian Provinces,” A Review of the Events of 1994:The 1995 World Book Year Book, the Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1995, 119.

19. David Morice Leigh Farr, “Canada,” The 1995 World Book Year Book: A Review of the Events of 1994, Chicago, 1995, 110–115.

20.

21.

22. Frank Atkins, David MacKinnon & Marco Navarro–Genie, Equalization Fairness Report: Expert Recommendations For Fairness in Canada’s Equalization System, Edmonton, 2016, 4.

See: “The federal government spent $28.2 billion less in Alberta than it received from taxpayers in 2014. That number, or the ‘General governments surplus’ (including CPP) was $12 billion in Ontario and $6 billion in British Columbia. While 2014 saw the largest net amount Albertans had ever sent in one year to Ottawa, the trend was well established: Alberta is the only province never to have been a net recipient since 2007. As seen in Figure 1, from 2007 to 2014, despite economic ups and downs, the amount of taxes sent to Ottawa that didn’t make it back to Alberta never went below $19.8 billion. This equals a staggering net contribution over the eight years of $190 billion from the province.”

Frank Atkins, David MacKinnon & Marco Navarro–Genie, Ibidem, 2.

23.

24.

25. Beverley McLachlin, Reconciling Unity and Diversity in the Modern Era:Tolerance and Intolerance: Remarks of the Right Honorable Beverley McLachlin, P.C. Chief Justice of Canada at the Aga Khan Museum, Toronto, 2015, 1–6.

26.

28.

29.

30.

31. Janice MacKinnon, Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political Trade–Offs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003.

See: “Although all provinces had a fiscal problem, they did not all make the same strategic choices, since differing approaches marked a dividing line between between right– and left–wing governments. In 1995, just when Saskatchewan and Alberta were balancing their budgets, they were drawn into the vortex of the rapidly deteriorating federal fiscal situation. The scramble at the provincial level was often more desperate [x] in the early 1990s, but the stakes were higher as federal Finance Minister Paul Martin prepared for his landmark 1995 budget … I must admit that the choices he made have weathered well. Rather than merely turning more power over to the provinces, the federal government repositioned itself to meet the challenges of the twenty–first century … [xi] As Roy Romanow’s NDP government wrestled Saskatchewan’s ballooning deficit to the ground, the most taxing conflicts were internal ones. Politics involves more divisions within the ranks than is often apparent from the outside. But the conflicts also reflected the struggle within the NDP to come to grips with deficit reduction and the global economy. The NDP believes in government and spending, and in the 1990s we had to cut both. In an exercise that only can be described as gut wrenching, we had to cut and even eliminate programs that our party had created in the 1970s .”

Janice MacKinnon, “Preface,” Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political Trade–Offs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003, ix–xii; ix–xi.

Remark: Janice MacKinnon justifies the massive healthcare cuts she made (and the resulting demise of the old–timers of the CCF, the bastion of Western Canadocentricism and anti–Québécocentrisme) by referring to the difference she draws between right and left wing governments, but her distinction completely misses the rational conception of the Québécocracy, because she does not differentiate between the Québec and anti–Québec wings in the NDP, the result of Western alienation, namely the rejection of politique fonctionnelle by the followers of John Diefenbaker and Tommy Douglas: Janice MacKinnon’s political and economic division between the Canadian left and right is a delusion, which ignores the Québec wings of the federal political parties, which profoundly influence provincial affairs across Canada (especially in the realm of public works).

Janice MacKinnon therefore meticulously avoids any mention of the corrupt influence upon herself and Roy Romanow, coming from Bob Rae and his brother John Rae of the Power Corporation, — the latter ran Jean Chrétien’s election campaigns in 1993, 1997 and 2000: MacKinnon perpetrates the 1995 Myth of Canada on the verge of collapse, invented by the 1995 Criminals, in order to protect themselves and their family members from the wrath of the Canadian people, — who lost many loved ones because they did not receive the proper medical treatments they deserved (and were promised) when they needed them the most.

Why did the Québécocracy make the 1995 cuts? The cuts were made in order to save the Québec Regime in Ottawa which was on the verge of collapse, and thereby retarded Canadocentric political and economic power: The breathing room thus achieved, prolonged the lifespan of the Québec Regime in Ottawa for another decade, until it finally collapsed under the political and economic blows of PM Harper, Westernism and the Ford Nation. Federal cash saved from the 1995 Cuts ultimately lined the pockets of the Québec Inc., via the effort to “save” Canada in the 1995 Québec Referendum, — and from thence to Europe (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, and francophone Switzerland) as well as the Tropics, far beyond the reach of Revenue Canada: The Québécocrats needed a political platform back in the day, in order to gain power and greatly enrich themselves, their families and friends, so they borrowed very heavily from the European New Left and Eurocommunism (Charles Margrave Taylor, Cité Libre and so forth). When the European New Left and Eurocommunism collapsed with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Québécocracy lost many of its idéologues, especially in anglophone Canada, so they resorted to more sinister means in order to salvage and prolong their power. The last nail in the coffin of our inferior ruling class came with the rise of the digital economy in the United States of America, and the ruin of the media empire of the Québécocracy.

See: “In January 1995, when the Wall Street Journal, ‘the bible of the U.S. business community,’ published an editorial entitled ‘Bankrupt Canada?’ that referred to Canada as ‘an honorary member of the Third World in the unmanageability of its debt problem,’ and raised the prospect that it could ‘hit the debt wall,’ even the most laid–back Canadian taxpayer had to take notice.”

Janice MacKinnon, Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political Trade–Offs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003, 3.

Remark: Janice MacKinnon, exactly as Paul Martin Junior in his political memoirs, perpetrates the Québec Regime myth that Canada was on the brink of financial, commercial and industrial collapse in 1995: Martin and MacKinnon completely ignore the cozy relationship between the Wall Street Journal and the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy (the Empire of Paul Desmarais), which for decades ensured that the Québécocracy influenced the print media in the USA (with regards to its coverage of Canadian politics and economics), with cheap, Canadian taxpayer subsidized, newsprint. The newspaper magnates are happy to print whatever stories the Québécocracy desires, so long as the spigot of cheap Canadian newsprint is not turned off, — which greatly increases their profits. Today, we see the same situation in the war against President Trump, as the media interests of China and Europe in America launch massive propaganda attacks against Trumponomics: The American Idealists of the White House, Washington and Wall Street do not therefore declare war upon the American people. Axel Springer’s Business Insider is regularly publishing editorials and reports against President Trump (the end of America is at hand), in order to wreck the administration, and thereby help the Democrats, in the hope of destroying US tariffs against European political and economic irrationalism: Does the President of the United States of America, in response, suddenly start making massive cuts which destroy the lives of millions of Americans? Not at all. President Trump follows the road of rational political and economic order.

Québécocrats will no doubt respond that federal statistics from the third and fourth Québec Regimes in Ottawa prove otherwise: This is the corrupt modusoperandi of every criminal ruling class. We do not condemn statistics in toto, only statistics based upon sophistical mathematical methodologies: Critiques against so–called “Platonism in mathematics” are Kantian and Kantio–Hegelian delusions. We accuse the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006 of mortal corruption: The Québécocracy in Ottawa and Québec City should therefore release the archives of the principles involved, and refute the charge leveled against them. This the Québécocracy will never do because the charge is irrefutable.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39. “John Rae was Jean Chrétien’s right–hand man in the elections of 1993, 1997 and 2000.”See: “John Rae, qui a été l’organisateur de Jean Chrétien lors des élections de 1993, de 1997 et de 2000.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 17.

40. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012.

41. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, updated edition, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 8–9–109–146–147. [1987]

42. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos & Nick Auf der Maur (1942–1998), Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1985, 85. [1984]

43. Graham Fraser in Robert Chodos, Rae Murphy & Eric Hamovitch, Selling Out: Four Years of the Mulroney Government, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1988, 104.

44. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, updated edition, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 375–376. [1987]

45. “Debt–service expenditures will rise from $6.2 billion in 2009–2010 to $32.1 billion in 2030–2031, to constitute 22.5 per cent of total revenues at the end of the forecast horizon.” Mario Lefebvre, Quebec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded, Ottawa, 2010, 3.

46. See: “Thus, in the 1950s Paul Desmarais met Jean–Louis Lévesque, a prosperous Gaspesian enriched in Québec by Maurice Duplessis. Lévesque was then the head of the Trans–Canada Investment Corporation: He lent money at a low rate to his friend Paul Desmarais because he liked his business acumen. Desmarais made good on the investment in a series of astute business transactions, and ended up buying Lévesque’s company, which included the Blue Bonnets Hippodrome and the Dupuis Brothers.” Diana Thebaud Nicholson, “Paul Desmarais RIP: Paul Desmarais 1927–2013,” Wednesday–Night: Where the World Comes Together, 3 December 2013: “C’est aussi dans les années 1950 que Paul Desmarais rencontre Jean–Louis Lévesque, un Gaspésien devenu prospère au Québec grace à l’aide de Maurice Duplessis. À la tête de la Corporation de valeurs Trans–Canada, Lévesque prete de l’argent à faible taux à son ami Desmarais dont il apprecie le côté fonceur. Ce dernier en profite pour realiser une serie de coups fumants et va jusqu’à acheter la companie de Lévesque qui comprend l’hippodrome Blue Bonnets et Dupuis Frères.”

47. “On sent sa présence partout, mais on ne le voit nulle part. C’est un homme qui semble craindre la lumière.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 19.

48. “En 1985, on estimait la fortune personnelle de Paul Desmarais père à environ 500 millions de dollars. Or, en 2008, on l’estime à près de 5 milliards de dollars, soit 10 fois plus importante.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 17.

49. Anonymous, “Paul Desmarais Dies At 86,” Huffington Post Canada, 9 October 2013.

See: “An art lover, Desmarais has one of Canada’s largest private art collections. Two wings of Montréal’s Fine Arts Museum are named in honour of his family. Desmarais also used his fortune to build one of the world’s most exclusive golf courses on his sprawling 75–square–kilometre Sagard estate in the mountainous Charlevoix region of Québec. A housewarming party in 2003 attracted political heavyweights, including Mulroney, former Québec premier Lucien Bouchard.” Ibidem.

50. Anonymous, “Paul Desmarais Dies At 86,” Huffington Post Canada, 9 October 2013.

51. Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston/Montreal, 1982, 161.

See: “Until recently in Québec, the two language groups functioned according to a tacit understanding: The English ran business and the French controlled government and culture.” Ibidem, 159.

Remark: Exact historiography tells a very different tale: In Quebec, as well as in Canada, both Anglophones and Francophones ran, and still run, business, government and culture. The rational distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes does not correspond with the historical division between Anglophones and Francophones in the American world.

52.

53. “Peu s’attardent sur ce que le Québec et son État ont donné à M. Desmarais. Il y a une réponse courte à cette question: Tout!” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

54. See: “Michel Plessis–Belair does not serve the best interests of Québec, he serves the best interests of the Power Corporation (Michel Plessis–Belair, vice–president of the board of the Power Corporation, has also sat on the board of the Hydro–Québec since April 7, 2004): Look at the many decisions that have been made over the years by the Hydro–Québec and … those decisions benefit the Power Corporation, one must therefore conclude that something is very wrong with the Hydro–Québec … The laws do not apply to Paul Desmarais.”

Richard Le Hir, Desmarais, 2012: “Michel Plessis–Belair n’est pas la pour l’interet superieur du Québec la, il est la pour l’interet superieur de Power[Michel Plessis–Belair, le vice–président du conseil d’administration de Power Corporation, siège à celui d’Hydro–Québec depuis le 7 avril 2004]: Et quand vous voyez un certain nombre de decisions qui ont ete pris pour Hydro–Québecau cour des années et … qu’ils avantage Power, la vous vous dites qu’il y a vraiment quelque chose qui va plus … la loi ne s’applique pas a Monsieur Desmarais.”

55. “Les liquidités de l’ampleur de son ambition ne pouvaient se trouver que dans le giron de l’État, principalement celui du Québec. C’est l’histoire de la prise de contrôle par Paul Desmarais de Gelco (Gatineau Electric), devenu Gesca, et de Power, qui disposaient d’importantes liquidités versées par l’État.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

56. “La Consolidated–Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

57. “Dans la plus importante transaction financière de l’histoire du Canada, Desmarais vend à des Américains pour plus de 2,6 milliards de dollars la Consolidated–Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec. Suit la vente de Montréal Trust pour 550 millions. Voilà un pactole de 3 milliards arrachés aux ressources naturelles et à la sueur des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

58.

59. “Le groupe Desmarais–Power occupe une position dominante pour influencer l’orientation constitutionnelle, économique et sociale de l’État québécois actuel et futur.” Pierre Godin in Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 13.

60. “Claude Frenette a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui-ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada le 25 juin 1968.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 15.

See: “[Paul] Desmarais, qui avait propulsé la carrière politique de Pierre Trudeau, puis celle de Jean Chrétien.” Jacques Parizeau in Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 16.

61. “Paul Desmarais senior sold Canada Steamship Lines for $195 million to his then–employee Paul Martin, in 1981. Desmarais also hired Brian Mulroney as a lawyer to help settle a strike at his Montréal newspaper, La Presse, in 1972. Four years later, Desmarais was Mulroney’s biggest backer in the latter’s first bid for the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party.” James Winter, “Reporting on the Pharmaceutical Industry: Profit Before People,” The Political Economy of Media and Power, New York, 2010, 264–265.

62. “Très tôt, Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

63. Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two–party state,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

64. William S. Willoughby, “Saint Lawrence Seaway,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, Chicago, 1971, 38–42.

65. William S. Willoughby, Ibidem.

66. Ibidem.

67. Ibidem.

68.

69.

70.

71.

Chapter 1: Robin Philpot’s Argument and the Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais

1. See: Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013. See: Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008.

2. See: “Les éloges à l’endroit de Paul Desmarais convergent sur ce que l’homme d’affaires aurait donné au Québec. Mais peu s’attardent sur ce que le Québec et son État ont donné à M. Desmarais. Il y a une réponse courte à cette question: Tout!” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

3. “Sans le Québec, un Québec qui aspirait, selon les mots d’un contemporain célèbre, à devenir ‘non pas une province pas comme les autres, mais un pays comme les autres,’ l’avenir canadien de Paul Desmarais aurait été bouché. ‘Les Canadiens français qui se sentent menacés se sont toujours tournés vers le Québec, disait-il. Cela fait partie de leur conscience et cela fait partie de la mienne.’” Ibidem.

4. “Des journalistes d’affaires de l’establishment canadien, dont Peter Charles Newman et Diane Francis, ont d’ailleurs attribué son ascension rapide dans les années 1960 au fait qu’il était ‘French Canadian and politically correct,’ bref, un archi-fédéraliste canadien-français capable de protéger leurs intérêts et de faire obstacle à l’indépendance du Québec. Ce constat, qui n’enlève rien à Paul Desmarais, est pourtant accablant pour le Canada, qui se targue d’être le paradis de la diversité.” Ibidem.

5. “Bâtisseur? Peut-être, mais d’un empire financier construit par la recherche constante de liquidités permettant d’accroître sa fortune personnelle. Les liquidités de l’ampleur de son ambition ne pouvaient se trouver que dans le giron de l’État, principalement celui du Québec. C’est l’histoire de la prise de contrôle par Paul Desmarais de Gelco (Gatineau Electric), devenu Gesca, et de Power, qui disposaient d’importantes liquidités versées par l’État. Après la prise de contrôle de Power et de La Presse est apparue la notion de l’État Desmarais. C’est le jeune député libéral Yves Michaud qui a sonné l’alarme à l’Assemblée nationale en 1968. Trop peu l’ont entendue.” Ibidem.

6. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 13–14.

See: “Through Gesca Ltee, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montreal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Quebec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”

Ross Marowits, “Canadian business giant Desmarais dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See also: “Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepherd, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”

Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 13.

7. “Très tôt, Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis, à l’exception de René Lévesque et de Jacques Parizeau, lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

8. Jules Belanger, J.-Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspesien aux sommets des affaires, Saint-Laurent, 1996, 138.

See also: “The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Quebec. Jean-Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Quebec.” Ibidem, 166–167.

9. Yves Boisvert, “Paul Desmarais, l’empereur,” La Presse.ca, 10 octobre 2013.

See also: “The house of Brian Mulroney in Westmount has recently been sold. The residence was bought by Paul Desmarais Junior’s son, Paul Desmarais III and his wife for $4.8 million … Paul Desmarais III has been the administrator of Power Corporation Financial since 2014 … He was named a board member of the Musée d’art contemporain de Montréal in March 2015 by the Council of Ministers in Quebec.”

Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.

10. “On parle moins de la vraie fuite de capitaux du début des années 1990 dont il a été l’architecte, mais cette fois en douceur et sous le nez de son fidèle ami Robert Bourassa … Début 1989, dans la plus importante transaction financière de l’histoire du Canada, Desmarais vend à des Américains pour plus de 2,6 milliards de dollars la Consolidated-Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec.” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

11. “Un pactole de 3 milliards arrachés aux ressources naturelles et à la sueur des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec.” Ibidem.

12. It follows that since Paul Desmarais was the most corrupt, or one of themost corrupt businessmen in Canadian history, that therefore he was also the biggest crook.

13. “Paul Desmarais a choisi de demeurer à Montréal, et dans Charlevoix, et a fait en sorte que Power demeure une contribuable québécoise. Le comble de la mauvaise foi, dans ce texte? Essentiellement, M. Philpot lui reproche d’être, et de loin, le plus grand mécène québécois.”

Marc Jussaume, “La Réplique: Paul Desmarais — L’argumentaire boiteux de Robin Philpot,” Le Devoir, 17 octobre 2013.

14. “Le problème est que la nationalisation de l’hydroélectricité fut amorcée en 1962–1963, et complétée en 1964–1965. Les actionnaires vendeurs de ces compagnies lui ont vendu essentiellement des comptes de banque, ils ne lui ont évidemment pas simplement donné ces liquidités. Paul Desmarais n’était pas donc pas partie dans les nationalisations.” Jussaume, Ibidem.

15. The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

16. “Après l’achat initial de Power en 1968, laquelle détenait 18% des actions de Consolidated-Bathurst, cette dernière se mit à subir des pertes opérationnelles dévastatrices; et Paul Desmarais, au lieu de tenter de vendre Consolidated-Bathurst, acheta plutôt d’autres actions, passant à 42%, et évidemment y installa son équipe. Puis il fit croître Consolidated-Bathurst. Sous sa gouverne, il y eut finalement des années de rentabilité.” Marc Jussaume, Ibidem.

17. “Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem.

18. “Tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem.

See also: “No businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.” Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two-party state: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

19. “Paul Desmarais senior and his two sons Paul and André have often been accused of ‘controlling’ Quebec, and of having unwarranted power in politics and over governments.”

Jonathan Trudel, “Desmarais et les ficelles du pouvoir,” L’Actualité, 9 octobre 2013.

Remark: Robin Philpot does not accuse Paul Desmarais of merely “controlling” Quebec or having “unwarranted power in politics and over governments.” Paul Desmarais, according to Robin Philpot, was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history: “Desmarais ripped-off $3 billion in natural resources from the hard-working people of Quebec.”

20. See the sophistical refutation of Philpot’s argument by Richard Vigneault based upon the former’s anti-federalist political affiliations:

“According to Philpot, Paul Desmarais had corrupted the President of France as well as Daniel Johnson [fils], Jean Charest, Brian Mulroney and many other politicians … [and] everyone involved in the [Desmarais and Power Corporation] plot has conspired against the Quebec independence movement … when it comes to the political and economic development of Quebec, I prefer the services of Paul Desmarais over Robin Philpot.”

Richard Vigneault, “Réplique à Robin Philpot: La France n’est pas le Québec,” Le Devoir, 5 février 2009.

Remark: Obviously the beneficiaries of Paul Desmarais and the Quebec Regime in Ottawa prefer the “services of Paul Desmarais over Robin Philpot.” Their families, along with Desmarais, were enriched beyond their wildest dreams. But this is no refutation of Philpot’s argument: Under Adolf Hitler many Germans greatly benefited from the Nazi regime; but this is no proof of Hitler’s political and economic prowess. That Robin Philpot advances anti-federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no proof that Desmarais is not the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and that therefore he was not a very big crook: That Robin Philpot is not a very good political philosopher does not mean that therefore he is an equally bad historian.

21. Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui-ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

See: “In the Empire of Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become merely relative, and therefore the conception of modernity is become outdated in the rational development of Globalism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Quebec Regime therefore signalizes the end of modern European Raison d’État in Canada, — in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Paul Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome.” See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, archive.org, 2016.

Chapter 2: Paul Desmarais and Canadian Culture

1. “L’ambassadeur des États–Unis au Canada, David Jacobson, estime que ‘l’influence sur le milieu fédéral et provincial de cette société [Power Corporation] est indéniable’ … L’ambassadeur Jacobson y fait spécifiquement référence à l’influence de Power Corporation sur les politiques énergétiques des gouvernements. Il s’interroge sur les pressions qu’auraient pu exercer les dirigeants de Power Corporation sur le premier ministre Jean Charest lors de la conférence sur les changements climatiques de Copenhague, en décembre 2009.”

Kathleen Lévesque, “Un appui concret au PLQ: Depuis 1998, les Desmarais ont versé plus de $300 000 au parti de Jean Charest,” Le Devoir, 19 mai 2011.

2. Anonymous [Pierre Trudeau?] and Guy Cormier, “Faites vos jeux” et “Fleches de tout bois,” Cité Libre, 1.1(Juin, 1950), 37–45: “[Emmanuel] Mounier restera present dans toute l’aventure que nous tentons aujourd’hui … Vive quand même la République!”

See: “Our existence is always sinful, and it might almost be claimed that existence in this world is just as impossible as the act of pure good will is for Kant. We are sinful by the very fact that we exist.” Emmanuel Mounier, Existentialist Philosophies: An Introduction, London, 1948, 20.

See also: “We ought not to forget how much personalism owes to Leibnitz and to Kant, or what the dialectic of personality owes to the whole reflective effort of idealist thought.” Emmanuel Mounier, Personalism, London, 1950, xvi.

3. See: “These principalities … are upheld by higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, I will abstain from speaking of them; for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them … if one could change one’s nature with time and circumstances, fortune would never change … God will not do everything, in order not to deprive us of freewill.”

Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, The Prince, Luigi Ricci, translator, Oxford, Humphrey Milford, 1921,

Remark: Higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, are exalted and maintained by God, the very highest power. Higher causation and rationality is the realm of the highest power, and is beyond the reach of humanity, civilization, and the rationality of political and economic order. What are the rational determinations of the highest power? We must abstain from speaking of them, for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them: The highest power of Machiavellism is the Absolute of Kant and the modern irrationalists. The highest power governing human actions, the fountainhead of all justice according to the Machiavellians, the dispensers of modern freedom, is Unknowable: The fountainhead of the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is modern unreason.

The “rationality governing human actions, the fountainhead of justice,” according to Machiavelli, his delusion of rationality and human reason, is modern unreason, the basis of the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right: Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, therefore comes from the modern sophistry of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke and then ultimately from Machiavelli. Machiavellism, autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, is modern unreason in the world historical arena of European politics and economics.

Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, modern unreason in the world historical arena of European politics and economics in Canada, is Machiavellism, the basis of Wilfrid Laurier’s “Political Liberalism.”

4. Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism, 2017.

Remark: Modern irrationalists who identify American political and economic rationality in the world of today with the Napoleonic and French revolutionary conception of right, in order to uphold and legitimize the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of their masters, the inferior ruling classes of the earth, — they are easily overcome with the following question: Is the American Superpower really and truly a modern European republic?

In other words, Is modern European political and economic unreason the fountainhead of world civilization and the birth of Global rational political and economic order in universal history?

From out of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history, comes the downfall of modernity and rise of world civilization, namely, the supremacy of Global rational political and economic order:

This at least is the American idealistic teaching of Pure Hegelism and the rational political economy of Americanism in the world of today:

“What exactly the sophists mean by modern democracy and rational political and economic order (so-called liberalism, republicanism, nationalism, socialism and communism) is spelled out in the world of today as criticism, empiricism and phenomenalism in the backwards, outdated and corruptpolitical economy of modernity (in contradistinction to their pejorative usage of such terms as dogmatism, idealism and metaphysics). Their sophistical political economy is therefore culled from the modern subjectivism, relativismand irrationalism of Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant: This also involves the late mediaeval theological distinction between Catholicism and Protestantism in the political and economic clash between the old and new world historical forms of Christendom, — as the moment of the modern determination of the self-comprehending pure notion, namely, as Globalism …” (Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Stronghold of Hegel: Modern Enemies of Plato and Hegel, Medium, 2016–2017).

5. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, First Edition, Toronto, 1986, 213.

6. Ibidem, 68.

7. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, First Edition, Toronto, Key Porter Books Limited, 1985, 11–17–22–23.

8. Jean Lapierre in Hélène Buzzetti, “Ce Liberal fondateur du Bloc Quebecois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016: “Il ne fait aucun doute dans mon esprit que, sans vos [Jean Chrétien’s] basses et tortueuses manoeuvres, nous aurions le 23 juin proclamé le retour du Québec dans la grande famille canadienne. Aujourd’hui, comme tous les Québécois, je suis déçu, je me sens humilié et je sais que vous [Jean Chrétien] nous avez trahis.”

9. Half of the population of Québec is so poor they pay no federal income tax: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actualy taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.” David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax. This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See finally: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

10. Chrétien, Ibidem, 214.

11.

12. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 326.

13. Ibidem, 323.

14. Ibidem, 332.

15. Ibidem, 369.

16. Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, 56. [2007] See Back–cover: “[Jean Chrétien] is a genuinely good man.” Bill Clinton.

17. Ibidem.

18. Ibidem, 57.

19. “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.” Pierre-Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, 119.

See: “[Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Quebec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.” John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre-Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

20. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 1690.

21. Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

See: “The noumenon is not the concept of an object, but only a problem … my existence cannot, as Descartes supposed, be considered as derived from the proposition, I think … the so–called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.” Immanuel Kant.

See also: “In Descartes’ method of establishing the subjectivity of sense-perception, we have extreme idealism on the one hand and a vague sensationalism on the other … He who would know the philosophy of our times must first well learn the philosophy of Kant.” John Paul Ashley, Apriorism from Descartes to Kant, Boston, 1894, 21–73.

22. Frank Morgan and Henry William Carless Davis, French Policy Since 1871, London, Oxford University Press, 1914, 4.

23. William Thomas Jones, “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b. See: “By the time of World War I, the idea that all people were equal had gained influence in many nations through democracy and socialism. As a result, the role of aristocracies in government declined sharply.” Alexander J. Groth, “Aristocracy,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1992, 662.

24. “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme dont il porte le nom.” Pierre-Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v.

25. See: “An expert on Napoleon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.”

Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montreal, 1982, 157.

See also: “It is the soldier who founds a republic and it is the soldier who maintains it.”

Napoleon Bonaparte in Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 33–34.

See also: “Canada is my country. Quebec is my province.” Paul Desmarais in Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

26. Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui-ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

See also: “[Jack Porteous’s] son Timothy later became an adviser to Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and head of the Canada Council. Porteous’s clients included a rising entrepreneur from Sudbury named Paul Desmarais.”

Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 60.

See finally: “[Judy Verlyn LaMarsh 1924–1980] at the convention, with microphone nearby, told Hellyer to fight the ‘bastard’ Trudeau to the end.”

John English, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, 1968–2000, vol. 2, Toronto, 2010, 12–13.

Incidentally, Prime Minister Stephen Harper, according to Anne-Marie Gingras, hired Paul Desmarais Junior to combat the recession in 2008: “Paul Desmarais Jr a quant à lui été nommé en décembre 2008 par Stephen Harper à un comité chargé de le conseiller au sujet de la récession économique.” Anne-Marie Gingras, Médias et démocratie: Le grand malentendu, 3e édition, Québec, 2009, 114.

Remark: Considering the ever-diminishing number of Red Tory and Blue Liberal factions left-over from the Mulroney years, it is not at all surprising that the Desmarais family should still have some influence in Ottawa. By no means is the exact historiographical and world historical relationship between Stephen Harper and the Desmarais family anywhere similar to the political and economic relationship between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais on the one hand, and Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin on the other, as the scientific notion of the Québec Inc. East is east and west is west: Never the twain shall meet, — in the world historical collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism.

27. Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, Chicago, 1971, 380b.

Remark: This is an attack upon Maurice Duplessis and the Union nationale, the destruction of which greatly benefited Pierre Trudeau and his family. Today Justin Trudeau is the Prime Minister of Canada and a multi-millionaire French Canadian aristocrat, instead of being the manager of his grandfather’s gas station. Indeed, the latter statement is a generous assumption, considering that Pierre Trudeau had no business acumen in the real world of finance, commerce and industry. Unless, of course, the study of abstract economic theories and the selling of political tracts is considered the activity of a businessman.

28. See: “When Joe Clark spoke against renewed and expanded support for bilingualism, he reflected the views held most strongly in the western provinces, where the Conservatives had won 49 seats in the 1974 election, compared with only 13 for the Liberals, of which 8 were in British Columbia. Conversely, the support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec, where Clark had won only 3 seats, while Trudeau had taken 60. Clark could not therefore expand his support, as he needed to do to win an election.”

John English, Just Watch Me: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, 1968–2000, vol. 2, Toronto, 2010, 347.

Remark: It is historically irrelevant whether or not Joe Clark could or could notexpand his support: Clark did not expand his support. Unfortunately, John English advances no exact historiographical proof that support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec; he advances no exact historiographical proof that Joe Clark lost the election because he spoke against renewed and expanded support for bilingualism; and he advances no exact historiographical proof thatPierre Trudeau won the election because support for bilingualism was strongest in Québec. The history of Bill 63 (Loi pour promovoir la langue française au Québec, 1969); Bill 22 (Loi sur la langue officielle,1974); Bill 101 (Charte de la langue française, 1977), proves the contrary, namely, that in Québec the support for bilingualism was not very strong. If support for bilingualism was very strong, why is Québec not an officially bilingual province?

If “support for bilingualism” merely means “support for the political and economic doctrine that all federal government employees outside of Québec must be bilingual,” then the question is not first and foremost a linguistic one, but rather a question of fairness in government employment, because the vast majority of the population of English Canada is anglophone and not francophone.

In the realm of exact historiography and world history, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism in Canada, the downfall of Joe Clark is rather the result of the Québeckocentric factions in the Progressive Conservative Party and the Liberal Party of Canada, namely, the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: “[Mulroney] chafed at serving those who had defeated him at party conventions. He refused to run for Parliament, he grumbled in the backrooms, and he kept his friends around him, ready to make another attempt for power if and when the new leader [Joe Clark] faltered … For all his pious pronouncements, Mulroney had demonstrated from the start of the regime that old-style patronage remained a critical component of his politics, and Canadians soon realized that the revolution of September 4, 1984, had merely substituted one set of faces for another on the government’s Jetstars and in luxury hotels in New York and Paris,” (David Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 2–303).

Here are some more examples of the corrupt nature of Brian Mulroney, Quebec Regimer extraordinaire: “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noel Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault,” Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

Brian Mulroney, like Trudeau, Chretien and Martin, was always a Quebec Regime crook: “In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered — and last month won — the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But — again — the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration,’” (Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3). We surmise that Mulroney was first seriously corrupted when he worked for the Cliche Commission on Organized Crime.

29. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

30. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

31. Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

32. Yves Michaud in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 13–14.

33. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 132.

See: Anonymous, “Canada’s Satellite TV Row Clouds Chrétien’s Image,” The Toledo Blade, 30 April 1995, A13.

34. Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the Two–Party State: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, (1 November 1993): 14.

35. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

36. “Cet empire est reconnu pour être en mesure de faire et de défaire des gouvernements québécois et canadiens, et ce, depuis bientôt 40 ans.” Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 11.

37. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012, 23–26–29: “Power Corporation du Canadacompte dix–sept membres sur son conseil d’administration … il s’agit de Pierre Beaudoin, Laurent Dassault, André Desmarais, l’honorable Paul Desmarais, Paul Desmarais, Jr., Paul Fribourg, Anthony R. Graham, Robert Gratton, le très honorable Donald F. Mazankowski, Jerry E.A. Nickerson, James R. Nininger, R. Jeffery Orr, Robert Parizeau, Michel Plessis–Bélair, John A. Rae, Amaury–Daniel de Seze et Emöke J.E. Szathmáry … Pierre Beaudoin est aussi premier vice–président et membre du conseil d’administration de l’entreprise Bombardier Inc. À cet effet, il a des relations directes avec tous les membres de direction ainsi qu’avec ceux qui siègent en même temps que lui sur le conseil d’administration de Bombardier Inc., à savoir, Laurent Beaudoin, André Berard, J.R. André Bombardier, Janine Bombardier, L. Denis Desautels, Jean–Louis Fontaine, Jane F. Garvey, Daniel Johnson, Jean C. Monty, Andre Navarri, Carlos E. Represas, Jean–Pierre Rosso, Federico Sada G., Heinrich Weiss … Or, comme Paul Desmarais Sr., Laurent Beaudoin est un des hommes les plus en vue et les plus important du Québec. Non seulement est–il reconnu pour diriger une des entreprises les plus ‘populaires’ du Québec, mais il a été conseiller politique et impliqué dans des opérations politiques au cours des trois dernières décennies.”

See: “[Carlos Eduardo Represas] came in contact with many future politicians, a number of whom are now in cabinet–level positions.”

Roderic A. Camp, Entrepreneurs and Politics in Twentieth–Century Mexico, New York, 1989, 94.

See: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds.”

Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

See also: “Industry Canada provides slightly different numbers, saying Bombardier has received $1.3 billion in repayable contributions since 1966, of which it has repaid $584.6 million to date. Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans, which are triggered when, for example, the recipient’s gross revenues are higher than a base amount laid out in the contract. However, because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions — and repayment of those contributions — met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced.”

Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

38. Anonymous, “En bref―Desmarais au CHUM,” Le Devoir, 12 février 2009.

See also: “Hélène Desmarais was nominated yesterday as the president of the board of the Montreal Metropolitan Chamber of Commerce during the annual general meeting. Hélène Desmarais, president of the board and general director of the Business Innovation Centre of Montreal, succeeded Elliot Lifson, vice-president of the board of Peerless Clothing. Hélène Desmarais will work with the president and chief executive officer, Isabelle Hudon.”

Anonymous, “En bref―Hélène Desmarais, présidente du conseil de la CCMM,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2007.

39. Kevin Steel, “How Montreal’s Power Corporation Found Itself Caught Up in the Biggest Fiasco in UN History,” The Western Standard, 5 March 2005.

40. Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013: “Les liquidités de l’ampleur de son ambition ne pouvaient se trouver que dans le giron de l’État, principalement celui du Québec. C’est l’histoire de la prise de contrôle par Paul Desmarais de Gelco (Gatineau Electric), devenu Gesca, et de Power, qui disposaient d’importantes liquidités versées par l’État … Début 1989, dans la plus importante transaction financière de l’histoire du Canada, Desmarais vend à des Américains pour plus de 2,6 milliards de dollars la Consolidated-Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec. Suit la vente de Montréal Trust pour 550 millions. Voilà un pactole de 3 milliards arrachés aux ressources naturelles et à la sueur des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec.”

41. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Saint Denis, Montréal, 2012, 15.

See also: “Early in 1994 he [Mulroney] accompanied Power Corporation’s Paul Desmarais to China to advise him on the corporation’s role in the massive Three Gorges Dam hydroelectric project with Ontario Hydro and Hydo-Quebec, as well as a $60-million real estate development in the Pudong region of China near Shanghai. Mulroney was extremely well compensated by Power Corporation for his assistance.”

Stevie Cameron, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, Toronto, 1994, 482–483.

42. Ibidem, 13: “Paul Desmarais n’est pas un bâtisseur. C’est un prédateur, un loup qui a compris qu’il est beaucoup plus facile de convaincre le berger de lui ouvrir toutes grandes les portes de la bergerie que de chercher continuellement à déjouer sa surveillance … Le séjour en famille de Michael Sabia, président de la Caisse de dépôt, au somptueux palais de Paul Desmarais à Sagard aura permis à tous les Québécois de découvrir le caractère totalement anormal et inacceptable des pratiques de l’empire Desmarais dans ses rapports avec le gouvernement du Québec, ses ministères et les entreprises et organismes qu’il contrôle.”

43. Jules Bélanger, J.-Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint-Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean-Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See: “Trans-Canada was owned by both Paul Desmarais and Jean-Louis Lévesque, but Paul had control of the shares. Their business association did not last very long. In my opinion they could not work together. They each had very different philosophies. Paul Desmarais was an administrator who had very long term views. Jean-Louis Lévesque was more of a speculator. Desmarais bought out Lévesque and their problem was resolved.”

Wilbrod Bherer in Marie Lise Gingras, Wilbrod Bherer: un grand Québecois, 1905–1998, Sillery, Québec, 2001, 211: “Trans-Canada était la propriété de Paul Desmarais et Jean-Louis Lévesque, toutefois Paul avait le contrôle des actions. Mais cette association ne dura pas longtemps. À mon avis, c’était deux gars qui ne pouvaient pas travailler ensemble. Ils n’avaient pas du tout la même philosophie. Desmarais était un administrateur qui avait des idées à perte de vue. Lévesque, lui, etait plus un spéculateur. Paul a reglé le problème en achetant les parts de Lévesque.”

See also: “Paul Desmarais was the friend and backer of Lester B. Pearson.” Anne-Marie Gingras, Médias et démocratie: Le grand malentendu, 3ième édition, Québec, 2009, 113: “[Paul Desmarais] a été ami et supporter de Lester B. Pearson.”

44. See: “In the fall of 1963, a rising CBC producer-performer, Patrick Watson, travelled to Montréal to search for a co-host for a new national public affairs program, Inquiry. He went to the University of Montréal to interview a law professor, little known in English Canada but who, Watson knew, possessed the mental agility and physical presence to become an instant television star. Their conversation came to nothing because Trudeau insisted on full control of his own material … Later that day, Watson went on to another Montréal campus and by evening had signed up another professor, Laurier LaPierre, from McGill.”

Richard Gwyn, The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians, Sandra Gwyn, editor, Toronto, 1980, 45–46.

45. The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People in the New World: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

Chapter 3: Trudeau Philology and Trudeauisme

1. Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 19–20: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur un objectif unique: La démocratie … je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.”

Pierre Trudeau’s rhetoric on Democracy and Liberty does not perseverate upon philosophical abstractions beyond the realm of 20th century Canadian history, but is the very motor behind his own self–interested actions:

“In 1956, Trudeau helped organize the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Assembly for National Independence). The group’s 600 members worked to explain democracy [Québec separatism] to the people of Québec and to persuade them to use it. Trudeau served as vice–president, then director, and finally president.”

Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, Chicago, 1971, 380b.

See: “[4] Careful investigation leads to the discovery of more and more French diplomats, politicians, and state officials active in the cause of Québec separatism during the past thirty–five years … [5] By 1967, when de Gaulle made his notorious fourth visit to Québec on 23–26 July, he had already worked out a general plan of attack … Having launched a cold war campaign in Québec, de Gaulle then turned his attention to the smaller French–speaking community of Acadians in the Maritime provinces … there was no mistaking his [General de Gaulle’s] hostility to the Canadian confederation … [6] the two world wars of this century had the strongest influence [7] on the Gaullist mind. But behind their impact lies the imperial tradition established by Napoléon, and followed by his nephew, Napoléon III who ruled the Second Empire … [11] Political movements for the independence, or sovereignty, of Québec can be traced back into the 1950s, but the first with any permanence and influence was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (RIN), established in September 1960. Its founders were Raymond Barbeau, who in 1957 had launched a similar but short–lived movement called the Alliance Laurentienne … they worked to spread the idea that Québec ought to become an independent republic, ‘free, French and democratic’ … [13] By 1960, when de Gaulle made his visit to Canada, the Lesage liberals, the RIN, and other nationalists were forming a neo–nationalist movement … [14] The neo–nationalist were typical of what has become known as the Quiet Revolution … in its narrowest meaning the term applies to a series of reforms carried out by the Lesage government … when Duplessis died, Québec was seized with an outburst of liberal and national sentiments that led to changes so profound that they may justly be described as revolutionary. Educated Frenchmen, such as Charles de Gaulle and his staff, were immediately at home amid the liberal and national aspirations of the Quiet Revolution in Québec. Every French republic, even the Fifth, is founded on liberal and nationalist ideas that are an ideological legacy of the French Revolution … [18] De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning — or hoping — to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … De Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”

John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 4–5–6–11–13–14–18.

2. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

3. Jean–François Lisée (La Presse, 30 June 2010) in Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 1. See: Max Nemni et Monique Nemni, Trudeau, fils du Québec, père du Canada: La formation d’un homme d’état, vol. 2, Montréal, Les Éditions de l’Homme, 2011.

See: “In 1977, the Parti Québécois government of Mr. Lévesque enacted Bill 101, which included a provision regarding language of signage. This provision was challenged and, ultimately, struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada. In response to this decision, Premier Bourassa enacted Bill 178 … When Bill 178 was introduced, Premier Bourassa invoked the notwithstanding clause, a pernicious provision of the 1982 Constitutionaccepted and introduced by Prime Minister Trudeau. This provision unique in constitutions of the world — has been branded as ‘evil’ and ‘iniquitous’ by scholars to the point that Mr. Trudeau himself has acknowledged his grave error in consenting to its inclusion in a document designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.”
Brian Mulroney in Peter Charles Newman, “Appendix 9,” The Canadian Revolution 1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, Viking, 1995, 448–457; 451.

4. Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994, 806–808.

5. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, Livres Baraka Inc., 2014, 14–15.

6. Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, Viking Canada, 1998, 164–189; 166–172–172.

7. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, Garamond Press, 2000, 131–132.

8. Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, Viking, 1995, 389.

9. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003, 11.

10. Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph For the Two–Party State: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

11. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, Livres Baraka Inc., 2014, 11: “Cet empire [de Paul Desmarais] est reconnu pour être en mesure de faire et de défaire des gouvernements québécois et canadiens, et ce, depuis bientôt 40 ans.”

12. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, Fides, 1996, 138–166.

13. Jean Lesage (5 August 1958) in Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31; 26: “Je désire fermement que nous trouvions, au plus tôt, une formule qui nous permettra de combiner nos forces afin d’écraser à tout jamais la machine duplessiste.”

14. André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, Hurtig Publishers, 1985, 853.

15. Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1985, Back Cover: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

16. Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

17. Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu,du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc.”

18. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

19. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.

See: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography, ‘The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche Inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow–up to Choquette.’ On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star–chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled, ‘that it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’”
L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montréal/Kingston, McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2002, 286.

See also: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. The commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’”
Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 41–42. [1987]

See finally: “Québec Liberal Leader Robert Bourassa seemed happy to have his provincial troops work for Mulroney federally.”
Charles Lynch, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, Toronto, Methuen, 1984, ix.

20. Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

21. Senator André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

22. France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, Québec, Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 2015, 73–80; 74–79–79.

23. Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

24. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

25. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

26. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

27. Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

28. David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

29. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 1.

30. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 8–8–8–10–88.

See: “We have been associated with Pierre Elliott Trudeau for nearly twenty years, first as friends over a decade, then for another ten years buried in his personal papers and publications … [Pierre Trudeau] enthusiastically adopted the values of Québec’s clerical–nationalist milieu. During World War II, he rejected all war news as ‘English’ propaganda and came out strongly against conscription for service overseas … His intellectual mentors rejected democracy and liberalism, shared the ideas of the French far right, and approved the regimes of Pétain, Mussolini, and Franco. Trudeau himself had the greatest admiration for Charles Maurras. Despite Canadian war censorship, student newspapers such as Le Quartier Latin, to which he regularly contributed, never hesitated to ridicule the war and federal government policies … Trudeau won the riding of Mount Royal, as a Liberal member of Parliament. By now he was a passionate defender of federalism and liberal democracy … What happened between 1944 and 1965? When and how did he make this 180–degree turn? … Unlike many Cité Librecollaborators, including Gérard Pelletier, Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party … According to Hegel, the State — and more specifically the Prussian State — represented the most complete form of individual freedom.”
Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 2–7–7–7–8–88–92.

31. Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Roger Rolland et Gérard Pelletier (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Mounier disparaît,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37: “Emmanuel Mounier disparu. Il n’est plus temps, deux mois après sa mort, de dire la consternation où ce départ nous laisse. Le plus distrait de nos lecteurs peut vérifier dans chaque page de Cité Libre, non seulement l’influence qu’a exercée sur chacun de nous la revue Esprit mais encore un certain souci de lucidité, que nous voulons de plus en plus profond, et dont le désir nous vient en ligne droite d’Emmanuel Mounier. Les instigateurs de Cité Libre avaient décidé, dès leurs premières rencontres, de faire tenir au directeur d’Esprit la première copie de la revue qui sortirait des presses. C’est assez dire que Cité Libre est née sous le signe d’Esprit, eu fidélité aux mêmes valeurs pour lesquelles Mounier s’est battu jusqu’au dernier jour. … Mort, Mounier restera présent dans toute l’aventure que nous tentons aujourd’hui.”

What was a very powerful base of the success of Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy in their destruction of the old British imperialistic ruling classes across Canada, — municipally, provincially and federally? In France the Québécocracy has had the support of the French Bonapartists, while in Britain it has had the support of the British Bonapartists. Today in Europe the Québécocracy has the support of the European Bonapartist faction in Brussels. This support cost the taxpayers of the Heartland enormously over the years, and is now being paid for by the very fools (“we were young and foolish”) who first brought the Québécocracy into power, as they themselves are now being shuffled into the boneyard of history: The healthcare systems across Canada have become the political and economic cogwheels of the Québécocracy, in its endeavor to cut costs. The Québécocracy must protect its backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trust with government handouts, especially from the federal treasury, in order to sustain itself as a dominant ruling class during and after the reorganization of the American world: This is the phantasm, at least, behind the self–destructive behavior of our mortally corrupt élites. The vast increase of public debt will therefore lead to a far greater increase in repayment costs and taxation, which will dampen economic growth and prosperity in some parts of the country, and impoverish many Canadians: This will increase powerful social tensions, mainly aimed against the Québécocracy. The last remnants of the Québécocracy, especially in Ottawa, are therefore turning their back upon the soixante–huitards: The sick, the elderly and pensioners in Canada, who have paid their high tax bills and contributions over the years, are therefore the new victims of the political and economic irrationalism of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class in its thirst for naked power. Under the White Gold ruling class, what good is a fat pension for those Canadians who will never live long enough to enjoy the fruits of their labors, because they will never get the proper medical attention they deserve when needed the most? Their cash belongs in the coffers of rational political and economic order, but never indirectly or directly in the bloated belly of the Hydro–Québec ruling class …

32. John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997,Montréal/Kingston, McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1999, 18.

33. Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968, 99–113; 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.”
Robert Bourassa, Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

See finally: “The image of Robert Bourassa which was thus created is that of a ‘self–made man’ of the bourgeoisie … this image, which was created by the same group of specialists [Power Corporation] who had two years earlier marketed Pierre Elliott Trudeau, is that of a good young man, almost a member of the family, who had risen to the highest levers of economics and politics … The group of specialists, who had popularized Pierre Elliott Trudeau among the Canadian electorate in three months, said that in Québec (which is smaller and above all more homogeneous), they could sell Robert Bourassa as a ‘commodity’ in one month.”
Pierre O’Neill et Jacques Benjamin, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, Montréal, Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1978, 171: “L’image qu’on a créée Robert Bourassa est celle du ‘self–made man’ d’une certaine classe moyenne … l’image ainsi créée par le groupe de spécialistes [Power Corporation] qui, deux ans plus tôt, avait ainsi mis en marché Pierre–E. Trudeau, c’est celle du jeune homme bien, presque un membre de la famille, qui s’est hissé aux plus haut leviers de l’économie et de la politique … Ce groupe de spécialistes, qui avait fait connaître en trois mois Pierre–E. Trudeau à l’électorat canadien, s’est dit qu’au Québec, plus petit et surtout plus homogène, on pourrait en un mois vendre ainsi le ‘produit’ Robert Bourassa.”

The aim of Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, a book by Pierre O’Neill and Jacques Benjamin, is to make the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy in Canada appear as normal by drawing a false parallel between the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class and the American polity (Washington): The world historical distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes is thus ignored, as is the rational conception of the American superpower. The outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right of the Québécocracy, under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, is not the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Of course the Québécocracy in its advancement of such propaganda espouses the lost cause of modern European political and economic irrationalism, which it has empowered in America over the decades, through its support of anti–Americanism via its export of cheap Canadian taxpayer subsidized paper and newsprint to anti–American publishers and media outlets, such as the New York intellectuals (Black Rose Publishers, and so forth). The White Gold ruling class has also corrupted élites of the New York establishment with cheap Canadian taxpayer subsidized electricity, which has resulted in the wreckage of American finance, commerce and industry, especially in upstate New York. Similar anti–American political and economic degeneration is found in the narco–élites of Mexico and their corrupt influence upon the ruling class of California. In effect, both the Québécocracy and the élites of narcoland are the purveyors of Banana republicanism, which is another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in the New World, which was implanted in Mexico by modern France in the 19th century: America stamped–out this abomination in the South during the Civil War. Bananaism is passing–away in the 21st century because the last of the bananiers are dying–out under the hammer blows of the superior ruling classes.

34. Mario Bunge, “Courrier des Lecteurs: Cherchons projet politique novateur,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(été, 2000): 12: “D’où viendront les idées neuves? Des départements de science politique? C’est peu probable, car les chercheurs [québécois et québécoises] préfèrent écrire plutôt que de participer à la vie politique, et encore, lorsque leurs cerveaux n’ont pas été irrémédiablement endommagés par des philosophies obscurantistes du genre herméneutique, constructivisme–relativisme, paléo–marxisme.”

35. Thomas Malcolm Knox, translator, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel; Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, §340, 110: “Die Prinzipien der Volksgeister sind um ihrer Besonderheit willen, in der sie als existierende Individuen ihre objektive Wirklichkeit und ihr Selbstbewußtsein haben, überhaupt beschränkte, und ihre Schicksale und Taten in ihrem Verhältnisse zueinander sind die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit dieser Geister, aus welcher der allgemeine Geist, der Geist der Welt, als unbeschränkt ebenso sich hervorbringt, als er es ist, der sein Recht, — und sein Recht ist das allerhöchste, — an ihnen in der Weltgeschichte, als dem Weltgerichte, ausübt.”
Hegel, Ibidem, 1821, §340, 342–343. See finally: Hegel, Ibidem, 1911, §340, 270–271.

36. Harold Joseph Laski (1893–1950), “The Crisis in the Theory of the State,” A Grammar of Politics, 5th edition, New Delhi, S. Chand & Company Ltd., nd, i–xxvii; iii–iv–v–v.

See finally: “In England nobody was more punctilious about equality than Harold Laski, nor more fearless to fight in Her name. His door was always open to those who were hungry and thirsty for justice, and he received with the same simplicity, heads of state and lowly students. It was this generosity and affection that Laski sought to capture in his political theory. Laski’s immense work, written and lived, was only a continuous search for the city of freedom, where men could live in tolerance, and eventually find love: This is why both the capitalists and Stalinists were his mortal enemies … Laski sometimes lacked consistency.”
Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Faites vos jeux: Blum et Laski,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37–38: “Il n’y avait en Angleterre personne de plus pointilleux sur l’équité que Laski, ni de plus intrépide à combattre pour elle. Sa porte était toujours ouverte à ceux qui avaient faim et soif de la justice, et il recevait avec une égale simplicité les chefs d’États et les pauvres étudiants. C’est cette générosité toute faite d’affection qu’il tentait d’universaliser dans les systèmes politiques. Son oeuvre immense, écrite et vécue, n’a été qu’une recherche continue de la cité libre, où des hommes pourraient vivre dans la tolérance, et éventuellement dans l’amour. C’est en quoi les capitalistes et les staliniens furent ses ennemis jurés … Laski manqua parfois de cohérence.”

Remark: National independence in the Cité Libre of the late 1950s means Québec separatism and sovereignty, which is strongly associated with French–Canadian democracy, and is usually depicted as a direct descendant of modern European republicanism inspired by nineteenth century France, and issued from the tradition of Immanuel Kant and the French Revolution (critical and revolutionary): In practical political and economic policy “national independence” is therefore very strongly inspired by the ideology of the post–war French imperialism and anti–Americanism of the Gaullist élites in France, which constitutes the historical form of late 20th century French Bonapartism, namely autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher), and which, when eventually applied in Canada by the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (1968–2006), under the tensions of world history, results in the concept of the Québécocracy as the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class, whether as “gaullisme de gauche” or “gaullisme de droite.”

Of course, the pseudo–Hegelians and anti–Hegelians, the modern irrationalists, will especially reject the above analysis based upon their own historical “facts,” the arrangement and interpretation of which very much depends upon their specious Kantio–Hegelian distinction between genuine Hegelianism and pseudo–Hegelianism: We have discussed this controversy in our writings upon American Idealism, and outlined in some detail the nature of our argument.

37. Lenin (Vladimir Ilitch Oulianov, 1870–1924), State and Revolution, New York, International Publishers, 1932, 7–20.

38. Karl Marx in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, With an Appendix on Social Democracy and the Woman Question in Germany by Alys Russell, London and New York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1896, 4–5. [Italics added]

39. Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 19–20: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur un objectif unique: La démocratie … je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.” [Italics added]

40. Charles Margrave Taylor, as an editor (rédacteur) of Cité Libre, sat on the Editorial Board (Comité de rédaction) of the magazine from August 1964 until February 1966, alongside Blain, Tremblay and others, under the directorship of Jean Pellerin: Charles Taylor was therefore an influential figure at Cité Libreduring the rise of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the birth of the Québécocracy, especially in Ottawa.

See: “A spectre haunts Charles Taylor’s conception of the self — the spectre of Marxism … there has been little written about Taylor’s relationship to Marx … [Charles Taylor] was one of the founders of the New Left in Britain, and began the journey of rethinking and re–evaluating [popularizing] Marxism … From the late 1950s onwards, he wrote a number of articles and chapters, which explicitly engaged with Marxism in one form or another.”
Ian Fraser, Dialectics of the Self: Transcending Charles Taylor, Exeter, Imprint Academic, 2007, 1–2.

See finally: “[Charles Taylor] subscribes to the same view of Hegel’s theory of contradictions as the logical positivists do, for whom such metaphysical propositions are neither true nor false but ‘literally nonsense,’ an expression of the believer’s convictions but utterly lacking any rational or epistemic validity.”
Steven B. Smith, Hegel’s Critique of Liberalism: Rights in Context, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1989, 200.

Remark: Charles Taylor’s Kantio–Hegelianism, and other “social versus speculative readings of Hegel’s Phenomenology,” (Guyora Binder and Robert Weisberg, Literary Criticisms of Law, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 2000, 422), as a basis for the rational interpretation of Hegelianism in world history, flounder upon the distinction between pure and impure Hegelianism, especially since the Civil War and the spiritual evolution of American Liberty in the Global world.

Chapter 4: Brian Mulroney Versus American Protectionism

1. Jean Lesage, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, Québec, 1962, 169–180.

Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, By Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.”
Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

2. See: “Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’”
Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney honoré par la France,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité Politique, 17 novembre 2016.

3. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible.” Ibidem.

4. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale.” Ibidem.

See: “L’ancien premier ministre canadien Brian Mulroney recevra, le 6 décembre prochain, la Légion d’honneur de France à l’occasion d’une cérémonie officielle qui se tiendra à Ottawa. M. Mulroney deviendra le ‘premier chef de gouvernement’ canadien à recevoir les insignes de Commandeur dans l’Ordre national de la Légion d’honneur. ‘Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale,’ a écrit dans une déclaration écrite un porte–parole de l’Ambassade de France au Canada, Éric Navel. Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’” Ibidem.

5. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 1.

See: “In 1914, he [Louis St. Laurent] became a professor of law at Laval University … St. Laurent ranked as one of the top Canadian authorities on constitutional law. From 1937 to 1939, he served as senior counsel of the Royal Commission on Federalism.”
Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis S. St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada, 1948–1957,” The World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1971, 36a.

See finally: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Remark: Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the geographical and historical division between old England and continental Europe; this is his version of the influential geographical and historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called classic liberalism and modern socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between constitutional monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France.

Wilfrid Laurier, with his distinction, thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve capitalism (modern society) from revolutionism and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. But Napoléon III, who is no political and economic friend of classic liberty, also opposes the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. Does Wilfrid Laurier therefore really and truly belong in the camp of the classic liberalism and modern capitalism of the industrial revolution, otherwise, does he belong in the camp of financial, commercial and industrial retardation and degeneration, like Napoléon III?

Karl Marx the most dangerous revolutionary of the age lived out his days in England. Wilfrid Laurier ignores this historical fact, evident even in his own time, during the last half of the 19th century: In the rising revolt of the masses there are very famous anarchists and revolutionists in Great Britain and the English–speaking world, whose influence is working to destroy modern society, and who are themselves the “most dangerous of men,” otherwise at least as dangerous as the modern revolutionists of France, Italy and Germany. Even in 1877 these men and women are making their presence felt in the very bowels of the great powers of the Western world, in London, Berlin, Vienna and Moscow. Thus Laurier’s political and economic conception of modern liberty, his proof of his so–called Whig Liberalism, based on the geographical and historical distinction between the “classic land of liberty” and the “nations of continental Europe” is specious and therefore merely verbal, because it does not rule out Bonapartism and Imperial Liberalism, which is certainly not classical liberalism, but is “autocracy founded on popular consent” (H.A.L. Fisher), which we point out is not contradictory to the 20th century autocracy found in the dictatorship of the proletariat, namely the power of the people and tyranny of the masses.

Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal its conceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Either Wilfrid Laurier is in the camp of dangerous men, otherwise he is in the camp of Bonapartism: Thus instead of the side of the industrial revolution, he ends on the side of the French revolution, unless Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant are the philosophical progenitors of rational political and economic order in modern European history: The political and economic history of the British Empire and the rise of Globalism tells a different tale. Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

We know the true political and economic colors of Wilfrid Laurier: When faced with the stark choice of preserving modern society and old England, convulsed under the powers of irrationalism and revolutionism, Laurier sided in the end with those men like Louis Riel whose “principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”

Wilfrid Laurier is therefore no Cartesian but rather a Kantian: “Man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body … its actions can never equal its conceptions.” After a half–century of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, modern European political and economic irrationalism is no longer alien to many English–speaking Canadians. But in the world of today, modernity is replaced by Americanism, which is the refutation of modern unreason in the world historical realm of Global politics and economics.

The modern irrationalists are passing–away.

6. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 47–48. The delegates: Murray G. Ballantyne, Jean–Jacques Bertrand, Marcel Chaput, Douglas Fisher, Eugene Forsey, Edmund Davie Fulton, Maurice Lamontagne, André Laurendeau, Jean Lesage, René Lévesque, James R. Mallory, Michael Oliver, Gérard Pelletier and Mason Wade.

See: “A movement was taking shape in the province that favoured an end to the federal pact and the creation of an independent Québec …The most credible of the new groups was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Coalition for National Independence), headed by a federal civil servant with the Defense Research Board, Dr. Marcel Chaput … the organizers succeeded in staging the conference and assembled an impressive cast: Lesage, Wade, Laurendeau, Chaput, provincial Natural Resource Minister René Lévesque.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 47–51.

7. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant–propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6: “Les delegués de langue anglaise ont été plongés dans un milieu qui temoigne activement de la révolution intellectuelle qui agite le Canada français … ils ont du prendre conscience, parfois brutalement, des difficulties auxquelles les Canadiens, anglais ou francais, ont a faire face, dans le systeme confédératif, et de la tendance separatiste qui apparait, a certains Canadiens français, comme une solution plus realiste que la Confédération … il n’est pas possible de determiner quelle influence le Congres des Affaires canadiennes peut avoir sur l’évolution des relations anglo–françaises au Canada mais nous savons mieux, maintenant, qu’un dialogue franc et ouvert permet d’attendre beaucoup de l’avenir.”

8. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 45–47.

9. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant–propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6.

10. Ibidem, 49–50.

Remark: What about the deep and abiding sense of insult that Canadians feel with regards to the stolen $Billions from the treasury of Canada, thanks to the Rizzuto crime family’s fifty year reign of terror in the construction industry, which Laval is the centerpiece, and the Port of Montréal drug traffic, one of the main lynch–pins of Québec Regime power? Brian Mulroney protected corrupt politicians and organized crime: “Brian Mulroney, in order to protect his master and the emerging ‘Desmarais System,’ refused to uproot massive political corruption at the highest level, and he threatened to wreck the Cliche Commission unless he got his own way.” Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Brian Mulroney: Right Hand Man of Paul Desmarais, Medium, 2017.

See: “As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unraveled extended beyond inter–union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan–sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.

See also: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography,

The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow–up to Choquette.’

On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star–chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled ‘That it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’”
L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montreal/Kingston, 2002, 286.

See also: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. The commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’”
Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 41–42.

See finally: “Quebec Liberal Leader Robert Bourassa seemed happy to have his provincial troops work for Mulroney federally.”
Charles Lynch, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, Toronto, 1984, ix.

11. Brian Mulroney in Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 50.

12. Rae Murphy, Ibidem, 51.

See: “Inside the Conservative party, the anti–Diefenbaker element saw themselves as ‘progressives,’ and their goal, at least in the beginning, was not so much ousting Diefenbaker as changing the face of the party. First and foremost, this meant creating a responsiveness within the party to the demands of the new Quebec [Québécocentricism]. As a Tory student leader at Laval, Brian Mulroney was one of the ‘progressives.’”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1984, 85.

See finally: “In September, 1959, Premier Duplessis flew to the iron ore port of Sept–Îles, 150 kilometres downriver from Baie–Comeau, and then north to the iron–mining company town of Schefferville on the Labrador border. There he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and died four days later in the Iron Ore Company of Canada guest house … William Bennett, the president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, a former executive assistant to C.D. Howe and head of a number of Howe’s crown corporations, became a patron of the young lawyer [Brian Mulroney]. Bennett introduced him around town and surprised him one Christmas with a huge television set. He eventually groomed Mulroney to be his successor at Iron Ore.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 43–61.

13. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 45: “Laval graduates were, in Mason Wade’s words, ‘the true makers of the Quiet Revolution.’”

14. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 16: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”

See: “[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 48.

See finally: “I was very aware of my francophone roots. I had been educated in French and had grown up with francophone friends … The Quiet Revolution resonated deeply within me … Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’ … this is especially true of Québec, with its unique challenge as a province with a majority French — speaking population in the midst of English — speaking North America … I grew up in the middling space between the ‘two nations,’ speaking English at home but being educated in French as a boy because of the depth of my father’s feelings about his francophone roots.”
Paul Martin, Ibidem, 39–167.

Remark: Paul Martin Jr., who has spent his political life in Québec (LaSalle–Émard) in the service of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc., is a Québéckocentrist and not a Canadocentrist: As a Québec Régimer, the mind of Paul Martin Jr. is therefore deeply infected with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The political and economic satanism of Paul Martin Jr. is proved by the Tainted–Blood Scandal, the Sponsorship Scandal and the 1995 Cuts. Paul Martin Jr. is another political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy,” (Martin, Ibidem, 19). The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics,” (Ibidem, 18).

That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot advance anti–federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no proof that Desmarais is not the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and that therefore he was not the biggest crook of them all: That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot are not very good political philosophers does not mean that therefore they are equally bad Québec Régime historians. Insofar as they have opened the road to a higher conception of Canada and the Canadian people in world history, they are important historiographers like Peter Charles Newman and Conrad Black. The passage forward was first discovered and fully exploited by the late Dave Greber of Calgary, a son of Holocaust survivors, the greatest pioneer of the exact historiography of the Québec Regime in the 20th century, the fountainhead of the rational conception of Canada in the world of today. Dave Greber of Alberta was no stranger to the political and economic satanism of modern European raison d’Etat:

“Sometimes it was everyone and everything they lost. So I was not David Greber, but my father’s brothers Romek and Moishe and Adamek, and his father David; my brother wasn’t Harvey, but Herschel, my mother’s beloved brother, or Aharon, her father; my sisters were named for our grandmothers and aunts Sarah and Leah and Bella and Molly, loved ones our parents last saw when they were eighteen and were being separated for transportation to camps from which they never emerged. Representing six million dead is a grave responsibility, and a terrible burden for a child to carry.”
Dave Greber in Natan P.F. Kellermann, Holocaust Trauma: Psychological Effects and Treatment, New York, 2009, 73.

15. Kelsey Johnson, “The Sprout: Mulroney Issues Warning on American Protectionism,” iPolitics, 3 February 2017.

See: “What we can’t do is stick our heads in the sand … and hope the protectionist measures down in Washington will abate on their own, and we can hide off somewhere. It’s not going to happen.”
Brian Mulroney in Gordon Kent, “Canadians Shouldn’t Ignore Trade Danger From American Protectionism, Brian Mulroney Warns,” Edmonton Journal, 2 February 2017.

16. Brian Mulroney in Ethan Lou, “Former PM Brian Mulroney Slams Trump’s Plan to Scrap NAFTA, Predicts His Defeat,” BNN, 6 September 2016.

17. Brian Mulroney in John Ibbitson, “NAFTA Will Survive Threat From Donald Trump, Brian Mulroney Says,” The Globe and Mail, 4 September 2016.

18. See: “[Modernity] will invariably corrode the power of traditional elites, particularly that of the clergy … Modernity is a powerful revolutionary force … America has long presented a vision of the future, albeit a blurred one, to the intellectuals of the world … This study explores the intellectual history of Canadian–American relations … it does not focus on specific events … this thematic method avoids some of the pitfalls of more biographical or event-based methods of intellectual history.”
Damien–Claude Bélanger, “Introduction,” Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945, Toronto, 2011.

Remark: The weak mind of Damien–Claude Bélanger suffers from the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, which causes him to see a blurred vision of America: Bélanger will never accept that what he names “modernity” is surpassed in universal history, in the birth of Globalism and world civilization. Wherefore? Bélanger will never abandon modern European Raison d’État, which is why he avoids world history altogether. Damien–Claude Bélanger is a Québec Régime idéologue who wants to replace the rational conception of Americanism in Canada with Bonapartism: He cannot therefore understand that since the formation of the Continental United States, revolutionism is anathema in Washington, especially since the American Civil War, unless the revolution is in far–away lands, in the midst of anti–American ruling classes. Damien–Claude Bélanger’s modern conception of Canada is therefore outdated in the world of today. Indeed, Bélanger maintains that his ideas “explore” intellectual history, but his own thematic method is not beyond the realm of world history and the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The republican system … is without doubt the very best, because unlike the hereditary one, it cannot bring forth rulers and pontiffs who are ignorant, vulgar and even criminals.”
Jean–Baptiste Rouilliard, Annexion conférence: L’Union continentale, Montréal, 1893, 13: “Le système républicain appliqué en religion comme en politique, possède une supériorité indéniable, indiscutable, car il ne pourrait, comme l’hérédité, donner des chefs ou des pontifes ignorants, vulgaires, criminels même, comme le furent certains Czars de Russie, des sultans de Turquie et même quelques rois d’Angleterre.”

Remark: Napoléon Bonaparte, the republican Emperor of France, was not a criminal? His many victims in Europe, Russia and Egypt have disagreed: Certainly he spent his last years incarcerated in prison. In other words, Napoléon Bonaparte was an intelligent and refined criminal, but he was a diabolical ruler all the same. Of course, the science of world history draws the rational distinction between modern European and American ruling classes, in the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity. Wherefore? Washington is the American superpower.

19. Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu 1689–1755, Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains, et de leur décadence, nouvelle édition, Lyon, 1805, 102–103: “Il n’y a rien au monde de si contradictoire que le plan des Romains et celui des Barbares; et pour n’en dire qu’un mot, le premier étoit l’ouvrage de la force, l’autre de la foiblesse; dans l’un, la sujétion étoit extreme; dans l’autre, l’indépendance: Dans les pays conquis par les nations Germaniques, le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.”

See also: “La vraie est une union d’harmonie, qui fait que toutes les parties quelque, opposées qu’elles nous paroissent, concourent au bien général de la société, comme des dissonnances dans la musique concourent à l’accord total. Il peut y avoir de l’union dans un état où l’on ne croit voir que du trouble; c’est–à–dire une harmonie d’où résulte le bonheur qui seul est la vraie paix. Il en est comme des parties de cet Univers, éternellement liées par l’action des unes et la réaction des autres. Mais dans l’accord du despotisme Asiatique, c’est–à–dire de tout gouvernement qui n’est pas modéré, il y a toujours une division réelle; le laboureur, l’homme de guerre, le négociant, le magistrat, le noble ne sont joints que parce que les uns oppriment les autres sans résistance: Et si l’on y voit de l’union, ce ne sont pas des citoyens qui sont unis, mais des corps morts ensevelis les uns auprès des autres.”
Ibidem, 132.

Décadence is mortal corruption, according to Montesquieu, the disintegration of Western civilization, which is the result of barbarism, is the work of inferior ruling classes, namely, despotisme Asiatique. In the first editions of the great works of his lifetime, Hegel also conceives of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes and the disintegration of Western civilization (like Montesquieu) in terms of unity and opposition, albeit in Pure Hegelian fashion:

“Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude [die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit] of these minds, and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement … The declining nation [aus jenes Volk] has lost the interest of the absolute; it may indeed absorb the higher principle positively and begin building its life on it, but the principle is only like an adopted child, not like a relative to whom its ties are immanently vital and vigorous. Perhaps it loses its autonomy, or it may still exist, or drag out its existence, as a particular state or a group of states and involve itself without rhyme or reason in manifold enterprises at home and battles abroad.”
Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, §§340–347A, 342–347: “Die Prinzipien der Volksgeister sind um ihrer Besonderheit willen, in der sie als existierende Individuen ihre objektive Wirklichkeit und ihr Selbstbewußtsein haben, überhaupt beschränkte, und ihre Schicksale und Taten in ihrem Verhältnisse zueinander sind die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit dieser Geister, aus welcher der allgemeine Geist, der Geist der Welt, als unbeschränkt ebenso sich hervorbringt, als er es ist, der sein Recht, — und sein Recht ist das allerhöchste, — an ihnen in der Weltgeschichte, als dem Weltgerichte, ausübt … Eine Periode, von welcher aus jenes Volk das absolute Interesse verloren hat, das höhere Prinzip zwar dann auch positiv in sich aufnimmt und sich hineinbildet, aber darin als in einem Empfangenen nicht mit immanenter Lebendigkeit und Frische sich verhält, — vielleicht seine Selbständigkeit verliert, vielleicht auch sich als besonderer Staat oder ein Kreis von Staaten fortsetzt oder fortschleppt und in mannigfaltigen inneren Versuchen und äußeren Kämpfen nach Zufall herumschlägt.”

20. Anonymous, “Karl Rosenkranz: The Life of Hegel,” The Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review, 20.4(October, 1848): 575–586.

21. See: “That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for this doctrine in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand, namely, as the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic: ‘Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe … Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European Raison d’État. One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism … In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history. From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?’”
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Stronghold of Hegel: Modern Enemies of Plato and Hegel, GOOGLE+ 2016–2017.

22. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, Vorrede: “Dies, was der Begriff lehrt, zeigt notwendig ebenso die Geschichte, daß erst in der Reife der Wirklichkeit das ideale dem Realen gegenüber erscheint und jenes sich dieselbe Welt, in ihrer Substanz erfaßt, in Gestalt eines intellektuellen Reichs erbaut.”

23. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 134.

24. “Hydro–Québec est le navire amiral de l’économie québécoise.”
René Lévesque in Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille,Montréal, 2012, 19.

See: “Hydroelectricity has been the uninterrupted current of Québec politics since the Quiet Revolution.”
Konrad Yakabuski, “Opinion: Did Hydro–Québec Miscalculate? Ask TransCanada,” The Globe and Mail, 3 January 2008.

See: “Today, Hydro–Québec is Canada’s largest electricity company. It produces, transports and distributes electricity. It supplies approximately 3.6 million customers and its sales reach approximately 200 Twh. It has an installed capacity of 36.8 GW which mainly consists of hydro, with 34.5 GW of hydroelectricity. Eleven distributors are active in the market: Hydro–Québec, nine municipal distributors and one regional company. The transport grid system is operated by TransEnergie, a subsidiary of Hydro–Québec.”
Anonymous, Enerdata: Canada Energy Report (Latest Update: November 2011),www. enerdata. net, November 2011, 8

See: “‘Probably very few people would know Canada produces the second most hydro in the world’ … Hydroelectricity accounts for the majority of renewable electricity, with 60 per cent of all electricity in Canada coming from hydro.”
Mia Rabson, “Two Thirds of Electricity in Canada Now Comes From Renewable Energy,” Calgary Herald, 3 May 2017.

See: “Hydro–Quebec, a provincial Crown Corporation, is Canada’s largest electric utility and, judged by assets ($25 billion in 1983), Canada’s largest corporation. More than 95% of its production is from renewable hydroelectricity. First created as a legal entity in 1944, Hydro–Québec did not become a major force until the early 1960s. René Lévesque then resources minister to the Liberal government of Jean Lesage, oversaw the nationalization of the province’s larger private electrical utilities. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Parti Québécois governments led by Lévesque further reorganized Hydro–Québec. The utility enjoys formidable economic advantages: Once dams are in place, operating costs are very low; furthermore, it has a contract to buy power from the Churchill Falls project in Labrador at 1969 prices until the year 2041. Hydro–Québec can thus underbid Ontario Hydro in the US export market, provide cheap power within Québec and still pay a dividend to the provincial government.”
André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 853.

See finally: “The main drawbacks of conventional, large–scale hydroelectric power are the initial high capital cost, the long construction period and the environmental effects of flooding.”
Edward W. Humphrys, “Hydroelectricity,” Ibidem, 853–854.

25. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 15: “Power Corporation, la société que controle Paul Desmarais, était parvenue à s’immiscer aux niveaux les plus élevés de l’appareil décisionnel du Québec, au point meme d’etre représentée au conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, le vice–president du conseil d’administration de Power Corporation, siege en effet à celui d’Hydro–Québec.”

See: “The aim of this meeting concerns the question of the transportation of electrical energy over long distances between the provinces. From our vantage point, this question is a purely provincial matter … The province of Québec, though determined to use its natural resources for its own development, welcomes mutually beneficial inter–provincial agreements, but in this matter Québec will not be subjected to any federal authority whatsoever [la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral].”

Jean Lesage (1962) in Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 31: “Cette conférence aurait pour objet une discussion sur le transport à longue distance de l’énergie électrique entre les provinces. Nous considérons cette question de jurisdiction provinciale … La province de Québec, tout en étant déterminée à utiliser ses richesses naturelles pour favoriser son développement économique, est bien disposée à faire avec ses provinces soeurs des arrangements d’interêt mutuel mais elle n’entend pas accepter de le faire sous la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral.”

By the phrase, “la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral,” Jean Lesage means the Canadian statecraft of the British Imperialistic ruling class of the generation of Lester Pearson as well as the Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker: The political and economic power struggle between ruling classes in Canada is also the clash between the owners of White and Black Gold. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the ultimate bastion of Québec Regime power: Its tentacles are the lifeblood of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The division of power under Canadian federalism [Québec Regime in Ottawa], whereby provinces control the development of natural resources and the federal government controls their export, has reduced the possibility of formulating national electrical policies. The federal Department of Natural Resources Canada and Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982, asserts that trade in electricity and the installation of international transmission lines is subject to the prevalence of federal jurisdiction (with concurrent federal and provincial powers over inter provincial trade), whereas the planning, development, and distribution of hydroelectric resources within the provinces is the responsibility of each province.”
Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 51.

26. “Hydro–Québec possedait une expertise inegalée en centrales hydroelectriques.” Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

27. “[Maurice Strong] qui avait prepare le terrain chez Power Corporation dans les annees 1960 avant que Paul Desmarais n’en prenne le controle, a dirige les destinees d’Ontario Hydro de 1992 a 1995 … le 6 octobre [1993], a Beijing, Paul Desmarais et Maurice Strong ont annonce la creation du consortium Asia Power Group inc., reunissant un fonds de depart de 100 millions de dollars.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

28. Stevie Cameron, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, Toronto, 1994, 482–483.

29. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 112: “La Caisse a ainsi investi beaucoup d’argent a long terme pour permettre a Power Corporation de lancer sa tres important filiale financiere. Depuis avril 1984, bon an mal an, la Caisse a non seulement maintenu cet investissement a long terme, mais elle l’a fait passer parfois a plus de 370 millions de dollars. Et au 31 decembre 2007, la Caisse detenait des actions de la Financiere Power d’une valeur de pres de 213 millions de dollars.”

See: “Both the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the Quebec pension fund manager, and Paul Desmarais’ Power Corp. expressed an interest in buying CP.”
Dianne Maley, “CP Must Stay in Canadian Hands,” Winnipeg Free Press, 1 August 1989, 22.

See also: “Quebec’s $14–billion pension fund is ‘negotiating’ to buy Place Bonaventure, a major downtown Montreal commercial property worth about $100 million. A spokesman for the fund, the Caisse de depot et placement du Quebec, confirmed yesterday that the Caisse is negotiating but that both parties ‘have agreed to not to make details public.’ Place Bonaventure is owned by Great–West Life Assurance Co. of Winnipeg, one of the companies controlled by Montreal financier Paul Desmarais through his Power Corp. of Canada. The Caisse, which administers Quebecers’ contributions to the province’s pension plan, has Canada’s biggest single stock portfolio. But it said in its last annual report that it wants to increase its real–estate holdings.”
Anonymous, “NewsLine,” Winnipeg Free Press, 3 June 1982, 39.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] also arranged an option to buy another 4 million shares, or 5.6 per cent, of Canadian Pacific for $216 million from the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the provincial pension fund manager.”
Andrew H. Malcolm, “Power Play for CP Still in Cards,” Winnipeg Free Press, 10 September 1981, 64.

See also: “The Quebec government a couple of weeks ago placed $100 million of its bonds with the Quebec Pension Plan … The $100 million placement was more or less bracketed by the sale of two blocks of equity ―$5.7 million worth of Loeb common shares to Provigo and, more recently, $25.7 million worth of Power Corp. common and prefered shares to Paul Desmarais.”
John Meyer, “Economic Comment: Que. Relying More on Pension Plan for Funds,” Winnipeg Free Press: Business and Finance, 20 July 1977, 43.

See also: “At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at La Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few. The second of these mega–summits would be held nearly two years later at Montebello, Québec, from the 14th to the 16th of March 1979.”
Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc., ; le second doit se tenir a Montebello, du 14 au 16 mars 1979.”

See also: “Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”
Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

See also: “Premier Pierre Marc Johnson yesterday unveiled a blue–ribbon task force of top business leaders that will study ways to help set up young people in business, then denied it was an election ploy. At a news conference, Johnson said the seven-man group ― led by Power Corp. Ltd., chairman Paul Desmarais― will report by Christmas on the specifics of a youth investment corporation that would front risk capital for new businesses’ launched by Quebecers … ‘Paul Desmarais doesn’t have the reputation of being PQ,’ said Quebecor president Pierre Peladeau, another task force member … ‘If people take it (as an election ploy), it’s their mistake,’ added Power Corp. financial adviser Roland Giroux, a former Hydro–Quebec president, who represented the reclusive Desmarais … Also on the task force are Bombardier Inc. chairman Laurent Beaudoin, Lavalin Inc. president Bernard Lamarre, Alcan vice–president Pierre Laurin.”
Anonymous, “PQ Unveils Business Task Force,” Winnipeg Free Press, 22 October 1985, 10.

See finally: “During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ), namely, the Québec Pension Plan, we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan: Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not these wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”
Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

30. Michel Morin, “Ventes aux États–Unis: Hydro–Québec vend son électricité au rabais,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité, 13 mai 2013: “La société d’État a des surplus énergétiques, au moment où le prix de l’électricité est en chute aux États–Unis … L’exploitation agressive du gaz de schiste aux États–Unis force Hydro–Québec à vendre son électricité au rabais et en grande quantité aux Américains pour payer ses nouveaux barrages. Les surplus engrangés par la société d’État, combinés à la chute du prix à l’exportation, risquent d’être le premier casse–tête du nouveau président du conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec, Pierre–Karl Péladeau … ‘On assiste à un véritable dumping par Hydro–Québec de l’électricité sur les marchés d’exportation. C’est 10% à 15% de toute l’énergie consommée au Québec qui se retrouve sur le marché spot, du jamais vu!’ … ‘On doit vendre aujourd’hui des quantités phénoménales d’énergie pour payer les barrages et les centrales qu’on a construits en fonction des marchés d’exportation’ … Pierre–Karl Péladeau est aussi vice–président du conseil d’administration de Québecor Média, la maison mère de Sun Media, qui possède Le Journal de Montréal et Le Journal de Québec.”

31. Anonyme, “Éric Martel devient pdg d’Hydro–Québec,” Les Affaires, 3 juin 2015: “Moins de deux semaines après avoir quitté son poste de haut dirigeant chez Bombardier, Éric Martel a été nommé mercredi président–directeur général d’Hydro–Québec … En 2014, la société d’État a engrangé des profits records de 3,38 milliards $, ce qui lui a permis de verser un dividende de 2,53 milliards $ ―le plus important de son histoire ― au gouvernement du Québec.”

32. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012, 23–26–29.

See: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds.”
Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

See finally: “Bombardier Inc. has gone to great lengths to suppress the release of information about the government funding it receives, heading to court 10 times in nine years, often citing competitive concerns … how that money was spent, and how or even if it was paid back is difficult to discern from the documents released. While Bombardier says the information must be withheld for competitive reasons, the company has made this argument far more frequently than its industry peers … Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans … because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions ―and repayment of those contributions ―met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced … The company said it is simply protecting its legal right to withhold information on competitive grounds … Bombardier’s legal strategy appears to be working, as it has successfully challenged several requests for information in the courts.”
Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

33. See: “If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion ― this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments … The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats suggested by our base case scenario with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails … This disturbing trend toward a deepening deficit ― as outlined in our base case scenario ― is due to modest economic growth and the related effect on revenue growth, which will lag far behind growth in overall expenditures. Specifically, the Conference Board forecasts that Québec’s real economic growth will average 1.6 per cent per year for the 2009–2010 to 2030–2031 period as a whole, but will actually fall below 1.5 per cent per year in the final 10 years. This tepid performance will be due to weak population growth, which will average only 0.7 per cent per year over the next 20 years, and will in fact drop to just 0.5 per cent per year over the final four years of the forecast. In this demographic and economic context, the Québec government’s revenue growth will be limited to 3.5 per cent per year over the final five fiscal years of the forecast period, and to an average of 4 per cent per year over the entire forecast period. At the same time, expenditures will increase at an average annual rate of 5.1 per cent. The main reason for this substantial rise in expenditures will be the rapid increase in health care expenditures. The Conference Board forecasts that the Québec government’s spending on health–care will grow at an average annual rate of 5.9 per cent over the entire forecast period. Of this increase, 2.5 percentage points will be attributable to inflation, 1.7 percentage points to real per capita increases in health–care spending (for technological upgrades, improved accessibility, etc.) and 1.8 percentage points to demographic factors (1.1 percentage points due to the aging population and 0.7 percentage points because of population growth). The other spending category that will pose a problem for the Québec government in this scenario will be debt servicing, which will post average annual growth of 8.2 per cent between 2009–2010 and 2030–2031. This will be caused by an increase in the Québec government’s indebtedness during the forecast period, in tandem with the rapidly rising deficit. Nonetheless, in absolute terms, health–care spending will rise the most ― and thus contribute the most to the government’s deficit during the forecast period. Specifically, health–care spending will rise from $27 billion in 2009–2010 to $90.2 billion in 2030–2031, for a net increase of approximately $63 billion. In fact, health–care spending as a percentage of total revenues will rise from 43.1 per cent in 2009–2010 to 63.4 per cent in 2030–2031. In comparison, debt–service expenditures will rise from $6.2 billion in 2009–2010 to $32.1 billion in 2030–2031, to constitute 22.5 per cent of total revenues at the end of the forecast horizon … While The Conference Board of Canada has no interest in telling the Québec government what to do, it does feel duty–bound to warn Québécers that their government’s financial situation is shaky ― and that maintaining the status quo is not an option.”
Mario Lefebvre, Québec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded,Ottawa, 2010, 2–3.

The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails: It does appear therefore, at first sight, that the new Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, controlled by the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive bailout scheme for the government of Québec, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes: “Who could stand a father who had been a cabinet minister and was now chairman of a prospering capitalist enterprise, the Lafarge cement company? … Justin is most like Pierre. He sees no shades of gray, only black and white.”
Margaret Trudeau, Beyond Reason, New York, 1979, 14–225.

See also: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actualy taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”
David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax. This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

See also: “According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”
Léo — Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See finally: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

34. See: “We know there are about two tons of dynamite that have been stolen in Québec … presumably they [the FLQ] are in control of them. There are more than 100 rifles that have been stolen from a ship, a Japanese ship, in Montréal and other guns which have been stolen elsewhere. So how much arms they have we don’t know but we know very well that they have enough dynamite to blow up the heart of Montréal! …[there] might be something between 1,000 and 3,000 [FLQ members]. Now, all the members of the FLQare not terrorists. But there are enough to create a lot of trouble and a lot of killing and this is what we have tried to prevent … It is not the individual action we are worried about now. It’s the vast organization supported by other bona fide organizations who are supporting, indirectly at least, the FLQ … I think the municipal elections in Montréal on Sunday will show that we were right.”
Jean Marchand in Jack Webster, Webster! An Autobiography by Jack Webster,Vancouver, 1990, 131.

Separatism and the FLQ crisis has greatly advanced the cause of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais (namely, the Québéckocentric ruling class) over the years, especially during municipal, provincial and federal elections: Federalism and anti–federalism in Québec is the political and economic weapon of the Québec Inc. Such political and economic irrationalism is very bad for Canadian unity, and a fortiori weakens finance, commerce and industry in Canada: Modern unreason is therefore the death–knell of the criminal ruling class.

See also: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far-away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See finally: “Trans–Canada was owned by both Paul Desmarais and Jean–Louis Lévesque, but Paul had control of the shares. Their business association did not last very long. In my opinion they could not work together. They each had very different philosophies: Paul Desmarais was an administrator who had very long term views, while Jean–Louis Lévesque was more of a speculator. Paul Desmarais bought out Jean–Louis Lévesque, and his problem was solved.”
Wilbrod Bherer in Marie Lise Gingras, Wilbrod Bherer: Un grand Québécois, 1905–1998, Sillery, Québec, 2001, 211: “Trans–Canada était la propriété de Paul Desmarais et Jean–Louis Lévesque, toutefois Paul avait le contrôle des actions. Mais cette association ne dura pas longtemps. À mon avis, c’était deux gars qui ne pouvaient pas travailler ensemble. Ils n’avaient pas du tout la même philosophie. Desmarais était un administrateur qui avait des idées à perte de vue. Lévesque, lui, était plus un spéculateur. Paul a reglé le problème en achetant les parts de Lévesque.”

See finally: “How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”
Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, 1985, dos: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

35. David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power,Toronto, 1986, 132–133.

36. Brian Mulroney in David Jay Bercuson, et alia, Ibidem, 265.

37. See: “Canada, the United States, and Mexico agreed on August 12, 1992, to establish a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). NAFTA would create a free trade zone containing more than 370 million people, the largest in the world, and build on the Canada–United States free trade agreement of 1989.”
David Morice Leigh Farr 1922–2016, “Canada,” The 1993 World Book Year Book, A Review of the Events of 1992: The Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1993, 123.

See also: “Thanks to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and especially to the Tokyo round of talks in 1979, some 85 percent of Canadian manufactured goods going south already entered or would soon enter the United States free of duty. In other words, Canada would make relatively few additional gains in a treaty with the United States … On the other hand, only between 60 and 65 percent of American manufactures came into Canada without duty … American access to Canadian markets was certain to increase in the event of free trade … Provincial cooperation was essential to reduce non–tariff barriers … Ontario, as the province with the most to gain by the freeing of trade within Canada, was in favour of removing non–tariff barriers.”
David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 269–273.

See also: “Washington’s primary goal had always been a major multilateral negotiation to lower tariff barriers, to tackle the problem of non–tariff barriers, and to cover services.” Ibidem, 276.

See finally: “Québec expressed serious reservations about the fate of their manufacturing and agricultural industries under a new trade regime … Québec would swell the ranks of doubters.” Ibidem, 266–277.

What, then, are the Québéckocentric benefits of free trade and NAFTA (and non–tariff barriers between the provinces) under Brian Mulroney, and under the Québec Regime in Ottawa? The answer: (1) Free trade with the United States as an election issue will help Brian Mulroney get his second mandate and thereby help the Québéckocentric faction of the Progressive Conservative Party stay in power, (2) Free trade and then NAFTA will negate much of the threat of American protectionism and the buy American movement in Washington, (3) Free trade and then NAFTA, negotiated by Québec Regimers, will protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. After nearly three decades of free trade and NAFTA we must conclude that all three conditions have been met to a very large degree. In Canada, the financial, commercial and industrial backers of the old enemies of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, are indeed silenced: Even Ontario is now a have–not province.

38. Gary Mason and Keith Baldrey, Fantasyland: Inside the Reign of Bill Vander Zalm, Toronto, 1989, 140.

39. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

See: Brian Mulroney, like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, was always a Québec Regime crook: “In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered―and last month won―the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But―again―the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration,’”
Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.

40. Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

See: “[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … While in Opposition, Chrétien had mounted devastating attacks on such Mulroney policies as the GST, free trade, NAFTA, CBC budget cuts and reductions in transfer payments to the provinces, yet once in office he reversed not one of these initiatives. Instead he cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 389.

See also: “It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first–round victory in the race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.”
Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008,Toronto, 2010, 8–195.

See also: “Liborio Milioto, Nicolo Rizzuto’s half–brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.”
André Cédilot and André Noël, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.

See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.”
Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti Libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui–là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5 % en pots–de–vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”

See finally: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montréal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5% of the value of all the corrupt contracts in Montréal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so–called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.”
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex–ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5% de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”

41. See: “In Winnepeg the Minister of Finance Bill Morneau confirmed on Thursday that the Trudeau government will bring back in the 2016–2017 budget, the tax credits for contributions to organizations in Québec such as the Québec Federation of Labour Solidarity Fund and the CSN Fondaction Fund. The two aforementioned funds have received over the decades a 15% federal and 15% provincial tax credit. The conservative government decided to diminish this federal tax credit to 10% in 2015, and then to 5% in 2016, and then to completely abolish it in 2017.”
Anonyme, “Ottawa confirme le retour des crédits d’impôt pour les fonds de travailleurs,” Radio–Canada: Économie, 14 janvier 2016: “À Winnipeg, le ministre des Finances Bill Morneau a confirmé jeudi que son gouvernement va restaurer, dès le budget 2016–2017, les crédits d’impôt pour les cotisations aux fonds de travailleurs. Le crédit d’impôt pour contribution à des fonds comme le Fonds de solidarité FTQ ou le Fondaction CSN était depuis des années de 15% au provincial et de 15% au fédéral. Le gouvernement conservateur a néanmoins décidé de diminuer la part fédérale à 10% en 2015, puis à 5% en 2016, avant de l’abolir en 2017.”

See also: “The Trudeau government is keeping its promise to bring back the 15% tax credit for investments in the Québec Federation of Labour Solidarity Fund and the CSN Fondaction Fund. Investors in these funds will receive a 15% federal and 15% provincial tax credit: They will also receive a 15% federal tax credit rather 5% which was the case since January 1st, 2016.The Conservatives announced the gradual elimination of this credit in their 2013 budget … ‘This tax credit for investors is an excellent way to bring capital to needy Québec businesses,’ said Yves–Thomas Dorval, president and general director of the Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ).”
Carl Renaud, “Le crédit pour fonds de travailleurs rétabli,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 22 mars 2016: “Le gouvernement Trudeau honore sa promesse de rétablir à 15% le crédit d’impôt pour les fonds de travailleurs. Les conservateurs avaient annoncé l’élimination graduelle du crédit, dans le budget fédéral de 2013. Pour l’année d’imposition 2016, les épargnants qui investissent dans ces fonds, comme le Fonds de solidarité FTQ et le fonds Fondaction CSN, vont recevoir un crédit de 15% plutôt que de 5%, comme c’était le cas depuis le 1er janvier … ‘Le crédit d’impôt offert aux investisseurs est un excellent moyen pour amener des capitaux dans les entreprises, qui en ont besoin,’ a commenté Yves–Thomas Dorval, président directeur–général du Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ), en marge de la présentation du budget du ministre Bill Morneau à Ottawa. La décision des Libéraux va coûter 115 millions $ au trésor public pour l’exercice financier 2016–2017 et 160 millions $ pour 2017–2018. Normalement, l’État ne devait plus accorder d’allègement fiscal aux actionnaires des fonds de travailleurs, à compter de l’année prochaine. Le gouvernement Harper avait annoncé en 2013 son intention d’éliminer graduellement le crédit d’impôt. Il a été abaissé à 10% l’an dernier, à 5% en début d’année et devait disparaître en 2017. Le Québec offre aussi un crédit d’impôt de 15% aux investisseurs qui achètent des parts dans les fonds de travailleurs. Le gouvernement québécois n’a jamais voulu emboîter le pas à Ottawa en réduisant également son crédit.”

See also: “The Québec government says it wants to make sure one of the province’s top venture capital funds is properly managing the billions of dollars in assets in which more than 600,000 Québécers have invested. The Québec Federation of Labour (FTQ) Solidarity Fund has been under fire in the last few weeks after the province’s anti–corruption inquiry heard allegations of conflict of interest and organized crime involvement.”
Anonymous, “Québec Government Probes Top Officials at FTQ Solidarity Fund: The National Assembly Holds Hearings Into How Solidarity FundLeaders Make Investment Decisions,” CBC News: Montreal, 5 November 2013.

See also: “A star witness at Québec’s Charbonneau Inquiry, Ken Pereira, has detailed how the Hell’s Angels and Montréal’s Mafia infiltrated one of Québec’s most powerful labour groups, the Québec Federation of Labour(FTQ). Yesterday, in his second day of testimony, the former employee of the FTQ’s construction wing described how he stole documents from the union’s office which showed its executive director, Jocelyn Dupuis, was running up ‘astronomical’ expenses … He said the federation’s top brass tried to buy his silence, offering him $300,000 … Pereira also testified that organized criminals fixed the 2008 election for the union’s executive.”
Anonymous, “Hell’s Angels, Mob Ran FTQ Construction Wing, Witness Says: Ken Pereira Testifies He Turned Police Informant After Discovering His Life Was in Danger,” CBC News: Montréal, 2 October 2013.

See also: “The late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province, The Gazette has discovered through an examination of municipal archives, and business and real–estate records from half a century ago. Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard–bearer of his father–in–law’s Sicilian Mafia clan, and ebbing around the time that he reportedly withdrew to Venezuela during a war with Calabrian rival Paolo Violi in the 1970s. Rizzuto returned to Montréal and seized control of the underworld after the 1978 assassination of Violi, who had succeeded Montréal Mob boss Vic Cotroni … Rizzuto, who had an independent streak, had formed his own crew within the Cotroni organization during his early years in Montréal with the help of his extended family … Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug–smuggling and money–laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid–2000s. Now it appears Nicolo Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolo Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and over–inflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.”
Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montréal Gazette, 30 January 2014.

See also: “Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”
Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

See finally: “Everything in Québec is so corrupt … everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec … I don’t know how to put all the pieces of this puzzle together … I just don’t know why Québec is so corrupt. Maybe you can tell me why we Québéckers are so corrupt?”
André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

42. “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme [Napoléon Bonaparte] dont il porte le nom.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v.

See: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, 9 février 1879, 119: “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.” Compare this political and economic doctrine to Locke’s version of constitutional, as opposed to absolute, monarchy forged in the modern European warfare between Gallicanism and Ultramontanism (unleashed by Luther and the revolt of Protestantism), and especially the revolutionary struggle between William of Orange and King James II.

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the realm of politics and economics is deeply rooted among French Canadians like Pierre–Basile Mignault. From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion. This is the very opposite of the teaching of Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

(“The noumenon is not the concept of an object, but only a problem … my existence cannot, as Descartes supposed, be considered as derived from the proposition, I think … the so–called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.” Immanuel Kant. See: “In Descartes’ method of establishing the subjectivity of sense–perception, we have extreme idealism on the one hand and a vague sensationalism on the other … He who would know the philosophy of our times must first well learn the philosophy of Kant.”
John Paul Ashley, Apriorism from Descartes to Kant, Boston, 1894, 21–73)

See finally: “[Pierre–Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”
John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

43. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.”
Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

See also: “It is the soldier who founds a republic and it is the soldier who maintains it.”
Napoléon Bonaparte in Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 33–34.

See finally: “The history of France between the fall of Robespierre and the rise of Napoleon is full of instruction for those who believe in representative democracy as a universal panacea for the political distempers of mankind.”
Walter Alison Phillips, “Preface,” After Robespierre: The Thermidorian Reaction,By Albert Mathiez, Cathrine Alison Phillips, translator, New York, 1965, vii.

44. See: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.” Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See also: “At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”
Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power,Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

See finally: “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

45. See: “Until very recently it would have been a somewhat sensational thing for one to say of the French that they were a reasonable people, with a settled government and a history worthy of emulation. There is a widespread impression that the French are a distinctly inferior race. The nation is said to be in decline. The people are said to be effeminate, trivial, excitable, unreasoning, irreligious, immoral when not unmoral, with an impure literature and art, an unstable and tottering government and a diminishing birth–rate. These charges are confirmed by many observers … Nations, like individuals, have reputations, and they are for the most part in the keeping of their enemies or rivals … A glance at the product of the French Parliament since 1879 shows that France today, as well as England, is a land where ‘freedom slowly broadens down,’ if not from precedent to precedent, at least from statute to statute. To be sure freedom is a larger thing than acts of legislatures, but it is also larger than decisions of judges. Reforms of abuses which the state can prevent constitute merely those definite stages in the advance of freedom which the historian can register as indices of the nation’s purpose. Yet here the work of the Parliament of the Third Republic will bear comparison with that complex and often hidden line of progress to be traced in England through law courts, local government and Parliament.”
James Thomson Shotwell, “The Political Capacity of the French,” Political Science Quarterly, 24(1 March 1909): 115–120.

The complex and often hidden line of progress also constitutes the world historical rise of Globalism and the collapse of modernity …

Chapter 5: Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism

1. Giosuè Carducci (1835–1907), “On the Death of Eugène Napoléon,” A Selection From the Poems of Giosuè Carducci: Translated and Annotated With a Biographical Introduction, Emily A. Tribe, editor and translator, London, 1921, 92:

“Ma di dicembre, ma di brumaio
Cruento è il fango, la nebbia è perfida:
Non crescono arbusti a quell’ aure,
O dan frutti di cenere e Tòsco.” [Italics added]

See: Giosuè Carducci, Odi barbare, Bologna, Zanichelli Editore, “Collezione Elzeviriana,” 1877.

See also: “I have always regarded Immanuel Kant not only as a very powerful thinker, but as the metaphysical father of the philosophy of positivism … undoubtedly the greatest and most positive advance that I have made following in the footsteps of Kant is the discovery of the evolution of human ideas according to the law of three stages, namely the theological, metaphysical and scientific phases: The Kantian philosophy in my opinion is the very basis of the three stages of positivism.”
Auguste Comte (10 December 1824) in Friedrich Maximilian Müller, translator, “Translator’s Preface,” Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason: A Commemoration of the Centenary of Its First Publication, Immanuel Kant, vol. 1, London, 1881, xxi: “J’avais toujours regardé Kant non–seulement comme une très–forte tête, mais comme le métaphysicien le plus rapproché de la philosophie positive … le pas le plus positif et le plus distinct que j’ai fait après lui, me semble seulement d’avoir découverte la loi du passage des idées humaines par les trois états théologique, métaphysique, et scientifique, loi qui me semble être la base dont Kant a conseillé l’exécution.”

See also: “‘J’ai lu et relu avec un plaisir infini le petit traité de Kant (Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht, 1784); il est prodigieux pour I’époque, et même, si je I’avais connu six ou sept ans plus tot, il m’aurait épargné de la peine. Je suis charmé que vous I’ayez traduit, il peut très–efficacement contribuer à préparer les esprits à la philosophie positive. La conception générale ou au moins la méthode y est encore métaphysique, mais les détails montrent à chaque instant I’esprit positif. J’avais toujours regardé Kant non–seulement comme une très–forte tête, mais comme le métaphysicien le plus rapproché de la philosophie positive … Pour moi, je ne me trouve jusqu’à present, après cette lecture, d’autre valeur que celle d’avoir systématisé et arrêté la conception ébauchée par Kant à mon insu, ce que je dois surtout à I’éducation scientifique; et même le pas le plus positif et le plus distinct que j’ai fait après lui, me semble seulement d’avoir découverte la loi du passage des idées humaines par les trois états théologique, métaphysique, et scientifique, loi qui me semble être la base dont Kant à conseillé l’exécution. Je rends grâce aujourd’hui à mon défaut d’érudition; car si mon travail, tel qu’il est maintenant, avait été précédé chez moi par I’étude du traité de Kant, il aurait, à mes propres yeux, beaucoup perdu de sa valeur.’ See Auguste Comte, par É. Littré, Paris, 1864, p. 154; Lettre de Comte à M. d’Eichthal, 10 Déc. 1824.”
Auguste Comte (10 December 1824) in Friedrich Maximilian Müller, Ibidem.

See finally: “French Canada is in dire need of a positivist philosophy of action … the [positivist] notion of autonomy is the very basis of our French Canadian politics.”
Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 21 & Ibidem, “Politique fonctionnelle II,” Cité Libre,1.2(février, 1951): 27: “Ce qui manque le plus au Canada français, c’est une philosophie positive de l’action … l’autonomie [positiviste] devient une notion essentielle pour la politique de notre pays.” [Italics added]

2. Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1986, 213. [Italics added]

3. Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, 1994, 806–808.

See: “We know that the culture of France, at once Cartesian and Racinian, is a beacon of Western civilization. The historical prestige of French culture is found in the Bastille, Napoléon Bonaparte and ‘Free France.’ The political élites of Québec recognize the superiority of French culture, and desire to remain faithful to its noble and democratic ideals, as advanced by the vanguard of the world famous University of Paris.”
Patrick Straram, “Les français parlent aux français ou pourquoi Duplessis a raison,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45: “On le sait, la culture française, à la fois cartésienne et racinienne, sert de modèle à l’occident. À cette culture il faut ajouter quelques prestiges historiques: Prise de la Bastille, Napoléon 1er et ‘France libre.’ Si un autre peuple reconnaît le rayonnement de la culture française et veut rester fidèle à l’enseignement, à la fois noble et démocratique, dont l’Université de Paris est un fleuron célébré universellement, c’est bien la province de Québec.”

4. See: “Mr. Lafontaine had accepted the system established in 1841; when Mr. Papineau returned from exile he attacked the new order of things with his great eloquence and all the elevation of his thought. I will not here introduce a comparison between the respective legal ideas of these two great men. Both loved their country ardently, and passionately; both devoted their lives to it; both, by different means had no other end in view than to serve it; both were disinterested and honest. Let us remain contented and satisfied with these memories and seek not to find out who was right or who was wrong.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 20.

According to Wilfrid Laurier, Louis–Joseph Papineau, the leader of the Great Terror (la Grande terreur) of 1837, who “attacked the new order of things” when he returned from exile, (1) possessed great eloquence and elevated thought; (2) he was a great man with legal ideas; (3) he loved his country ardently and passionately; (4) he devoted his life to his country; (5) he had no other end in view than to serve his country; (6) he was disinterested and honest. Wilfrid Laurier, the father of Canadian Liberalism, defends the leader of the mass murderers and terrorists of 1837!

We will find that Canadian Culture, as defined by the Québécocracy, especially under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, defends the actions of Papineau and his henchman in the name of democracy, and even equates them with the patriots of the American revolution: Unlike the American patriots, however, the so–called democratic revolution of Papineau and his followers was a failure because unlike the American revolution against the British Empire, which was not directed against the world historical foundations of the Industrial Revolution, their revolt was directed against the conception of right found in the Magna Carta, and therefore also against the Constitution of the United States of America, namely the notion of universal freedom, albeit in embryonic form. Papineau and his followers uphold the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, which is profoundly inspired by Machiavellism, and which is the basis of Bonapartism in modern European political and economic history.

5. Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

6. See: “The Quiet Revolution resonated deeply within me … Our federation is ‘asymmetrical.’”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 39–167.

See also: “Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Jr.] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president … Paul Martin will be the fourth politician this Québec billionaire has groomed for or financially assisted into being prime minister.”
Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 11.

See finally: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy … my experience with CSL [Canada Steamship Lines] was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 18–19–61.

7. Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1985, 72.

8. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1985, 11–17–22–23.

9. Jean Lapierre in Hélène Buzzetti, “Ce Liberal fondateur du Bloc Québecois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016: “Il ne fait aucun doute dans mon esprit que, sans vos [Jean Chrétien’s] basses et tortueuses manoeuvres, nous aurions le 23 juin proclamé le retour du Québec dans la grande famille canadienne. Aujourd’hui, comme tous les Québécois, je suis déçu, je me sens humilié et je sais que vous [Jean Chrétien] nous avez trahis.”

See also: “When the Meech Lake accord was torpedoed, with the help of several prominent Liberals, he [Jean Lapierre] questioned the direction of his party. At the 1990 Liberal convention, Lapierre campaigned against Meech Lake opponent Jean Chrétien, openly calling him a ‘sell–out’ and wearing a black arm–band to mark the accord’s failure.”
Jonathan Montpetit, “Jean Lapierre, Québec Political Commentator, Dead at 59: Lapierre’s Opinion on Québec Politics Heard Daily by Thousands,” CBC News, 29 March 2016.

See also: “[Jean Lapierre] left the Liberals because the new leader, Jean Chrétien, opposed the Meech Lake constitutional accord. As a Québécker he felt ‘sad, humiliated and betrayed,’ he said as he left the Liberal caucus and sat as an independent in June, 1990.”
Les Perreaux, Tu Thanh Ha and Daniel Leblanc, “Obituary: Jean Lapierre Made Friends Across Broad Ideological Spectrum,” The Globe and Mail, 29 March 2016.

See finally: “Jean Chrétien had campaigned against the Meech Lake Accord, and received the support of the masses.”
Jean–Francois Lisée, “L’Énjoleur: Chrétien, Jean,” Le Petit Tricheur: Robert Bourassa derriere le masque, Montréal, 2012: “Chrétien avait fait campagne en critiquant Meech, récoltant les vivats de la foule.”

10. Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

11. Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc.”

See: “How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”
Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, 1985, dos du livre: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

12. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

13. Martin Blais, Philosophie du Pouvoir (Cahiers de Cité Libre), vol. 20.1, Ottawa/Montréal, 1970, 53–145: “Kant et bien d’autres nous en fournissent la raison … Toute société établit un ordre. La mafia comme l’Église.”

See: “Kant’s doctrines are destructively opposed to Catholicism. His teaching has been condemned by Popes Leo XIII and Pius X. His great work, ‘The Critique of Pure Reason’ was placed on the Index, 11th June, 1827. Inconsistent with Catholic teaching are (1) Kant’s Metaphysical Agnosticism, which declares his ignorance of all things as they really are; (2) his Moral Dogmatism which declares the supremacy of will over reason, thereby making blind will without the guidance of reason the rule of action; (3) his giving to religious dogma merely a symbolic signification; (4) diametrically opposed to scholastic teaching and the common sense of mankind is Kant’s theory of knowledge which makes mind and thought the measure of reality rather than making reality the measure of mind and thought. Kant maintains that things are so because we must think them so, not that we must think them so because they are really so independently of our thinking them. The reversal of the order of thought and reality, Kant calls his ‘Copernican Revolution’ in his theory of knowledge.”
Michael J. Mahony, History of Modern Thought, New York, 1933, 166.

14. Immanuel Kant, “The Critique of Pure Reason,” Great Books of the Western World: Kant, John Miller Dow Meiklejohn, translator & Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, 106–106–127.

See: “The concept of the noumenon is problematical … the concept of the noumenon is not therefore the concept of an object, but only a problem … the so–called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.”
Immanuel Kant, Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason: A Commemoration of the Centenary of Its First Publication, vol. 2, Friedrich Maximilian Müller, translator, London, 1881, 249–250–308.

15. Alison Stone, editor, “Introduction: Philosophy in the Nineteenth–Century,” The Edinburgh Critical History of Nineteenth–Century Philosophy,Howard Caygill & David Webb, general editors, Edinburgh, 2011, 1.

16. Immanuel Kant in Kant’s Principles of Politics Including His Essay on Perpetual Peace: A Contribution to Political Science, William Hastie, editor & translator, Edinburgh, 1891, 89–116. [Kant, Zum ewigen Frieden, 1795]

17. Immanuel Kant, Ibidem, 91–92.

The Kantian sophistical distinction between republicanism and democracy is profoundly corrupted by modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism, and is therefore merely transcendental and phenomenal: The European followers of Kant oppose the American revolution to the French revolution, as the dictatorship of the proletariat, while his American followers connect the American revolution with the French revolution, as the power of the people. The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Immanuel Kant is no friend of American democracy and the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world.

18. Charles Philippe Théodore Andler (1866–1933), “Préface: Hegel,” Le pangermanisme philosophique: 1800 à 1914, textes traduits de l’Allemand par M. Aboucaya [Claude Aboucaya], G. Bianquis [Geneviève Bianquis, 1886–1972], M. Bloch [Gustave Bloch, 1848–1923], L. Brevet, J. Dessert, M. Dresch [Joseph Dresch, 1871–1958], A. Fabri, A. Giacomelli, B. Lehoc, G. Lenoir, L. Marchand [Louis Marchand, 1875–1948], R. Serreau [René Serreau], A. Thomas [Albert Thomas, 1878–1932], J. Wehrlin, Paris, 1917, xliii: “L’ère nouvelle qui s’annonce, c’est–à–dire le ‘royaume de l’esprit réalisé,’ est celle, non seulement de Kant, mais de la Révolution française. Un vouloir libre, tout formel, dont le contenu se crée à mesure qu’il touche au réel, c’est là le principe kantien et c’est, non moins, le principe de la Révolution française. Ce principe donne des résultats pratiques dans la Révolution d’abord. La raison kantienne légifère pour le vouloir collectif comme pour le vouloir individuel … La Révolution fit cette tentative audacieuse de commencer par les vouloirs individuels, par les atomes du vouloir. C’est le vouloir collectif, l’Ancien Régime, que la philosophie révolutionnaire incrimine pour ses privilèges abusifs.”

See: “Hegel’s Lectures on the Philosophy of History demonstrate … that during the period of national sovereignty, a nation has rights conferred upon its people in virtue of their rôle as the ‘support of the universal spirit.’ With regards to this rôle, ‘the souls of all other people are diminished by right and they no longer count in world history.’ Hegel predicts for them a total moral absorption, a fate far worse than physical annihilation.”
Charles Philippe Théodore Andler, Ibidem, xxxvi: “La Philosophie de l’histoiredémontrent … que, durant le déroulement de la période où il est souverain, un peuple a tous les droits que lui confère son rôle de ‘support de l’esprit universel.’ Au regard de ce rôle, ‘les âmes de tous les autres peuples sont diminuées de droit et elles ne comptent plus dans l’histoire.’ Hegel leur pronostique une destinée pire que la destruction physique, une totale absorption morale.”

Twentieth century pseudo–Hegelians and anti–Hegelians like Charles Andler reject the genuine Hegelian notion of universal freedom found in the authoritative works of Hegel, based upon their Kantio–Hegelian interpretations of citations from the non–authoritative editions: The Hegelian notion of universal freedom is sophistry, according to the Kantio–Hegelian delusions of modern irrationalists like Charles Andler, because for the inferior ruling classes of world history, “Hegel predicts for them a total moral absorption, a fate far worse than physical annihilation” (Hegel leur pronostique une destinée pire que la destruction physique, une totale absorption morale).

That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for the doctrine of American Idealism in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand, namely, as the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic: “Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe … Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European raison d’état.One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notesare not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism … In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history. From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?”
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, Archive.org, 2016, 6–9.

19. Anonymous [Pierre Trudeau?] and Guy Cormier, “Faites vos jeux” et “Fleches de tout bois,” Cité Libre, 1.1(Juin, 1950), 37–45: “[Emmanuel] Mounier restera present dans toute l’aventure que nous tentons aujourd’hui … Vive quand même la République!”

20. Emmanuel Mounier, Existentialist Philosophies: An Introduction, Eric Blow, translator, London, 1948, 20. [1947]

21. Emmanuel Mounier, Personalism, Philip Mairet, translator, London, 1952, xvi. [1950]

22. Simone de Beauvoir in Madeleine Gobeil, “Entrevue avec Simone de Beauvoir,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16(15).69(août–septembre, 1964): 30–31: “Nous avons toujours dit, Sartre et moi, que ce n’est pas parce qu’il y a désir d’être, que ce désir corresponde à une réalité quelconque. C’est comme Kant le disait, sur le plan intellectuel. Ce n’est pas une raison parce qu’on croit à des causalités pour qu’il y ait une cause suprême. Ce n’est pas parce qu’il y a chez l’homme un désir d’être pour qu’il puisse jamais atteindre l’être, ou même que l’être soit une notion possible, l’être en tout cas qui soit réflexion et en même temps existence. II y a une synthèse existence et être qui est impossible. Nous l’avons répété toute notre vie, Sartre et moi, et c’est le fond de notre pensée, il y a un creux dans l’homme et même ses réalisations ont ce creux en elles.”

23. The philosophy of Jean Chrétien in Laurence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 377.

24. Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 10–11. [Italics added]

25. Brian Mulroney in Peter Charles Newman, “Appendix 9,” The Canadian Revolution 1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 451.

See: “The division of power under Canadian federalism [Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique], whereby provinces control the development of natural resources and the federal government controls their export, has reduced the possibility of formulating national electrical policies. The federal Department of Natural Resources Canada and Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982, asserts that trade in electricity and the installation of international transmission lines is subject to the prevalence of federal jurisdiction (with concurrent federal and provincial powers over inter provincial trade), whereas the planning, development, and distribution of hydroelectric resources within the provinces is the responsibility of each province.”
Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 51.

26. Michael Meighen in Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 62.

See: “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”
Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

27. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 179. [Italics added]

28. Lawrence Martin, Ibidem, 379. [Italics added]

29. General de Gaulle (1964–1965) in John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 34–35.

30. John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997,Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 4–5–6–11–13–14–18.

31. Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, Chicago, 1971, 380b.

See: “Trudeau and his group established the magazine Cité Libre (Community of the Free) [la Francophonie & Communauté]. In it Trudeau wrote: ‘In our relations with the state, we are fairly immoral: We corrupt civil servants, we use blackmail on M.P.’s, we put we put pressure on the courts, we defraud the treasury, we obligingly look the other way when it concerns our interests.’”
Paul Douglas Stevens, Ibidem.

See finally: “[Pierre Trudeau] was a separatist like the others were, like the élite was … he really carried things as far as he could, he became one of the leaders in that sort of thing.”
Monique Nemni in Anonymous, “New Book Traces Trudeau’s Separatist to Nationalist Shift,” CTV News, 13 November 2011.

32. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui–ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

33. See: “[36a] Louis became keenly interested in politics. His political hero was Wilfrid Laurier … St. Laurent attended St. Charles Seminary in Sherbrooke, Qué., and received a bachelor’s degree in 1902. He then studied law at Laval University in Québec and earned his law degree in 1905. St. Laurent refused the offer of a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford University … In 1914, he became a professor of law at Laval University … St. Laurent ranked as one of the top Canadian authorities on constitutional law. From 1937 to 1939, he served as senior counsel to the Royal Commission on federalism … In November, 1941, minister of justice Ernest Lapointe died … [36b] [St. Laurent] took office as minister of justice on Dec. 10, 1941 … In 1958, St. Laurent returned to the practice of law in Québec. He also lectured on law at Laval University and served on the boards of several large Canadian corporations. St. Laurent did not withdraw completely from political life.”
Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis Stephen St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada 1948–1957,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, Chicago, 1971, 36a–36b. [Italics added]

See also: “Laval graduates were, in Mason Wade’s words, ‘the true makers of the Quiet Revolution.’”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1984, 45.

See also: “The aim of this meeting concerns the question of the transportation of electrical energy over long distances between the provinces. From our vantage point, this question is a purely provincial matter … The province of Québec, though determined to use its natural resources for its own development, welcomes mutually beneficial inter–provincial agreements, but in this matter Québec will not be subjected to any federal authority whatsoever [la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral].”
Jean Lesage (1962) in Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 31: “Cette conférence aurait pour objet une discussion sur le transport à longue distance de l’énergie électrique entre les provinces. Nous considérons cette question de jurisdiction provinciale … La province de Québec, tout en étant déterminée à utiliser ses richesses naturelles pour favoriser son développement économique, est bien disposée à faire avec ses provinces soeurs des arrangements d’interêt mutuel mais elle n’entend pas accepter de le faire sous la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral.”

By the phrase, “la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral,” Jean Lesage means the Canadian statecraft of the British Imperialistic ruling class of the generation of Lester Pearson as well as the Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker: The political and economic power struggle between ruling classes in Canada is also the clash between the owners of White and Black Gold. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the ultimate bastion of Québec Regime power: Its tentacles are the lifeblood of the Québec Inc.

See also: “[René Lévesque] became a popular hero, the point man of the Quiet Revolution, architect of the nationalization of private companies to form Hydro–Québec … [Lévesque] became a separatist in 1963. By then, the government of Jean Lesage was constantly at war with the new federal government of Lester Pearson. The battleground was jurisdiction. Both, quintessentially, were activist governments: Walter Gordon functioning as Ottawa’s answer to Lévesque, and just as staunchly nationalist as he.”
Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn (editor), The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians, Toronto, 1980, 239.

See also: “The economy of Québec must not be isolated, but open to the whole world, for then it will find new markets.”
Pierre Elliott Trudeau in Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 57.

See also: “Evening after evening, Lévesque would come to Pelletier’s house, to meet with a group that included Marchand, Trudeau, and Laurendeau, to test out his scheme to nationalize the private power companies, and to secure them as allies. Each and every one of Lévesque’s points, Trudeau would rebut … Time and time again, writes Desbarats, ‘the professor would casually skim a barbed epigram at Lévesque, puncturing him in full flight and bringing him down to earth in a temper.’ (Years later, Lévesque must have smiled when he read that Trudeau had created Petro–Canada.)”
Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 239.

Whatever philosophical differences with René Lévesque that Trudeau wouldrefute, he always followed, exactly like Lévesque, the road of Québec nationalism in the Belle Province, but also in Ottawa: Pierre Elliott Trudeau always did everything in his power to advance the cause of the Quiet Revolution, which over the years greatly empowered the Québécocracy.

See finally: “I started work on this book late in November 1979 … I began work much earlier, gathering material and insights from three different perspectives: From 1968 to 1970, as executive assistant to the Hon. Eric Kierans; from 1970 to 1973, as a civil servant with a long–winded title; and from 1973, as a columnists for the Toronto Star … The book is neither a definitive biography nor a work of historical scholarship … Trudeau is without intellectual equal among Canadian politicians, today or in the past, and there are few in the world who can challenge him.”
Richard Gwyn in Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 9–9–9–58.

The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians, the book by Richard and Sandra Gwyn, is a work of hagiography. That this book was ever published in the first place, is proof of the profound mental flabbiness that afflicts our intelligentsia, the most ambitious of whom have long cultivated the habit of relocating to the United States of America, rather than suffer at the hands of the Québécocracy, a policy which has empowered Americanism over the years, and thereby greatly weakened the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which in turn has uplifted Canada and the Canadian people.
Merci Richard and Sandra!

34. Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, 1998, 166–172–172.

35. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, “savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.”

36. Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario,Kingston/Montreal, 1982, 157.

37. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 48.

38. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 16: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”

See: “Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepherd, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … the whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais when he and Michael Sabia, (the president of the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, the Québec Pension Plan), were seen together as two love birds in a gilded–cage, at the palatial Manoir Desmarais, on the vast and luxurious estate of Sagard in the Saguenay: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of his diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials and institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”
Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 13: “Paul Desmarais n’est pas un bâtisseur. C’est un prédateur, un loup qui a compris qu’il est beaucoup plus facile de convaincre le berger de lui ouvrir toutes grandes les portes de la bergerie que de chercher continuellement à déjouer sa surveillance … Le séjour en famille de Michael Sabia, président de la Caisse de dépôt, au somptueux palais de Paul Desmarais à Sagard aura permis à tous les Québécois de découvrir le caractère totalement anormal et inacceptable des pratiques de l’empire Desmarais dans ses rapports avec le gouvernement du Québec, ses ministères et les entreprises et organismes qu’il contrôle.”

39. Henri de Kerillis, I Accuse de Gaulle, New York, 1946, xii–259–260.

40. Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 7–22–39–87–120.

41. Frank Morgan and Henry William Carless Davis, French Policy Since 1871,London, 1914, 4.

42. Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Introduction doctrinale et historique,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux: Contenant une introduction doctrinale et historique, le titre préliminaire du code civil et les titres de la jouissance et de la privation des droits civils, des actes de l’état civil, du domicile, des absents et du mariage, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, 2: “Le droit n’est pas l’oeuvre des hommes: Les législateurs humains ne le créent point. C’est un principe antérieur et préexistant, général, absolu, imprescriptible et invariable, parce qu’il tire sa source de la nature même de l’homme, qui ne change jamais. On le définit: Le fondement ou la raison première de la justice, le principe dirigeant des actions humaines, au point de vue du juste et de l’injuste.Cette définition, pour être complète et indiquer d’une manière exacte ce que c’est que le droit, aurait elle–même besoin d’être définie: Il faudrait, en effet, préciser ce principe dirigeant des actions humaines, cette raison première de toute justice. Mais la solution de ce problème est étrangère à l’objet de nos études, elle appartient aux philosophes plutôt qu’aux jurisconsultes. Suivant M. Cousin, la raison première de la justice consiste dans le respect de la liberté de l’homme.”

See also: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879,Montréal, 1879, 119: “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.”

See finally: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … regardless of its perversity, the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte … Napoléon Bonaparte, who uplifted himself, by which means no one has ever determined, to the heights of conceptual power in his knowledge of the greatest problems of jurisprudence and legislation, often participated in the deliberations of the Judicial Council. Napoléon’s great genius, his profound method and penetrating insight, always astonished the members of the judiciary.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux: Contenant une introduction doctrinale et historique, le titre préliminaire du code civil et les titres de la jouissance et de la privation des droits civils, des actes de l’état civil, du domicile, des absents et du mariage, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v–v–36: “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [Code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme [Napoléon Bonaparte] dont il porte le nom … Napoléon, qui s’est élevé, on ne sait comment, jusqu’à l’intelligence des problèmes les plus ardus du droit et de la législation, pris souvent part aux discussions du Conseil. Il y déploya toujours une clarté, une méthode, et quelquefois une profondeur de vues, qui furent pour tout le monde un sujet d’étonnement.”

See: “[Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”
John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

43. Louis Couzinet, “Le Prince” de Machiavel et la théorie de l’absolutisme, Paris, 1910, xix–xxi–xxvii–136–349–352: “Nous nous proposons un rapprochement, une comparaison, entre la doctrine de Machiavel, telle qu’elle ressort du Prince, et la doctrine de l’absolutisme, que nous essayerons de dégager, non pas de tel ou tel des théoriciens qui en furent les champions; mais de l’ensemble de ces théoriciens … les doctrines absolutistes, dans leur application, conduisent les princes aux mêmes résultats que les doctrines de Machiavel … Machiavélisme et absolutisme sont issus de situations historiques analogues. C’est là un premier point essentiel de notre parallèle. Cette situation inspire à Machiavel l’idée de la légitimité de tous les moyens destinés à atteindre un but d’intérêt public et à réaliser le salut de l’État … Tous ceux qui ont pu étudier Napoléon l de près, nous disent qu’il y avait en lui le Napoléon homme d’État, qui voyait dans le sang des hommes répandu un des grands remèdes de la médecine politique … Le Prince de Machiavel et les doctrines de l’absolutisme sont nés d’un même sentiment profond de patriotisme, à des époques et dans des pays où un souverain puissant était nécessaire pour faire cesser, sous sa domination, les désordres et la désunion, causes de la détresse nationale … Machiavel nous apparaît comme un patriote sans scrupule lorsqu’il s’agit de sauver l’État. Dans sa conception du gouvernement il se révèle à nous comme un politique soucieux du bonheur du peuple et respectueux de sa liberté.”

See: Abbé Aimé Guillon de Montléon (1758–1842), Machiavel commenté par Napoléon Bonaparte, manuscrit trouvé dans la carrosse de Bonaparte, après la bataille de Mont–Saint–Jean, le 15 février 1815, Paris,1816.

44. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, The Prince, Luigi Ricci, translator, Oxford, 1921, 71.

45. Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’État and Its Place in Modern History, Douglas Scott, translator, Werner Stark, introduction, New Haven, 1962, 345.

See: “In our history of the idea of raison d’état, Machiavelli, Frederick the Great and Hegel stand out as the three most prominent figures … on glancing at Kant … one sees that the really permanent German ideas on the subject of the State had remained thoroughly un–Machiavellian.”
Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’État and Its Place in Modern History, Douglas Scott, translator, Werner Stark, introduction, New Haven, 1962, 366–393–393.

In the 20th century, Kantianism and Hegelianism come together in the greatest clash of reason and unreason, as the outdated political and economic notion of the world is overcome in the Dialectic of Finitude, as the collapse of modern European irrationalism and the rise of Global freedom. Friedrich Meinecke and the sophistry (empiricism) of modern European irrationalism are therefore inseparable:

“[Heinrich Brüning] found Meinecke’s lectures more stimulating and soon won permission to enter his seminar on Prussian history. Meinecke taught his Strasbourg students that Frederick the Great had developed Prussia into a Great Power by championing religious toleration and the impartial administration of the laws, but that his state could make no further progress because of its reliance on blind obedience. Baron Karl vom Stein [Heinrich Friedrich Karl Reichsfreiherr vom und zum Stein, 1757–1831], who became chancellor in 1807 after Prussia’s catastrophic defeat by Napoléon, was the greatest of Prussian statesmen because he understood that further development required active participation in government by the citizens. To educate the citizenry in the virtues of patriotism, self–discipline, and service to the community, Stein [and the Royalists] abolished serfdom, created municipal self–government, and opened military careers to talent. He laid the foundation for Prussia’s resurrection by ‘reuniting state, nation, and individual’ in the spirit of Rousseau and the French Revolution, but with greater realism and ‘a more highly developed ethical sense’ [Kant]. Meinecke praised Stein in particular for understanding that Prussia’s mission did not end with its own borders, that it must teach all of Germany to create a healthy [Kantian] political community, and this was the lesson that Brüning always remembered most vividly. Meinecke acknowledged that Stein had suffered painful defeats by reactionary aristocrats but argued that his work had been vindicated by Prussia’s triumphs in the Wars of Liberation, which revealed a glowing new patriotism in the younger generation. Bismarck and the Reichstag had recently avenged many of Stein’s defeats, Meinecke suggested, and healthy progress was being made toward parliamentary democracy. To understand Brüning’s statements later in life praising Bismarck’s constitution, it is important to note that Meinecke taught his students to adopt a remarkably optimistic view of it. Brüning later echoed Meinecke, for example, when he asserted that the Imperial Reichstag would have gained the same influence as the British House of Commons if only the kaiser had been persuaded before 1918 to recruit his cabinet ministers from its ranks.”
William L. Patch, Jr., Heinrich Brüning and the Dissolution of the Weimar Republic, Cambridge, 1998, 17.

On glancing at Kant, one sees that the really permanent German ideas on the subject of the State had remained thoroughly un–Machiavellian: Frederick the Great had developed Prussia into a Great Power by championing religious toleration and the impartial administration of the laws, but his state could make no further progress because of its reliance on blind obedience. Baron Karl vom Stein, who became chancellor in 1807 after Prussia’s catastrophic defeat by Napoléon, was the greatest of Prussian statesmen because he understood that further development required active participation in government by the citizens. To educate the citizenry in the virtues of patriotism, self–discipline, and service to the community, Stein (and the Royalists) abolished serfdom, created municipal self–government, and opened military careers to talent. Stein, laid the foundation for Prussia’s resurrection by “reuniting state, nation, and individual” in the spirit of Rousseau and the French Revolution, but with greater realism and “a more highly developed ethical sense” (Kant). Prussia’s mission did not end with its own borders, that it must teach all of Germany to create a healthy (Kantian) political community. Baron vom Stein had suffered painful defeats by reactionary aristocrats but his work had been vindicated by Prussia’s triumphs in the Wars of Liberation, which revealed a glowing new patriotism in the younger generation. Indeed, Bismarck and the Reichstag had recently avenged many of Baron vom Stein’s defeats, and healthy progress was being made toward parliamentary democracy.

See also: “At the summit of his philosophy, Hegel now conceived of the State in general as an ‘individual totality,’ which developed in a quite concrete manner in accordance with its own special and peculiar vital laws, and which was thereby both permitted and obliged to set aside ruthlessly even the universal moral commands. By doing so, it did not (as his words show) behave immorally, but rather according to the spirit of a higher morality which was superior to the universal and customary morality … ‘The morality of the State is not the moral’ … ‘It is solely through the State that Man has any value, or any spiritual and intellectual reality’ … Hegel was also, as one knows, very strongly under the influence of Napoléon, and rejected any moralizing in the face of the great conqueror–personalities of world history. Thereby he certainly paved the way for a freer and more open–minded interpretation of the personalities of world history, but also for a laxer treatment of the problem of political ethics. He did not take the trouble to limit in any way the completeness of the grandiose powers which he granted to the interest–policy of States in their dealings with one another — apart of course from those reservations he made against the uncleanliness of Machiavelli’s methods, which he stated were only permissible in Machiavelli’s contemporary historical situation, and were not to be considered permanent and universally applicable. This only offered a flimsy kind of barrier against the excesses of a modern Machiavellism, which in the future would also be capable of justifying itself with some new and special contemporary situation, when it made use of its new and frightful methods which were basically perhaps just as immoral.”
Friedrich Meinecke, Ibidem, 361–361–365–369.

See also: “Hegel’s own course notes and those of his students should be used with caution to clarify and illustrate the meaning of the texts he published during his lifetime … In general, the student notes written during or after Hegel’s classes should be used with caution … What has been said about the student notes must also be applied to the so–called Zusatze (additions), added by ‘the friends’ to the third edition of the Encyclopedia (1830) and the book on Rechtsphilosophie … Some commentators, however, seem to prefer the Zusatze over Hegel’s own writings; additions are sometimes even quoted as the only textual evidence for the interpretation of highly controversial issues. For scholarly use, however, we should use them only as applications, confirmations, or concretizations of Hegel’s theory. Only in cases where authentic texts are unavailable may they be accepted as indications of Hegel’s answers to questions that are not treated in his handwritten or published work. If they contradict the explicit theory of the authorized texts, we can presume that the student is wrong, unless we can show that it is plausible that they express a change in the evolution of Hegel’s thought … According to Leopold von Henning’s preface (pp. vi–vii) in his edition (1839) of the Encyclopädie of 1830, the editors of the Encyclopedia sometimes changed or completed the sentences in which the students had rendered Hegel’s classes.”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy (Studies in German Idealism), Reinier Munk, series editor, Dordrecht, 2001, xvi–27–28–29–29.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse ― Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Erste Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1840, v–viii.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse ― Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Zweite Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1843, v–viii.

See also: “The transcripts known today for all the Berlin lecture series are consistently, even surprisingly, reliable testimonies … It may indeed be disconcerting that only today do we doubt ― and not everyone does ― that Hegel’s lectures … are actually reproduced authentically in the published [Berlin] edition … that did not become full–blown for more than a hundred and fifty years. We can hardly examine here all the reasons for this circumstance.”
Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert, “Introduction: The Shape and Influence of Hegel’s Aesthetics,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures, Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, Oxford, 2014, 32–46.

See finally: “Meinecke also publicly supported the Third Reich, especially its antisemitic laws, although he became unpopular with the Nazis in 1935.”
William E. Conklin, Hegel’s Laws, Stanford, California, 2008, 356.

46. Niccolò Machiavelli, Ibidem, 99–100.

47. Machiavelli, 102.

48. Machiavelli, 44–44–101–105.

49. See: “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our National Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group(controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”
Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power,Montréal, 2008, 13–14: “En faut–il davantage pour marquer le caractère grave d’une situation qui, si elle n’est pas l’objet d’un examen détaillé, scrupuleux et attentif―tel que le permettent nos règlements―de la part des élus du peuple et des responsables de l’État, risque d’abandonner dans les mains d’une oligarchie financière, une puissance plus grande que celle de l’État, une force éventuellement capable de contrecarrer les volontés des élus du peuple et de l’exécutif? … Le groupe Gelco–Trans–Canada [dirigé par Paul Desmarais] tente d’acquérir à l’heure actuelle, au moment où je vous parle, le journal Le Soleil, dont le tirage est de plus de 175 000 exemplaires et le quotidien Le Droit d’Ottawa, qui a un tirage de 45 000 exemplaires.”

See also: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”
Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See finally: “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008, 15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

50. Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

51. David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

52. Chrétien, Ibidem, 214.

53. See: “The assets he [Paul Desmarais] controls add up to $100 billion.”
Peter Charles Newman, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, 1998, 165.

Newman does not draw the historically exact political and economic inference from this statement because he does not have at his disposal the reports and vast public archives of the Gomery (2005), Bastarache (2010) and Charbonneau Commissions (2011). He does however intimate the notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc when he states:

“Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one.”
Peter Charles Newman, Ibidem, 166.

See also: “The RCMP announced Friday that charges have been laid against a businessman who was described as the ‘central figure’ in the federal sponsorship scandal and was a close associate of ex–prime minister Jean Chrétien. Jacques Corriveau, a longtime federal Liberal organizer, is facing charges of fraud against the government, forgery and laundering proceeds of crime. He is to appear in court on January 10. The charges come after a wide–ranging investigation that was triggered nearly 11 years ago and is still underway. Police say, however, they are finished with the now 80–year–old Corriveau. The Mounties allege that Corriveau set up a kickback system on contracts awarded during the sponsorship program, using his Pluri Design Canada Inc. to defraud the federal government.”
Anonymous, “Charges Laid Against Chrétien–Friend Jacques Corriveau Stemming From Québec Sponsorship Scandal,” National Post, 13 December 2013.

See finally: “The Gomery commission’s report had laid bare the scheming and self–enriching [that] Liberals had engaged in with taxpayer funds.”
Jason Markusoff, “That Time the RCMP Dropped a Mid–Election Bombshell,” Maclean’s, 28 October 2016.

54. See: “For the second year in a row, André [husband of France Chrétien Desmarais, the daughter of Jean Chrétien] and Paul Desmarais Jr. are off the Forbes list of multi–billionaires in the world, because their wealth has been reorganized. This situation is surprising, considering the names of other Canadians on the Forbes list of multi–billionaires. According to Forbes Magazine, the personal fortunes of André and Paul Desmarais Jr. are now less than a $Billion. ‘André and Paul Desmarais Jr. were not on the Forbes list of multi–billionaires last year either. So far as we understand, they share the possession of Power Corporation shares with their entire family―with their mother and two associates (Michel Plessis–Bélair and Guy Fortin). In official documents, their shares of the Power Corporation are thus categorized as a Special Trust in the hands of the Desmarais family,’ according to Crystal Kwok, a porte–parole from Forbes … According to our calculations, the value of their Power shares held in the Special Desmarais Family Trust is actually $3.1–Billions.”
Jean–François Cloutier, “Comment les Desmarais ont évité le classement Forbes,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 25 mars 2017: “André et Paul Desmarais Jr. évitent pour une deuxième année consécutive de faire partie du classement des gens les plus riches du monde de la revue américaine Forbes en raison de la redistribution de la richesse entre les membres de la famille. Cette situation détonne par rapport aux autres grandes fortunes canadiennes qui apparaissent dans le classement Forbes. Selon les explications du magazine, cela est dû au fait que leur fortune personnelle individuelle se situe actuellement sous la barre du milliard de dollars. ‘André et Paul Desmarais Jr. n’étaient pas sur la liste des milliardaires de Forbes l’an dernier non plus. Tel que nous le comprenons, ils partagent la propriété des actions de Power Corporation avec toute leur famille―leur mère et deux proches (Michel Plessis–Bélair et Guy Fortin). Le propriétaire d’actions de Power est donné comme la Fiducie familiale résiduaire Desmarais dans les documents réglementaires,’ nous a écrit une porte–parole de Forbes, Crystal Kwok … Selon nos calculs, la valeur des actions de Power détenues dans la fiducie est actuellement de 3,1 milliards $.”

55. See: “John Napier Turner served as prime minister of Canada for 2½ months in 1984.”
Christina McCall, “John Napier Turner,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 19, Chicago, 1992, 516.

See also: “Becoming PM on June 30, Turner dissolved parliament on July 9.”
Robert Bothwell, “John Napier Turner,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, 1st edition, vol. 3, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 1860.

56. Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 389.

57. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 326.

58. Ibidem, 323.

59. Ibidem, 332.

60. Ibidem, 369.

61. Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, 56. [2007]

See: “[Jean Chrétien] is a genuinely good man.”
Bill Clinton in Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, back–cover. [2007]

62. Ibidem.

63. Ibidem, 57.

64. See: “Louis Desmarais has launched a lawsuit against the family of his late brother Paul Desmarais for $75–million. The elderly gentleman is now 92 years old, and he testifies that his late brother Paul Desmarais never returned to him, as he was promised, his 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation. The family of Paul Desmarais refutes this charge, and affirms that Paul Desmarais made no such promise to his brother Louis Desmarais … Louis Desmarais testified in court by video: He affirms that he came into the possession of 60,000 shares of the Power Corporation in 1975, which he gave to his brother Paul in 1979, at the latter’s request. Louis Desmarais testifies that at the time he received a verbal promise from Paul Desmarais, to the effect that one day he would regain his shares, otherwise he would be paid their equivalent market value. Paul Desmarais never kept his word affirms Louis Desmarais, who however has no documentation of the transaction.”
Geneviève Garon et Marc Verreault, “Un procès au civil déchire les Desmarais, de Power Corporation,” Radio Canada Économie, 12 Janvier 2017: “Louis Desmarais poursuit en justice la succession de son frère Paul pour 75 millions de dollars. L’homme de 92 ans allègue que son défunt frère ne lui a jamais rendu, comme promis, 60 000 actions de Power Corporation. Mais la succession de Paul Desmarais affirme que cette promesse n’a jamais été faite … Louis Desmarais a fait une déclaration vidéo enregistrée pour expliquer sa requête. Il affirme être entré en possession de 60 000 titres de Power Corporation en 1975, des actions qu’il aurait remises à son frère Paul en 1979, à la demande ce dernier, dit–il. Louis Desmarais dit avoir alors reçu, de son frère, la promesse verbale qu’il récupérerait un jour ces actions, ou la valeur correspondante. Cette promesse a été rompue, affirme Louis Desmarais, qui ne possède aucun document pour appuyer ses prétentions … l’avocat de la succession de Paul Desmarais, Guy Fortin, affirme que le défunt documentait et archivait la moindre de ses actions. Me Fortin, qui a été l’avocat principal de Paul Desmarais de son vivant, soutient que ce dernier faisait régulièrement de généreux dons aux membres de sa famille. Au fil des ans, Louis Desmarais lui–même a reçu 11 millions de dollars de son frère Paul. Il s’agissait de dons, allègue Me Fortin. C’était plutôt une redevance, affirme pour sa part le nonagénaire.”

65. See: “A huge, high–profile wedding in Montreal today involving the granddaughter of a billionaire and a former prime minister. The granddaughter of Paul Desmarais and Jean Chrétien is marrying a Belgian prince this afternoon. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is marrying Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx … 750 guests are expected, among them former French president Nicolas Sarkozy, described as a close friend of the Desmarais family. Chrétien’s daughter is married [to] a member of the Desmarais family.”
Luciano Pipia, “Huge Montreal Wedding Today,” CJAD 800 News, 7 September 2013.

See also: “This last Saturday at Mary–Queen–of–the–World Cathedral, there was a Royal Wedding, — which is very unusual in Canada. The granddaughter of Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais married the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 years of age, is the daughter of André Desmarais, the president of Power Corporation and president of Power Financial Corporation. The mother of Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is none other than France Chrétien–Desmarais, the daughter of Jean and Aline Chrétien: ‘It was such a beautiful ceremony,’ said Michaëlle Jean [Paul Martin’s Governor General of Canada and erstwhile Québec Separatist], ‘marriage is such a joyful occasion.’”
Annabelle Blais, “Un Faste Royale au Mariage de Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 September 2013: “La cathédrale Marie–Reine–du–Monde a accueilli, samedi, un mariage princier comme on en voit peu au Canada. Devant quelque 750 invités, la petite–fille de l’homme d’affaires Paul Desmarais et de l’ancien premier ministre Jean Chrétien a épousé le prince belge Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 ans, est la fille d’André Desmarais, président et co–chef de direction de Power Corporation (propriétaire de La Presse) et président délégué du conseil de Corporation financière Power. Sa mère, France Chrétien–Desmarais, est la fille de Jean et Aline Chrétien … ‘C’était une belle cérémonie,’ a indiqué Michaëlle Jean, ‘un mariage est un grand moment de joie.’”

66. “Le frère du milliardaire Paul Desmarais Sr est décédé, alors que sa poursuite de 75 millions $ autour d’une prétendue promesse remontant à 1979 n’est toujours pas réglée. Louis R. Desmarais, 94 ans, est décédé à son domicile de Saint–Lambert la semaine passée, indique un avis de décès du Centre funéraire Côte–des–Neiges. Le défunt, qui a notamment été député fédéral, était engagé depuis 2014 dans une bataille judiciaire contre la succession de son frère Paul Desmarais Sr. Dans sa poursuite civile, Louis R. Desmarais Sr allègue avoir vendu 60 000 actions de Power Corporation à son frère, à condition de les récupérer un jour. Or, personne n’a parlé de ce prétendu accord pendant 34 ans. Et Paul Desmarais Sr. est décédé en 2013, avant que quiconque ait pu vérifier la véracité des allégations. Il n’existerait en plus aucune trace de ce contrat verbal … Le procès s’était déroulé en janvier dernier et les parties attendent, depuis, le jugement. Aucune date n’a été annoncée quant à la décision. La magistrature a fait savoir que le dossier était toujours en délibéré, mais la mort de Louis R. Desmarais Sr pourrait changer la donne. ‘Le décès de M. [Louis R.] Desmarais cause la suspension du dossier jusqu’à ce que la succession de celui–ci décide si elle va continuer,’ a fait savoir l’avocat du défunt, Me Karim Renno. Notons que Louis R. Desmarais a laissé dans le deuil ses six enfants et neuf petits–enfants … Au cours du procès, le codirigeant actuel de Power Corporation avait affirmé qu’après des recherches, aucune trace de l’accord allégué n’avait été trouvée. Paul Desmarais Sr avait d’ailleurs ajouté avoir été surpris par la soi–disant existence d’une telle promesse, d’autant plus que son père était un homme très généreux envers ses frères et sœur. Le témoin avait ainsi donné en exemple un dîner où chaque invité a eu la surprise de recevoir un chèque d’un million $, caché sous les assiettes à table. ‘Il était tellement heureux qu’il l’a refait l’année d’après,’ avait dit le fils du défunt au tribunal. Le frère de Paul Desmarais Jr., André, avait pour sa part ajouté que son père avait pris soin de bien organiser sa succession afin d’éviter tout problème et ainsi garder une famille ‘unie, égale et heureuse.’ En plus d’avoir été député au fédéral de 1979 à 1983 et maire adjoint de Sudbury de 1963 à 1965, Louis R. Desmarais a aussi occupé des postes importants au sein de Power Corporation, Canada Steamship Lines et Voyageur Bus Lines.”
Michael Nguyen, “Succession de Paul Desmarais Sr: Louis R. Desmarais est décédé: Il réclamait 75 millions $ à la succession de son frère,” Journal de Montréal: Actualité: Faits Divers, 3 avril 2017.

67. Justice France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, Québec, 2015, 74: “Les stratagèmes de collusion et de corruption ainsi que les activités d’infiltration du crime organisé que la Commission a mis au jour ne sont pas sans conséquence. Le détournement des processus de passation des marchés publics dans l’industrie de la construction et des règles de financement des partis politiques, et l’infiltration du crime organisé dans cette industrie, ont non seulement engendré des coûts économiques pour l’ensemble de la société québécoise, mais ils ont aussi miné ses fondements démocratiques, porté atteinte au principe de la primauté du droit et ébranlé la confiance des citoyens dans les institutions publiques.”

68. Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.

See also: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montreal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5 per cent of the value of the corrupt contracts in Montreal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so–called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.”
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex–ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5% de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”

69. Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008,Toronto, 2010, 8–195.

70. André Cédilot and André Noel, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.

See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.”
Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui–là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5% en pots–de–vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”

71. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 279.

72. See: “Admirers of Hegel are accustomed to refer to the first edition [Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Outline], as having most of the author’s freshness and power … in America, no one can look back a few years, without observing that the whole tone of our public men has changed, and that the phrases, ‘progress,’ ‘necessary development,’ and ‘God in history,’ occur with marked frequency.”
Anonymous, “Karl Rosenkranz: The Life of Hegel,” The Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review, 20.4(October, 1848): 575–586. [Italics added]

See also: “[29] No writer has carried personification of the faculties to a greater length than has Kant. ‘Pure reason,’ he says, ‘leaves every thing to the understanding which refers immediately to the objects of the intuition, or rather to their synthesis in the imagination.’ Here the mind disappears altogether, and certain imaginary entities take its place … [102]Consciousness does not affirm that the mind creates space: It affirms that the mind cognizes it. It is not, then, a creation of the mind, a subjective state, as is held by Kant … [107] we know that duration is. Like space, it is neither a material nor a spiritual existence. It is not a creation of the mind or form of our cognitions, as is asserted by Kant and others―whatever that phrase may mean … [219] The absolute perfection of God is revealed to us.”
Joseph Alden, Elements of Intellectual Philosophy, New York, 1866, 29–102–107–219.

See finally: “[Hegel’s] legacy was quickly dispersed into … the service of orthodox Protestant theology.”
George Di Giovanni, “The New Spinozism,” The Edinburgh Critical History of Nineteenth–Century Philosophy, Alison Stone, editor and Howard Caygill and David Webb, general editors, Edinburgh, 2011, 27.

73. Charles Margrave Taylor, “La révolution futile ou les avatars de la pensée globale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 10: “Ce que j’appelle une pensée globaliste, c’est une pensée qui définit la réalité par rapport à un seul facteur, qui groupe non seulement l’ensemble mais une totalité de problèmes, tous les maux dont souffre un peuple, pour y trouver une seule et unique solution.” [Italics added]

74. Henry Silton Harris, “The Hegel Renaissance in the Anglo–Saxon World Since 1945,” The Owl of Minerva, 15.1(Fall, 1983): 78–84.

75. See: “The problem as to whether or not and to what extent Hegel succeeded in overcoming Kant’s ‘thing–in–itself’ is a separate question. At any rate, this was his aim. In a metaphysics of the Absolute Spirit, realities beyond the realm of knowledge, in so far as the ‘thing–in–itself’ represents such realities, cannot exist.”
Richard Hoenigswald, “Philosophy of Hegelianism,” Twentieth Century Philosophy: Living Schools of Thought, Dagobert David Runes, editor, New York, 1947, 270.

See finally: “Hegel’s presence in twentieth–century philosophy is overwhelming … Was Hegel too complicated, or too much of a Janus, to be understood in a non–unilateral, dialectical, rational way?”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, “Introduction,” Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy (Studies in German Idealism), Reinier Munk, series editor, Dordrecht, 2001, 1–49.

Chapter 6: Paul Martin, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines

1. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 18–19–61.

The twisted and demonic face of Paul Martin Junior and the Québécocracy is no Janus head, but the mask of smiles, the mask of frowns, and the poker–faced mask, which is the most dangerous mask of them all.

2. This writing is dedicated to the memory of the many Canadians and their families whose lives were wrecked under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who endured great suffering and hardship in the face of overwhelming opposition in their search for justice: May their struggles not be in vain.

The cause of Canada and the Canadian People is well–worth fighting for, as the highest sacrifices of our ancestors in all the battlefields of the earth prove, in the liberation of humanity from the chains of oppression and the yoke of barbarism in the 20th century, and which are the eternal witnesses of the glory of our great and almighty civilization in the heart of the American world.

The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is very important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical natureof the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovationof our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our beloved civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

3. See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, GOOGLE+ 2017.

4. Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 11.

See: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Remark: Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the historical division between old England and continental Europe, this is his version of the influential historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called modern liberalism and socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France. Wilfrid Laurier thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve modern society from revolution and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany.

Yet Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal itsconceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

5. Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Canadocentric Politics, Vancouver, 2016.

See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, The Canadocentric Polity, Vancouver, 2014.

6. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

Remark: Paul Martin Junior contradicts some of this in his memoirs: “I realized my position on the board was hopeless and that to stay any longer would be a betrayal of everything we had done at CDIC during my four–year tenure, so I resigned.” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 76.

See: “Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation(CDC) from 1981–1987.” Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Remark: Paul Martin Junior in his political memoirs devotes less than a half page to his “four–year tenure” at CDIC (Canadian Development and Investment Corporation), and he makes no mention of the Tainted–Blood Scandal and the Krever Commission Report. Considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, this is very surprising, and is the first indication a fortiori that Paul Martin Junior is hiding something. We shall soon discover exactly what this is: The easiest place to hide is always in plain sight.

See also: “Au moment du discours de Paul Martin sur la vaccination contre la polio, en 1956, la production du vaccin Salk est à la veille d’atteindre son maximum. Le laboratoire de virologie de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal est inauguré le 23 avril 1956, en présence de Paul Martin, du premier ministre du Québec, Maurice Duplessis, et du maire de Montréal, Jean Drapeau … Les gouvernements investissent d’importantes sommes dans la recherche et la production du vaccin Salk. La construction des laboratoires de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal coûte un million de dollars, dont 650 000 $ proviennent du gouvernement du Québec. L’Institut reçoit également 250 000 $ du gouvernement fédéral dans le cadre de l’entente fédérale–provinciale sur les subventions nationales à l’hygiène … Paul Martin accorde une subvention aux laboratoires Connaught en 1953. Il s’engage également auprès de Maurice Duplessis à payer les coûts de production du vaccin Salk, alors que le gouvernement du Québec absorbe les coûts du la construction de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène dirigé par Armand Frappier.”
Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

See finally: “ … Martin was an unshakable Grit, who inherited a strong Liberal partisan identity rooted in the reform traditions of the ‘clear grits’ of pre–Confederation Ontario. The nickname referred to the fine sand valued by Upper Canadian masons — ‘all sand sand no dirt, clear grit all the way through.’ It was echoed in the American ‘true grit,’ conveying pluck and determination. Martin embodied both meanings. He resolutely practiced a tolerant and civil politics that sought to unite Canadians in their shared struggle for a more just and equitable social order [Québécocentricism].”
Greg Donaghy, “Preface,” Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, Vancouver/Toronto, 2015, xiii–xiv.

Remark: Greg Donaghy’s Liberal hagiography, backed by famous sycophants of the Québec Regime, namely John English and company, is the result of not seeing Canada whole: Donaghy conveniently ignores and neglects Paul Martin’s longstanding and substantial political and economic links to the Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy in Ottawa. Greg Donaghy’s book is therefore based upon a partial view of Canada and Canadian history, as his slim bibliography, and gross omission of franco–Canadian and Québec sources, proves. This ignorance, of course, is not entirely the fault of the author, since the Government of Canada archives of the past half–century are mostly sealed: There are, however, abundant sources and studies on the Québécocracy available in the French language.

So–called history and biography, like that produced by Greg Donaghy, which does not inscribe Québécocrats like Paul Martin in the rise and fall of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are devoid of the conception of Québécocratic power, and therefore lack the notion of world historical scientivity. The reason for this omission is evident: The last Québécocrats in Ottawa are still working away destroying the remaining foundations of Québécocratic power, under the guidance of their delusions it is true. But these necessary illusions are not phantasies in themselves, but rather delusions in virtue of the mental flabbiness of the degenerate ruling classes in the face of Global American civilization: Their inability to perceive the whole is the result of their political and economic inferiority, their Machiavellism and Bonapartism, which is ultimately the basis of their self–destructive behavior.

They cannot perceive that the weakness of Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry places a much greater taxation burden upon South Central Ontario, which means that public debts must increase dramatically in the coming years: This means services must be cut as in 1995. This result entails the destruction of the last remnants of the soixante–huitard ruling class which brought the Québec Regime into power. In Canada the strife between Bonapartism (enshrined as Eurocracy) and American Idealism is passing–away. Americanism prevails.

7. See: “Former pediatric cardiac patients who had received multiple transfusions … 17 of the 1,783 children were infected with the AIDS virus.” André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy,Toronto, 1995, 152–153.

See: “Perhaps they [Paul Martin and company] had never heard about the RCMP investigation that resulted in Continental Pharma pleading guilty in 1980 for falsely labeling blood as coming from Swedish donors when it had actually been extracted from Russian cadavers.” Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 31

8. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

9. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

10. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

11. See: “Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 167.

Remark: Incidentally, in response to rabid Québécocentrics like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin Junior, themselves deeply infatuated at an early age with modern European irrationalism, we do well to ask: Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, was Canada really a federation or rather a pseudo–federation? Pseudo–federalism in Canada is politique fonctionelle, namely Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique (modèle Québécois), and is profoundly asymmetrical:The Lion’s Share of all federal employment, public works and infrastructure contracts, and equalization is pocketed by Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc. We must not forget to mention the many provincial, as well as federal, crown corporations controlled by Québec Régimers, that have invested over the decades the Lion’s Share of vast amounts of resources from the treasuries of English and French Canada in the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class: Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB), Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan (OTPP), Alberta Investment Management Corporation (AIMCo), British Columbia Investment Management Corporation (BCIMC).

Large profits from these schemes flow out of Canada because many of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class are located in Europe, far beyond the reach of Revenu Canada:

“The Public Sector Pension Investment Board picked London as its European hub and plans to spend as much as 4.6 billion pounds ($6 billion) in the region in the next five years. The fund, which manages the savings of the Canadian Armed Forces, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Reserves, plans to hire executives for its private–equity and private–debt business … London will remain the key financial center in the region despite bouts of uncertainty and volatility following the decision to leave the European Union, André Bourbonnais, president and chief executive officer at PSP, said in an interview … The fund continues to seek infrastructure investments.”
Sarah Jones, Ruth McGavin and Sarah Syed, “Canadian Fund With $6 Billion War Chest Picks London for EU Hub,” Bloomberg, 9 May 2017.

No doubt the Lion’s Share of the profits generated from these so–called “infrastructure investments” will line the pockets of Lafarge Holcim, and the cream will end up in Laurent Beaudoin’s bank accounts in Switzerland and the Tropics, far beyond the reach of Revenue Canada: Canadian pensioners will then fight over the crumbs from the feast. The Québec Régimers hide behind the language of the Industrial Revolution, in order to disguise their Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, in the same fashion as Wilfrid Laurier. These kindergarten tricks quickly evaporate in the face of Uncle Sam’s political and economic meat hook.

The sick and the elderly thus rot in the bread lines, soup kitchens and flop houses, otherwise they are shuffled into the bone yards, while Laurent Beaudoin and his family of Québec Régime parasites gorge themselves on caviar, champagne and filet mignon. These are the naked political and economic facts.

See: “We consider that the modèle Québécois is long gone: It really does not exist anymore.”
Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque et Yves Vaillancourt “Trois positions dans le débat sur le modèle québécois,” Nouvelles pratiques sociales, 122(1999): 1–10, 1: “Pour nous, ce modèle relève du passé: Il n’existe plus comme tel.”

Remark: The actions of the Trudeau Liberals and the New Québec Régime in Ottawa, with regards to the gift of nearly a half billion dollars from the Treasury of Canada, delivered to their biggest backers Laurent Beaudoin and Pierre Beaudoin and Bombardier proves the very opposite, namely that the modèle Québécois is not long gone and still exists, albeit in somewhat reduced size. This is also proof of the profound corruption of Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque and Yves Vaillancourt, as well as the Québec Intelligensia over the decades at the hands of Paul Desmarais.

Whosoever takes the most money from the Treasury of Canada has the most political and economic power: Laurent Beaudoin has taken more than $4–Billion from the treasury over the years, therefore Laurent has the most political and economic power: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds,”
Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

Whosoever has the most political and economic power in Canada rules over Ottawa. Therefore Laurent Beaudoin is the ruler of Canada. These are the naked political and economic facts: The New Québec Regime in Ottawa, after the death of Paul Desmarais, is a Bombardier ruling class.

Incidentally, the total amount must be substantially higher than $4–Billion because the exact amount of money is a very closely guarded secret in Ottawa: “Bombardier Inc. has gone to great lengths to suppress the release of information about the government funding it receives, heading to court 10 times in nine years, often citing competitive concerns … how that money was spent, and how or even if it was paid back is difficult to discern from the documents released. While Bombardier says the information must be withheld for competitive reasons, the company has made this argument far more frequently than its industry peers … Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans … because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions―and repayment of those contributions―met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced … The company said it is simply protecting its legal right to withhold information on competitive grounds … Bombardier’s legal strategy appears to be working, as it has successfully challenged several requests for information in the courts,”
Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

It does appear therefore, at first sight at least, that the newly created Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, under the influence of the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive make — work scheme for the Québec Inc, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes from South Central Ontario, since nearly half the population of Québec is so poor they pay no federal income tax: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”
David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

See: “According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”
Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

Remark: American federalism, which prevails in Washington, established by the Constitution of the United States of America, is profoundly symmetrical.Americans obviously consider that American democracy means the White House should not be occupied for a half–century by Presidents from (say) California. American federalism is rational political and economic order in the world of today. The opposite and antithetical position, which is political and economic sophistry, is the fountainhead of anti–Americanism in the world of today:

“French Canadian and English Canadian are both under the political and economic domination of the United States of America. We therefore both need each other, in order to escape from this despicable situation … We Canadians have only one true reason for sticking together, in order to work hard and to enrich ourselves from this wealthy country: Once Canadians really shoulder this great burden, then we will have a true ‘national purpose.’ Canada will then be in a position to negotiate with America, not as a satellite but as an equal power.” Jean Pellerin, “Coup d’oeil rapide sur une situation tragique: Les USA achètent le Canada avec notre propre argent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.68(juin–juillet, 1964): 8–20: “Les Canadiens français, tout comme les Canadiens anglais, sont tous deux soumis à la domination économico–politique des États–Unis. Ils ont tous les deux besoin l’un de l’autre s’ils veulent réellement échapper à la situation déshonorante dans laquelle ils se trouvent … Les Canadiens n’ont qu’un seul motif de vivre ensemble, et c’est de se serrer les coudes en vue de s’emparer à leur profit de ce pays extrêmement riche qui est le leur. Quand les Canadiens se seront réellement attelés à cette tâche gigantesque on pourra dire qu’ils ont un ‘national purpose.’ Ce jour là, le Canada pourra négocier, non comme un satellite, mais comme une puissance autonome avec les États–Unis.”

It goes without saying that anti–Americanism, in its various guises and disguises, is a very dangerous, pernicious and harmful ideology, especially in the Middle East, but also in South Central Asia.

Remark: In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a profoundly Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower.

12. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 33.

13. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

14. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 11.

15. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 35–35–41–48–50.

16. André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, Toronto, 1995, 158–159.

17. Ibidem, 36.

18. Ibidem, 9.

19. Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power,Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

The rejection of the Québéckocentric media in Canada is not a rejection of the Canadian media and journalism per se, but rather the rejection of media and journalism used for the purpose of political propaganda, disinformation and indoctrination at the hands of a criminal ruling class. Obviously politics is not immune to corruption: Mortal corruption however destroys the very foundations of civilization.

See: “Everything in Québec is so corrupt … everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec … I don’t know how to put all the pieces of this puzzle together … I just don’t know why Québec is so corrupt. Maybe you can tell me why we Québéckers are so corrupt?”
Senator André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

See finally: “Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”
Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

See: “La planification française se distingue de la planification faite ailleurs tant dans l’élaboration du plan lui–même que dans l’exécution. L’élaboration est une oeuvre collective à laquelle participent des milliers d’individus représentant tous les horizons économiques. La première étape est réalisée quand le Cabinet prend position sur les grandes lignes du plan, préalablement préparées par le Commissaire Général du Plan. À ce stade on s’entend par exemple sur un taux raisonnable de croissance pour une période de quatre ans. Par la suite le Commissariat se voit confier la tâche de détailler ces directives générales et de rédiger le plan dans sa forme définitive, après consultation avec les intéressés. Et c’est ici qu’intervient une des caractéristiques originales de la planification française. Le Commissariat en effet ne groupe en réalité qu’un nombre relativement restreint d’experts, mais il s’appuie dans son travail sur beaucoup de collaboration de l’extérieur. Celle–ci se manifeste de deux façons. Sur le plan technique, beaucoup de travaux spécifiques sont confiés à des services de toutes sortes et dans tous les domaines imaginables. Quant à la préparation immédiate du plan lui–même, la plus grande partie du travail est confiée aux Commissions dites de modernisation. Celles–ci, composées d’un nombre variable d’individus représentatifs des milieux gouvernementaux, patronaux et ouvriers, s’intéressent à un secteur particulier (e.g., main-d’oeuvre, transports, industrie chimique, investissements intellectuels, etc.) et remettent après étude un rapport qui sera ultérieurement intégré au plan. L’avantage de cette procédure c’est que le plan n’est pas uniquement le fruit des cogitations d’un groupe d’intellectuels plus ou moins détachés de la réalité, mais le résultat à la fois d’un travail d’expert, puisque très souvent les rapporteurs des commissions sont des chargés de mission rattachés au Commissariat du Plan,et d’une certaine discussion entre les intéressés qui seront éventuellement responsables de la mise à exécution du plan. Les objectifs particuliers détermines par les Commissions sont finalement acheminés vers une Commission des équilibres qui s’efforce d’en faire un ensemble cohérent et c’est le Commissariat lui–même qui est chargé de mettre la dernière main au texte final. Le plan sera ensuite discuté au Parlement et voté. Dans l’ordre des réalisations, une autre caractéristique du plan français, c’est qu’il n’est nullement impératif. Il convient ici de signaler une différence essentielle entre le secteur privé et le secteur public. Pour celui–ci en effet, le caractère contraignant du plan est plus marqué. Néanmoins, le passage du plan à l’action ne s’effectue pas directement par le seul fait qu’il y a eu vote du Parlement. Les divers services gouvernementaux en effet n’agissent qu’en vertu de lois–programmes, qui sont la concrétisation du plan lui–même, mais qui ne seront votées qu’après vérification de la disponibilité des ressources budgétaires …. Quant au secteur privé, il n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan. Il se trouve cependant que les objectifs proposés sont assortis de toute une série de stimulants qui incitent en quelque sorte les entreprises du secteur privé à se conformer bon gré mal gré. Dans l’ensemble, la politique française préfère les moyens positifs aux interdictions. Par exemple, en matière d’expansion industrielle, au lieu d’interdire l’établissement d’industries à tel ou tel endroit jugé non favorable (et exception faite de la région parisienne) on préfère aider les entreprises à s’établir dans les zones privilégiées. Il ne faudrait pas croire qu’aucune résistance ne se manifeste, mais on réussit très souvent à les vaincre par de simples efforts de persuation. Une multitude de comités conjoints jouent à ce titre un rôle de première importance … Au–dessus de toutes ces initiatives, on trouve un cerveau ordonnateur, qui esl le Commissariat au Plan, mais aussi, élément tout aussi indispensable, les capitaux, qui sont fournis par des entreprises d’État et particulièrement la Caisse Nationale des Dépôts et Consignations. Cette dernière société, qui réunit une bonne partie de l’épargne française, ne se contente pas de gérer ces fonds ‘en bon père de famille,’ mais intervient de façon extrêmement dynamique, grâce à cet énorme réservoir de capitaux, pour faciliter la mise en application du plan.”
Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Business interests which follow the directives of the Central Plan, controlled by the politicians (and their backers), are entitled to lucrative handouts from the treasury: “The private sector is in no way forced to follow the directives of the Central Plan … the Government of France prefers positive methods … we prefer to subsidize our business enterprises.”
Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 12: “[Le secteur privé] n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan … la politique française préfère les moyens positifs … on préfère aider les entreprises.”

And the “directives” of the Central Plan? Obviously, since they get all the grease, they are forged in a way that benefits the politicians in power and their backers: Therefore not all business interests can benefit from the Central Plan. What is this but a recipe for political corruption on a total financial, commercial and industrial scale? The Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in the arena of politics and economics, namely, Bonapartisme, is therefore not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, the world historical foundations of the Industrial revolution: Modern freedom is not Global freedom. This is the greatest secret of the 20th century: The Doctrine of the Concept is the inescapable lesson of history.

See: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy.”
Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 19.

The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics.” (Ibidem, 18)

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”

20. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

21. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soliel et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaines de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaines, et une seule chaine en possède 70%.”

22. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

23. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55.

24. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

25. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 57–59–59.

26. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55–57.

27. Ibidem, 60.

28. Ibidem, 61.

29. Ibidem, 130.

30. Ibidem, 322–323.

Appendix: Robin Philpot’s “The Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais”

1. Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, editor and translator, The Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais, By Robin Philpot, second edition, GOOGLE+ 2017.

That Robin Philpot has advanced anti–federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Empire of Desmarais and Québec Régime in Ottawa 1968–2006, is no proof that Paul Desmarais [DAY ma ray] was not “the most corrupt businessman in Canada, and the biggest crook in Canadian history.” That Robin Philpot is not a very good political philosopher does not therefore entail that he is an equally bad Québec Régime historian: Robin Philpot, Richard Le Hir and Dave Greber are important Québec Régime historiographers like Peter Charles Newman and Conrad Black, insofar as they have discovered the road to a much higher conception of Canada and the Canadian people in world history.

2. “Les éloges à l’endroit de Paul Desmarais convergent sur ce que l’homme d’affaires aurait donné au Québec. Mais peu s’attardent sur ce que le Québec et son État ont donné à M. Desmarais. Il y a une réponse courte à cette question: Tout!”
Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

4. “Les Canadiens français qui se sentent menacés se sont toujours tournés vers le Québec … Cela fait partie de leur conscience et cela fait partie de la mienne.”
Paul Desmarais in Robin Philpot, Ibidem.

See: “Exploitons à fond la Confédération … the confederation pact must not be allowed to continue on its present path, else it will be in danger of compromising its existence.”
Jean Lesage, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, Québec, 1962, 169–180.

See: “Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”
Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, By Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112

5. See: “No businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.”
Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two-party state: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

See: “Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one … One of Desmarais’ favorite collectibles is Pierre Trudeau, who remains on Power Corp.’s international advisory board … plans for Trudeau’s candidacy had first been hatched in early 1968 at the offices of Power Corporation, at Friday–night meetings presided over by then–Power vice–president Claude Frenette. In August of that year, two months after Trudeau swept the country, the new PM flew to visit Desmarais at Murray Bay.”
Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, Viking Canada, 1998, 164–189, 166–172–172.

See also: “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”
Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, Garamond Press, 2000, 131–132.

See also: “[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … [Jean Chrétien] cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, Viking, 1995, 389.

See finally: “Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporationof Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president … Paul Martin will be the fourth politician this Québec billionaire has groomed for or financially assisted into being prime minister.”
Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003, 11.

6. New Canadian establishmentarian analyses avoid Robin Philpot’s point altogether: Writers like Peter Charles Newman and Diane Francis were never in possession of the exact historiographical and world historical conception of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, 1968–2006, when Canada was ruled by Québec Régimers for nearly a half century, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner.

See: “Becoming PM on June 30, Turner dissolved parliament on July 9.”
Robert Bothwell, “John Napier Turner,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 3, 1st edition, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 1860.

See finally: “John Napier Turner served as prime minister of Canada for 2½ months in 1984.”
Christina McCall, “John Napier Turner,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 19, Chicago, 1992, 516.

7. Paul Desmarais: “Je ne trouve rien que j’ai commencé … commencer à zéro, c’est trop lent pour moi.”

8. See: “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”
Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 13–14.

See also: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”
Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

9. See: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montreal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspesien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138.

See finally: “The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.”
Jules Bélanger, Ibidem, 166–167.

10. See: “Robin Philpot’s charge against Paul Desmarais is straightforward: The vast fortune Desmarais accumulated over the years could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in politics: ‘All the Premiers of Québec and Prime Ministers of Canada, since the time of Maurice Duplessis … used to eat from his hand.’ In other words, Paul Desmarais was a big crook. The political and economic inclinations of Robin Philpot are not here in question. The historical issue at hand is whether or not Paul Desmarais was an extremely corrupt businessman, and therefore an evil person. Robin Philpot advances a number of instances in support of his historical argument: Unless these examples of Desmarais’ legacy are demonstrably false, the argument of Philpot stands, and the conclusion is therefore irresistible. The political and economic consequences of Philpot’s argument are of great interest with regards to the historical development of the rational conception of Canada and its actualisation in the world of today: By far, the Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Power Corporation was the main backer of the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006.”
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Robin Philpot’s Argument and the Legacy of Paul Desmarais, Archive.org, 2016, 12–14.

See: “No North American city was as profoundly affected by Third World theory as Montreal. Beginning in the late 1950s and early 1960s, dissident writers in Montreal adapted the ideas of Franz Fanon, Aimé Césaire, Jacques Berque, Albert Memmi, and others, to develop a movement proposing that Quebec join with the nations of the Third World in forming, in Benita Parry’s words, ‘different social imaginaries and alternative rationalities’ … [4] throughout the 1960s, the vast majority of local activists drew on [French] anti–colonial theory to imagine Quebec as a colony and Montreal as a colonial city … It gained intellectual grounding in journals, conferences, consciousness–raising groups, and in the educational programs of radicalizing labour organizations. It was fed intellectually and politically by a movement that spanned the globe, and it imagined itself as part of this larger global movement.”
Sean Mills, The Empire Within: Postcolonial Thought and Political Activism in Sixties Montreal, Kingston & Montréal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2010, 3–4.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2008, 48.

See also: “We Québéckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”
Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, Les Éditions Michel Brûlé, 2012, 16.

See finally: “[President Sarkozy] awarded Desmarais the Grand Croix de la Legion d’Honneur, an order of merit established by Napoléon in 1802.”
Lisa Kassenaar, “Buffett Loses to Desmarais as Power Exceeds Return,” Bloomberg Business, 29 July 2009.

11. See: “In order to better align ourselves with France, imagine for a moment that in Canada we had established a central government and that the provinces no longer had any power or freedom of taxation whatsoever. Imagine also that, among other things, the Royal Bank of Canada, the Bank of Montréal, the Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce were all nationalized, along with General Motors. Imagine also that nearly all sources of energy belonged to the government, as well as all the railroads and the telephone networks and telecommunications systems. And don’t forget to include all small financial institutions: The Sun Life, for example. Do you really think that we can organize and coordinate our credit and financial institutions, as well as our public expenses and political investments, as they are today!”
Jacques Parizeau, “Insaisissable Planification,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série,13.57(mai, 1963): 5–6.

Today the last remnants of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais have abandoned, for the most part, their early French–Canadian nationalist and French chauvinist supporters: They are now, in old age, a very expensive burden, and they want to escape from government taxation and the ever–rising costs of services. The New Québec Regime wants the ethnic votes, especially in Vancouver, Toronto and Montreal: That is where the $Billions in new federal infrastructure will flow, since upwards of 35 per cent of the contracts end–up in the hands of organized crime (Charbonneau Commissionfindings), and then the juiciest cut gets kicked–back into the pockets and overseas accounts of the criminal ruling class.

12. See: “French Canadians have not been able to think of the long–term in business because they’ve had no economic power. That is what must change.”
Paul Desmarais in Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario,Kingston/Montreal, 1982, 161.

Paul Desmarais’ conception of “economic power” is very special, and involves mostly himself and his close relatives like Jean Chrétien, and his very intimate friends like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, and Paul Martin. Desmarais’ conception of “economic power” ignores the exact historiographical and world historical conception of the American world, as does the Québec Regime myth of Maurice Duplessis, the Roman Catholic Church and the Great Darkness (la grande noirceur), as disseminated by Cité Libre, the propaganda arm of the Quebec Regime.

See finally: “Until recently in Québec, the two language groups functioned according to a tacit understanding: The English ran business and the French controlled government and culture.”
Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Ibidem, 159.

Exact historiography and world history tells a very different tale: In Québec, as well as in Canada, both anglophones and francophones ran, and still run, business, government and culture. Moreover, the American Hegelian distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes does not correspond with the historical division between anglophones and francophones in the American world.

13. See: “In the Canadian Establishment, the Pope of Canadian political and business journalism, Peter Charles Newman, devoted some 60 pages to Paul Desmarais. But not without trouble. Although Newman is considered by many as the official historian of the Canadian business elite, just before the publication in 1975 of his book on the Canadian Establishment, he was challenged in court by Paul Desmarais who, according to The Gazette, ‘did not like the things that Newman wrote concerning Desmarais’ treatment of some minority shareholders of his holding company.’ Desmarais then hired the Toronto lawyer J.J. Robinette and sought to obtain an injunction aimed at blocking the publication of the book. The two sources cited by Newman, governors of the Bourse de Montréal, then got cold–feet (pris le bois) and the editor, McClelland and Stewart, one of the largest publishing houses in Canada, was forced to cover over the unfortunate paragraph with a sticker in each one of the 75,000 copies. In another book of his, Newman slavishly [albeit truthfully] wrote a chapter on Desmarais which he entitled ‘King Paul.’”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 11–12.

14. La Caisse de dépots et de placements du Québec (CDPQ): Quebec Pension Plan. For the next 30 odd years, something like fourteen cents of every dollar spent on the BC SkyTrain goes to Québec: British Columbians did not build the SkyTrain. The Lion’s share of the infrastructure cash ended–up in the pockets of SNC–Lavalin (builders of Qaddafi’s torture chambers and extermination centers), Bombardier Corporation (biggest corporate welfare bum in Canadian history) and the Québec Pension Plan (under the thumb of Power Corporation). Under the Québécocentric BC Liberal Party and New Democratic Party governments as the Québec Regime in Victoria (namely, Michel Fournier and his friends), British Columbians crept–up to the table after the party was over, and they were left with nothing but the crumbs, and a public debt which every year consumes an unhealthy portion of their incomes in provincial taxes.

15. The “Red Tory” connexions to Paul Desmarais’ so–called conservatisme is evidenced in his strong support over the years of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Party, as well as his strong support over the years of federalisme asymetrique (of which he was a great beneficiary). Desmarais was also one of the most powerful backers of the Liberal Party of Canada under Pierre–Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The “French Canadian conservatism” of Paul Desmarais is therefore most certainly at odds with the American conservative legacy of Ronald Reagan:

“[Brian Mulroney] said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”
Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

See: “Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui–ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

See also: “I am not the least bit critical of the Desmarais family for being rational actors in a free marketplace and pursuing their advantage … Power Corporation seems to have a particularly unique influence over Canadian foreign policy.”
Jason Kenney in Kevin Steel, “How Montreal’s Power Corporation Found Itself Caught Up in the Biggest Fiasco in UN History,” The Western Standard, 5 March 2005: “The fact that sustaining Saddam directly could have potentially benefited a family connected to so many Canadian mandarins and politicians―and married into the family of the prime minister―led some Canadians to raise questions about the motivations behind the Liberal Party’s decision to refuse to support the invasion of Iraq and Saddam’s ouster. When Chrétien announced that decision in early 2003, Opposition foreign affairs critic Stockwell Day asked in the House of Commons, ‘I do not fault the prime minister’s family ties with his nephew [Raymond Chrétien], our ambassador to France or with Paul Desmarais Sr., who is the largest individual shareholder of France’s largest corporation, TotalFina Elf, which has billions of dollars of contracts with Saddam’s former regime. With this valuable source of information and experience at his fingertips, has the prime minister ever discussed Iraq or France with his family or friends in the Desmarais empire?’”

See also: “[Mulroney] chafed at serving those who had defeated him at party conventions. He refused to run for Parliament, he grumbled in the backrooms, and he kept his friends around him, ready to make another attempt for power if and when the new leader [Joe Clark] faltered … For all his pious pronouncements, Mulroney had demonstrated from the start of the regime that old–style patronage remained a critical component of his politics, and Canadians soon realized that the revolution of September 4, 1984, had merely substituted one set of faces for another on the government’s Jetstars and in luxury hotels in New York and Paris.”
David Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 2–303.

See also: “In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered―and last month won―the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But―again―the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration.’”
Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.

See also: “The house of Brian Mulroney in Westmount has recently been sold. The residence was bought by Paul Desmarais Junior’s son … Paul Desmarais III has been the chief executive officer of Power Corporation Financial since 2014. Educated at Harvard University, he worked at Goldman Sachs in New York … Paul Desmarais III was named a board member of the Montreal Museum of Contemporary Art in March 2015 by the Council of Ministers in Québec.”
Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.

See finally: “Senior members of the major political parties are integrated into an intricate corporate web dominated by Paul Desmarais, owner of Power Corporation.”
Robert A. Hackett, Richard Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, Garamond Press, 2000, 131–132.

16. See: “Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal and rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepard, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … the whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and the president of the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec (the Québec Pension Plan), Michael Sabia, were seen together as two love birds in a gilded–cage, at the palatial Manoir Desmarais, on the vast and luxurious estate of Sagard in the Saguenay: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of his diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials and institutions of government, had all become prostitutes of the whoredom of Desmarais.”
Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession tranquille, Saint Denis, Montréal, Les Éditions Michel Brûlé, 2012, 13.

See also: “Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”
Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

See also: “During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec,(CDPQ), namely, the Québec Pension Plan, we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan: Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not these wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”
Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14.

See also: “How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”
Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1985, back cover.

See finally: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, Fides, 1996, 138–166.

17. In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become merely relative, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history: The old political and economic conception of Canada is therefore undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Régime therefore signalizes the end of modern European raison d’état in Canada,―in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Paul Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is also overcome …

See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, revised edition, Archive.org, 21 March 2016, 18–20.

©2016–2017–2018 Christopher Richard Wade Dettling. Québécocracy: Empire of Paul Desmarais (Special Edition). All rights reserved. This work is only for MEDIUM and the MEDIUM CORPORATION and its users: Users are not permitted to mount this writing on any network servers. No part of this writing may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the author, except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web.

We wish to thank our benefactors over the years for their goodwill: Humanity benefits greatly from the rise of Americanism in the world.

QUÉBÉCOCRACY: EMPIRE OF PAUL DESMARAIS (SPECIAL EDITION): ENDNOTES

Written by AMERICAN IDEALISM