QUÉBÉCOCRACY: WORLD HISTORY AND CANADIAN POLITY

AMERICAN IDEALISM
96 min readSep 8, 2018

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2018)

PREFACE

We hereby present to the public some of our writings on the Québécocracy, — a vanishing phase of world history in Canada. Indeed, the Hydro–Québec (hydraulic) ruling class disposed of the old British imperialist régimes in French and English Canada. Alas, the political and economic instrumentalities with which the Québécocracy eliminated British imperialism in Canada were themselves borrowed from European modernity in the form of Bonapartism (dirigisme), — namely autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher, 1865–1940). Once the groundworks of modern European raison d’État are destroyed in Canada, the very foundations of the Québécocracy dissolve along with the world historical efficacy of the political and economic institutions of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Canada is thus repositioned in natural alignment with Americanism: This at least is the rational verdict of exact historiography and world history.

At the turn of the century, I left Simon Fraser University for Eastern Canada, and a new adventure of ideas. After having passed some 13 very hard years in Montréal, where I studied philosophy and the classics at Concordia University, and the humanities at Thomas More Institute, and after having studied philosophy at the McLennan–Redpath Library of McGill University for more than a decade, I have decided to share some of my book learning with the public.

This essay on the Québécocracy of Paul Guy Desmarais (DAY maw ray) is a very good start: The subject matter deals with a very thorny problem in Canadian political science, namely, the fiendishly diabolical question, What exactly is going on in Ottawa? The traditional answer advocated by our Kantian luminaries, under the modern European spell of Taylor, ✝Klibansky and Bunge, is that our conception of the Canadian polity essentially depends upon our birthplace: Every region has its own peculiar brand of Canadianism, all of which overlap to some degree of family resemblance. But then, dear reader, our conception of Canada in light of the diamond purity of Hegelianism, is no longer a conception, because conceptual thought in the world of today is not mere opinion. As this essay proves, in contradistinction to modern European irrationalism in Canada (Charles Margrave Taylor, ✝Henry Silton Harris, George Di Giovanni and John W. Burbidge), the political and economic philosophy of American Idealism maintains the very opposite position, as the Canadocentric Polity and the rise of the Canadosphere which is conceptualized in universal history under the comprehensive notion of Americanism, — as the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world.

The aim of this essay is therefore the advancement of the American Idealistic philosophy in Canada, the fountainhead of rational political and economic order in the world of today. From out of the almighty clash between reason and unreason in universal history, in the strife between Descartes, Spinoza, Berkeley and Hegel on the one side, and Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant on the other, comes forth the modern struggle between Western civilization and barbarism: From out of old Europe arises the New World in universal history. From out of the womb of the twentieth century world, therefore arise the rational foundations of Global civilization. In the vortex of these overpowering ideas mere mortals are uplifted and swept–along as upon a storm tossed sea: European modernity is hurled upon the rocks of unreason and explodes in a firestorm of irrationalism. Humanity is not undone in the rise of Americanism: In the violence and terror of the past hundred years, the Great American Idealists arose to confront the disease of modern barbarism in the blood–drenched struggle between Western civilization and Oriental despotism (Montesquieu: despotisme Asiatique). These almighty American Idealists, the flower of their generation, were sacrificed upon the altar of universal history, — their blessed remains repose in every corner of the world. They knew only one law, these shining stars in the firmament of American Ideals: Never to turn their backs upon America, never to abandon the American people, never to abandon the American dream. Nothing was ever beyond their grasp! American Liberty is the flesh and blood of world civilization. Rational political and economic order is therefore the project of today, forged in the flames of universal history: In the firestorm of world ideas, American Idealism is born again.

The four literary and historical portraits of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin are therefore intended merely to outline and highlight the fertile ground of Canadian political and economic history under the comprehensive form of Americanism, as the world spirit of Globalism (Western civilization), — a magnificent task which awaits the rising generation of Canadians in the world of today.

We sincerely hope that our readers grasp the inner and immanent thread which unites these four portraits as an historical moment in the rise of Americanism, in the clash between English and French Canada, as the world spirit of Globalism, and therefore sympathize with our intention in publishing these almighty American ideas: The rational conception of Canada.

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, 2018

INTRODUCTION: AMERICANISM & THE NEW HEGELIAN ORTHODOXY

Turn your backs upon method: Gangrene is never cured with Lavender water. Hegel¹

The supremacy of the American world and the birth of Global rational political and economic order is the handiwork of the twenty–first century, and is now well under way: Globalism is therefore world civilization, the ultimate phase of which is therefore Americanism.

The mortal enemies of the American world do not accept this verdict of exact historiography and universal history: Even today they fight tooth–and–nail against the floodtide of American political and economic rationality in the world. The mortal enemies of Americanism are therefore the destroyers of the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world:

“The Kantian philosophy thus serves as a cushion for intellectual indolence which soothes itself with the conviction that everything is already proved and settled.”²

We know the results of twentieth century political and economic irrationalism in the disintegration of modernity and its inferior ruling classes: “Kant’s philosophy is a high one … the march of God in the world, that is what the state is.”³ The world historical ground of modernity is thus utterly swept–away in the rise of Globalism and the superior ruling class.

Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe, especially that of the twentieth century:

“If Hegel … had been led to talk more about social needs and less about Absolute Knowledge, Western philosophy might … have saved itself a century of nervous shuffles.”

Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European raison d’État. One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism.

“[Hegel] was a thoroughly anti–critical, anti–revolutionary philosopher … Hegel’s teaching had been taken up by the Left in a one–sided and abstract way; and the great majority of people always prefer what one can become fanatical about, and this is never anything but what is abstract.”

The great ship of modernity is sinking and the irrationalists are going down …

In the twentieth century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history.¹⁰ From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?

“All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”¹¹

Thus, the world does not exist, according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion.¹² Locke’s irrationalism proved deadly in the arena of modern European politics and economics, especially in the twentieth century:

“Nothing in the world is eternal,” says Joseph Stalin, “everything in the world is transient and mutable; nature changes, society changes, habits and customs change, conceptions of justice change, truth itself changes … our conceptions, our ‘self,’ exist only in so far as external conditions exist that give rise to impressions in our ‘self.’”¹³

Leibniz, Hume, and Kant as well as their schools are guilty of the selfsame sophistry: “Hegel’s spirit was sufficiently broad to contain, among its disciples, the most various and even contradictory tendencies. He was great, on the one hand by his metaphysical results, on the other by his logical method; on the one hand as the crown of dogmatic philosophy, on the other as the founder of the dialectic, with its then revolutionary doctrine of historical development. Both these aspects of Hegel’s work revolutionized thought, but in their practical bearing they diverged widely. While the practical tendency of his metaphysics was, and is, to glorify existing institutions, to see in Church and State the objective embodiment of the Absolute Idea, his dialectic method tended to exhibit no proposition as unqualified truth, no state of things as final perfection … to Hegel, the reality of the world is only thought, the logical development of thought, from the simplest to the most complex forms, must reproduce itself in the historical development of things. The validity of this view we need not here examine; it is sufficient to point out that [5] Hegel, in his ‘Philosophy of History,’ endeavored to exhibit the actual course of the world as following the same necessary chain of development which, as it exists in thought, forms the subject of his logic. In this development, everything implies, and even tends to become, its opposite, as son implies father; the development of the world therefore proceeds by action and reaction, or, in technical language, by thesis and antithesis, and these become reconciled in a higher unity, the synthesis of both … we might live to see another French Revolution, perhaps even more glorious than the first, leaving Social Democracy to try one of the greatest and most crucial experiments in political history.”¹⁴

We might live to see another French Revolution, perhaps even more glorious than the first: “To Hegel, the life process of the human brain is the demiurgos of the real world, and the real world is only the external, phenomenal form of ‘the Idea’ … it [the Hegelian Dialectic] includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it [the Hegelian Dialectic] regards every historically–developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it [the Hegelian Dialectic] lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.”¹⁴

The rational dialectic of Hegel is in its essence critical and revolutionary? “The philosophy of Hegel is the algebra of revolution, it emancipates man to an extraordinary degree and leaves not a stone standing of the Christian world, of the world of outlived tradition.”¹⁵ Indeed, the two–headed beast of American irrationalism, the satanic creature of Chomskyism and Rortyism, leaves a path of intellectual destruction in its wake as it crawls on its crocodile–like paws, Russell, Wittgenstein, and Carnap on the one side, with Gödel, Tarski, and Popper on the other, while its filth encrusted Quinean and Kripkean tail slithers along behind.¹⁶

These modern European gentlemen, and they were not alone, reasoned about a part of the rational world, under the delusion that it is the whole of rationality, and thus they did not reason about the world at all: “When I hear the name ‘Hitler,’ I do feel it’s sort of analytic that the man was evil. But really, probably not. Hitler might have spent all his days in quiet in Linz … I say that a designator is rigid, and designates the same thing in all possible worlds.”¹⁷

Thus they became the victims of their own folly: Thus they fell prey to far greater reasoners. Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate logical and linguistic reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “The ultimate ground of logic is the realm of truth without veil, the system of pure reason and the world of pure thought.”¹⁸

Destroyer of language and logic, grandiose corrupter of the American Spirit, the political and economic diabolism of Chomskyism and Rortyism is thus forever banned from the Sacred Halls of Americanism: “Thou Shall Not Pass Here,” is inscribed upon the uppermost chambers of American raison d’État.¹⁹

“The United States … imposes intolerable regimes on Asian, Latin American, and Middle East countries, and economically exploits the great majority of mankind who live at below–subsistence level to support American profit … The American government pursues a policy of genocide.”²⁰

Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate political and economic reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “The concrete Ideas, the minds of the nations, have their truth and their destiny in the concrete Idea which is absolute universality, i.e., in the world mind … as mind, it is nothing but its active movement towards absolute knowledge of itself.”²¹

All decline and decay in American civilization is therefore irrationalism: “Catholicism is the oldest and greatest totalitarian movement in history,” babbles Sidney Hook, “other totalitarian movements have borrowed from it … [Christianity] can never be applied.”²² All that is therefore mortally corrupt in America bears the rotten hallmark of modern irrationalism:

“If they do it it’s terrorism, if we do it it’s counter–terrorism. That’s an historical universal: Go back to Nazi propaganda the most extreme mass murders ever. If you look at Nazi propaganda, it’s exactly what they said: They said they are defending the populations and the legitimate governments of Europe like Vichy from the terrorist partisans who are directed from London, that’s the basic propaganda line … We did it therefore it’s a just cause: You can read that in the Nazi archives too.”²³

“It is not mere chance that the greatest philosopher of experimental empiricism — John Dewey — is also the greatest philosopher of democracy.”²⁴ Long ago, therefore, the Idealistic Spirit of a youthful and vibrant America in the firmament of great civilizations, was utterly debased by the sophistry of American philosophical irrationalism: It is the selfsame decadence that destroyed Old Europe in a firestorm of unreason, in the so–called modern democracies of liberalism, republicanism, nationalism, socialism and communism, — in the power of the people and tyranny of the masses as the dictatorship of the Proletariat, in the contagion of the modern European political and economic satanism of the twentieth century:

“Logic, in the Hegelian use, is just that criterion of truth which we thought at first to find in Kant’s transcendental Logic … [Hegel] offers us Reason affirmative and negative, and affirmative only in and through its own negations.”²⁵

The New World is the greatest civilization in history because American Idealism is the Spirit of Americanism: American Idealism is the philosophy of Western civilization in the present age, the Spirit of rational political and economic order in the world: Roosevelt was a cripple; he was a physical weakling; he was a man with no legs; but his profound genius, his unswerving devotion to the cause of America, uplifted the American civilization to the heights of world power. Joseph Stalin, on the other hand, the man of steel, was a brawler, a thug, a hardened criminal and a cold–hearted killer: Stalin and Hitler sealed the fate of Europe and unleashed a floodtide of satanism that engulfed half the earth in a firestorm of unreason. The spiritual development of American civilization is the political and economic progress of humanity in the world, the result of the systematic and ruthless destruction of barbarism: This is also the ultimate verdict of the exact historiography and history of Westernism in the twentieth century. Certainly, it is not the case the realm of ultimate reality is unintelligible and that something unknowable exists: “What is rational is actual, and what is actual is rational.”²⁶

The disintegration of modern European civilization in a floodtide of irrationalism, culminating in the collapse of Old Europe and the political and economic satanism of the twentieth century, has absolutely nothing to do with the true and real spirit of science and technology in the world of today. It is rather the sophistry of the modern irrationalists: Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant.²⁷ “What other movement can hold up a positive ideal of equality in freedom which can simultaneously give hope to millions and shake the ideological foundations of totalitarianism?”²⁸ From whence comes this contagion of modern political and economic unreason?

The clash between East versus West unleashed the plague of irrationalism and the spiritual degeneration of modern Europe in the warfare of civilization versus barbarism, which is therefore also the titanic struggle between reason and unreason in the world: “Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude of these minds, and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement.’”²⁹

In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become merely relative, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of the Absolute in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006.³⁰ Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Regime therefore signalizes the end of modern European Raison d’État in Canada, — in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation.³¹ The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the twentieth century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome …

The aggrandizement of the Western Spirit in the Global rational political and economic order of American civilisation and the abolition of barbarism in the world is therefore the true and real spiritual power of the sciences, philosophy and history, as well as religion, literature and the arts.

The Idea of America and the rational distinction between Americanism and anti–Americanism in the world of today is therefore the result of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in the political and economic arena of twentieth century world history: “Of all the disciplines, the study of the folly and achievements of man is best calculated to help develop the critical sense of what is permanent and meaningful amid the mass of superficial and transient events and decisions which engulf the presidency.”³²

The separation of the wheat from the chaff is therefore the work of the greatest American Idealists: Wilson, Roosevelt, Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, Carter, Reagan, Bush the Elder, Clinton, Bush the Younger, Obama and Trump, to name but a few…

Americanism is therefore the spiritual journey of humanity in the world historical realm of rational political and economic order: Globalism is thus the end of world history and the birth of Cosmism. This is the ultimate secret of Americanism in the world of today.³³

American Idealists of the earth unite under the banner of Americanism in the world!

European modernity is undone in the rise of Americanism

CHAPTER ONE: WORLD HISTORY AND CANADIAN POLITY

In world history the political and economic germs of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are found in the decline of the British Empire, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism (American Liberty as the beacon of world civilization, i.e., Americanism), and not merely in the globalization of the earth. Economic globalization concerns every country on earth, while the supremacy of Globalism involves the rise of Western civilization in the world of today. The selfsame political and economic movement of Globalism, in various forms and degrees of intensity, in the clash with European modernity, is found in all twentieth century world history:

“In our destruction of institutions and ways of thinking, we create the ability to transcend them: This is the basis of our movement. We want to constantly overthrow everything around us, to create a Utopia in the existing world.”¹

In Canadian political and economic history, the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism is named the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — the Québécocracy: From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.²

1 — Who Murdered Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson?

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais comes from out of the government of Louis Saint Laurent³ crushed under the hammer blows of John Diefenbaker and Westernism: From out of the struggles for power in Québec between the followers of Louis Saint Laurent and Maurice Duplessis.

With the Liberals out of power in Ottawa, the creatures of Louis Saint Laurent are out of work and prospects: They set their sights upon Québec and Maurice Duplessis. In the war against the Triple Alliance they are assisted by the federal Liberal opposition in their endeavors to destroy the Union nationale: According to their schemes, the road back to Ottawa leads through Québec with the destruction of Franco–Canadian conservatism.

After the sudden deaths of Premier Maurice Duplessis and Premier Paul Sauvé, the Union nationale is struck down in 1960 by the Jean Lesage Liberals. Now the road is open for the return of Liberalism in Ottawa under Pearson: John Diefenbaker is defeated in 1963 under the blows of the Pearson–Lesage combine, and Mike takes power. But the Union nationale is not very easily destroyed in Québec after so many years in office, which means Mike’s hold on power is weak and rests upon uncertain foundations: A strong and resurgent conservatism under Robarts and Johnson could still end the half century Liberal stranglehold upon Ottawa.

With the sudden death of Premier Daniel Johnson (the elder) the stage is set for the demise of Franco–Canadian conservatism in the rise of the Parti Québécois and the anti–federalist movement: Jean Chrétien and René Lévesque have arrived upon the scene:

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”

The seeds are sowed: Rational political and economic order in Canada is undone. Nearly a half century will pass before Canada rises once again upon the seat of rational political and economic order under PM Stephen Harper. Québec will be deeply divided into federalist and anti–federalist camps, and the Canadian economy will be gutted. Henceforth the vote will be split in half, which is the true and real basis upon which rests the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles, — namely in the retardation of the integration between Toronto and Montréal.

“We really are sick and tired of our Nigger Kings: I wonder if we could borrow a Sultan or Colonel from the Arabs.” Thus, as their Gaullist counterparts in the Francophonie and Communauté, with their modern European opposition between monarchism and republicanism, resultant from the world historical clash between the Industrial and French Revolutions, the rulers of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and their families are enriched beyond their wildest dreams. But the outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right is not the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America: Modern right is not Global freedom.

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the arena of politics and economics is deeply rooted among Franco–Canadians like Pierre–Basile Mignault: “Nations are individuals: I will always uphold this analogy.” From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”¹⁰ Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion.¹¹ The French revolution unleashed upon European politics and economics this sophistical distemper of the philosophes,¹² and brought to prominence the modern unreason of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke:

“The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoléon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoléon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”¹³

The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself? “Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”¹⁴

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European raison d’État:

“France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and glorious achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”¹⁵

Shall we forget to mention the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man,” exactly like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Paul Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”¹⁶

We shall see where these “new ways” of political and economic power lead Paul Desmarais and the Québec Regime, just as the revolutionary power of Napoléon Bonaparte destroyed the Ancien Régime of feudal France: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles. From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.

2 — Crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006

The entire list of the monstrous crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian people: Only by the rational insight of the world historical necessity of such a political and economic recovery, will our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

The following is therefore an outline which highlights some of the crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais over the years. The mortal corruption of the Québécocracy involves political and economic crimes, which are not covered under the Criminal Code of Canada, because legalized theft is the modus operandi of criminal ruling classes, — also known as Kleptocracies. The puppets of the Québécocracy in the provincial legislatures will no doubt justify their criminality, and focus on the financial, commercial and industrial achievements of the Québécocracy: Indeed, in their destruction of finance, commerce and industry in Canada, the Québécocracy often replaced what they destroyed. But the replaced finance, commerce and industry was nearly always controlled by the Québécocrats, and their business practices borrowed from Gaullist France, namely the political and economic conditions of very low–growth, which is stagnation in face of the rational political economy of Americanism, and which therefore results in political and economic decline and decay: The Québécocracy replaced the finance, commerce and industry of the British imperialist élites in English and French Canada with the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc.

2.1 —Québec Regime Crimes Against Canada

Québec AntiFederalism

The Québécocracy used anti–federalism, which big and small Québécocrats name as souveraineté, separatisme, indépendence, nationalisme, even démocratie (“dirigisme,” autocracy founded upon popular consent) and held referendums, which greatly increased the political and economic power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and which in turn greatly enriched the finance, commerce and industry of the Québec Inc., but also greatly impoverished a great many Canadians and Québéckers: The Québécocracy was greatly assisted in this endeavour by the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, and the puppets of the Québécocracy on the Supreme Court of Canada, which holds Canada in check, but on critical issues, they give very special passes to the Québécocracy, — which never signed the constitution of Canada. When the provinces outside Québec tried to resist the criminal encroachments (politique fonctionnelle) of the Québécocracy in their political economy over the years, the Supreme Court of Canada and the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution (Notwithstanding Clause) were used by the Québec Regime in Ottawa, and the puppets of the Québécocracy in the provinces, to uphold the interests of the Québec Inc.

From the destruction of the Triple Alliance between Western Canada, Ontario and Québec (the political and economic system which first uplifted the embryonic Canadocentric Polity of the Diefenbaker conservatives, which was destroyed by the downfall of Franco–Canadian conservatism), comes the collapse of the Union nationale which resulted from the sudden deaths of Premiers Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, — in the rise of Jean Lesage, and then the Parti Québécois: From the destruction of the embryonic Canadocentric Polity, in the name of Gaullism and Bonapartism, in the elimination of the British imperialist élites of English and French Canada, comes the contagion of modern European political and economic irrationalism of the Québécocracy in the last half of the 20th century. Therefore, from the political and economic division of Western and Eastern Canada, which results in regionalism, in the division and alienation of the erstwhile English Canada of British imperialism from the Western and Atlantic provinces, and from the control of Queen’s Park by the puppets of the Québécocracy, comes the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of the Canadian people.

The rational and spiritual evolution of the Canadaocentric Polity in world history was retarded by British imperialism in Canada, especially during the Cold War: World historical determinations which resulted in the collapse of modern European political and economic irrationalism (especially in the Soviet Union), unchained the Canadosphere, which is now freed from the Bonapartism of the degenerate British imperialist élites in London, whose unreason preferred the French Revolution over the Industrial Revolution (even while they pretended to reconcile both in their Kantio–Hegelian delusions):

“You can lay down all these general principles, but this is not a policy. Surely, if you are to have a policy you must take the particular situations and consider what action or inaction is suitable for those particular situations. That is what I myself mean by a policy, and it is quite clear that as the situations and conditions in foreign affairs continually change from day to day, your policy cannot be stated for once and for all, if it is to be applicable to every situation that arises.”•

In the twentieth century destruction of modern European political and economic irrationalism, in the world historical downfall of modernity and rise of Global civilization in the world of today, the financial, commercial and industrial foundations of Bonapartism in Canada are therefore destroyed.

The clash between British and French Bonapartism in Canada was politically and economically expedient during the universal historical struggle between capitalism and communism in the twentieth century, as a bulwark against the contagion of modern European unreason in the New World: The old conception of Canada is therefore undone, and thereby overcome, in the supremacy of American Liberty as the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world of today.

Modern European political and economic satanism in Canada destroyed itself.

The result of the modern European political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais over some 50 years, despite its very restrictive free trade with America, is the retardation of the political and economic integration of Toronto and Montréal (as well as Western and Eastern Canada), which in turn has greatly retarded the economic heartland of Canada, — including the financial, commercial and industrial integration of Canada and the United States of America.

The 1995 Cuts

Remember Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien (JeanJacques) and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? The Québécocentric actions of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals, namely fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle), gutted the Canadian military and threw many thousands of Canadian civil servants and their families into the bread lines, soup kitchens, food banks, even flop houses, especially in Ontario?¹⁷ The 1995 cuts were the handiwork of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals, which profoundly damaged social programs in Canada for a generation of Canadians, especially healthcare services in Ontario and Québec.¹⁸

“In 1994 Paul Martin announced defense spending reductions totaling $7 billion in the following five years. The cuts would close four major bases and two military colleges within the next three years: Some sixteen smaller installations would also be pared down or be closed. The Martin–Chrétien plan would also terminate over 16,500 military and civilian employees of the defense department, leaving a civilian support staff and armed force of 91,900 men and women by the year 1998.”¹⁹

The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais greatly harmed the financial, commercial and industrial growth of Ontario, the heartland of the Canadian economy, causing Premier Mike Harris to make budget cuts in social services, instead of greatly increasing provincial taxes and debt, — thereby pushing Canada ever deeper into recession: The Harris policies were made very unpopular in Ontario by the Québec Regime media in anglophone Canada, since the biggest backer of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin over the years, namely Paul Desmarais, “controls some seven daily newspapers in Québec and Ontario.”²⁰ The Empire of Desmarais had a hand therefore in the downfall of the conservative government of Ontario: Desmarais thus helped to bring Paul Martin and his friends to power, especially in Ontario and British Columbia, as the Québec Regime in Victoria and Queen’s Park (Dalton McGuinty, Wynne and so forth), which greatly increased the public debt of British Columbia, and which eventually increased some threefold the provincial debt of Ontario, costing Ontarians more taxes, and giving them less services.

How many Canadians died in the 1990’s because they did not get the proper medical treatment they deserved when they needed it the most? They were the sick and elderly of the generation that supported conservatism in Ontario and Québec before the advent of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais. The same backwards policy was ruthlessly followed by Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan (another puppet of the Québec Regime), the main victims being the Old–Timers who founded the Co–operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti–Liberalism in Western Canada:

“The new minister delivered a tough budget … With a cumulative public debt of $14.9 billion and a population in which less than one–third of 1 million people pay income tax, prospects for revenue growth were dim … Saskatchewan, which introduced the first medicare (public health care) system in North America … planned to reduce the number of hospital beds from 7,284 to 4,300.”²¹

The Tainted–Blood Scandal

Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québécocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.”²² Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines. In other words, Paul Martin Junior and his three sons were becoming multi–millionaires, thanks to his lucrative connexions to the Government of Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa (“I didn’t have the money”²³), at the same time that Canadians were being infected with HIV and hepatitis C under his watch. (Other senior board members likewise turned a blind–eye, but they were not the owners of a firm that was becoming the biggest self–unloader operator in the world.)

Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation therefore did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada: Martin was very deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines: “My experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.²⁴ But monsieur, why was your experience at the Canada Development Corporation not also closely linked with your “political and economic ideas”? Perhaps it was: Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation, focused on fast money, and becoming a multi–billionaire, did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada, — flowing into the veins of Canadian men, women, children, babies, even the elderly, and thereby poisoning them to death.

The Sponsorship Scandal (Adscam)

Canada was hanging by the fingertips from the edge of annihilation in the 1995 Referendum, the work of five centuries was being undone: Who knows how many would have perished in the conflagration? Perhaps an entire generation would have been lost: The vampire demon of modern political and economic unreason was opening its bloodthirsty maw. One wrong move and the whole power keg would blow: The daggers and bayonets were coming out … around the corner a mighty historical catastrophe awaited Canada. The Golden Streets of this Canadian Paradise would be awash in rivers of blood: So many Canadians thought, themselves under the modern spell of the media empire of the Québécocracy. We did not perceive that the anti–federalists in Ottawa and Québec City were really Québécocrats in disguise, who used anti–federalism to drive out their anglophone competitors, and strangle them with red tape, in the name of the Notwithstanding Clause and the Chretien–Trudeau Constitution, — in order to uplift the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc. For what other reason did René Lévesque and the Caisse greatly enrich and empower Paul Desmarais? For what other reason did the presidents of the Power Corporation, Bombardier, SNCLavalin, Québécor, Alcan and so forth, advance the cause of the antifederalist governments of the Parti Québécois over the years (e.g., 1985 Blue Ribbon Task Force)? Meanwhile, the Sponsorship criminals were busy cutting Canada’s lifeline and filling their pockets with cash: Paul Martin and his associates cut Canada’s lifeline in the 1995 Québec Referendum. We now know that the Québec Regime puppet master behind the Sponsorship Scandal was Joseph Jacques–Jean Chrétien, via his lieutenant ✝Jacques Corriveau, — a convicted gangster.²⁵

Québécocentric “Supply Management”

In Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, nearly all dairy production is controlled by the Québec Inc., namely Saputo (Dairyland), Parmalat, Agropur, Lactantia, and so forth, a practice long named “supply management” by Québec Regime puppets like Andrew Coyne (Cité Libre) in the anglophone Canadian press.²⁶ But the “supply management” of the Québécocracy is not supply management at all, — it is supply management interpreted as politique fonctionnelle. This massive organization of corruption is the brain–child of men like Lino Saputo, perhaps the biggest backer of Jean Chrétien and the Liberal Party of Canada over the years, and now one of the 10 richest men in Canada according to Forbes Magazine.²⁷

The Québec Inc., which monopolized Canada’s milk supply, uses ultra–high temperature sterilization (UHT) to pasteurize Canadian milk, rendering it useless for homemade cheese, cottage cheese, good yogurt and other dairy products. Of course, the Québec Inc cheese is made of low–temperature pasteurized milk and even raw milk.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa has established its puppets in the capital cities of every Canadian province over the years, in order to bribe or coerce local municipal, provincial and federal politicians and their family members: Thus the Québécocracy always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal government employment,²⁸ the Lion’s Share of all public works and infrastructure projects in Canada and abroad (the Francophonie, and so forth), as well as the Lion’s Share of all (unconstitutional) federal equalization payments (the Québécocracy has never signed the Chrétien–Trudeau constitution).²⁹ The creatures of the Québec Regime (big and small “Québécocrats”), also ensure that legislation is passed in the provinces (as well as Ottawa) that protects the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc. Raw milk, which is used to make cheese, is thus banned in nearly all of Canada.

How many Canadian children were malnourished over the past 50 years because their families could not afford to put milk, butter, cheese and eggs on their breakfast tables every morning? Today, some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty (merci Messieurs Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin). How many Canadian families were malnourished over the years because of the political and economic satanism of Lino Saputo and the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006?

2.2 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Ontario and Western Canada

Exact historiography proves the Old–Timers who founded the Co–operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti–Liberalism in Western Canada, were sacrificed upon the altar of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle):

“In an article entitled ‘Why Equalization No Longer Works,’ former Finance Minister Joe Oliver reviews several fundamental problems associated with equalization and questions whether this massive government program meets its original goal and still achieves a legitimate public purpose. He concludes by noting that current economic circumstances cry out for ‘a major overhaul of a decades old equalization program that is past its best before date’ … Québec, for example, has been able, at least in part due to the equalization subsidies from other Canadians which this year topped $10 billion, to support provincial programming that is much more accessible to residents in that province than elsewhere. Statistics Canada reported that the weighted average undergraduate tuition fees for full–time students in Québec is less than half the Alberta figure. The Globe and Mail also reported that average monthly fees for full–day daycare for toddlers in Québec was $152 in 2012. The corresponding figures were $825 for Alberta and $925 for Ontario, the highest of all provinces.”³⁰

Our (unconstitutional) equalization cash belongs in Western Canada (as Joe Oliver maintains), in provincial healthcare and education, as well as other public services: Without the resources, the puppets of the Québécocracy in the provincial legislatures turn their backs upon the sick and elderly, especially in the lower class, — exactly as under Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan. Historiasters at the schools of the Québec Regime (Janice MacKinnon and company) tell another tale because their snouts are in the trough.³¹

The Québec Regime “Left” (André Desmarais and Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien) in Ottawa hands out the goodies to the Québec Inc., namely the Lion’s Share of federal employment, infrastructure and public works projects, and (unconstitutional) equalization payments. When the debt crunch finally comes, as in 1995, the Québec Regime “Right” (Paul Desmarais Junior and Brian Mulroney) arrives upon the scene and makes sweeping tax cuts, which greatly benefit the Québec Inc., and which means the sick and elderly are dumped into the dustbin of history. Adolf Hitler’s economic policy in the 1930’s greatly enriched the ruling class of Germany and employed many Germans, but mutatis mutandis this is no rational argument for the benevolence of Nazidom.

This folly is called “centrism,” or governing from the center (Québécocentrisme as politique fonctionnelle or dirigisme), by Québec Regimers like Paul Martin Junior, which means that all anti–Québec Regime politics and economics is attacked as non–centrist. It goes without saying that the Québec Regimers (Québécocrats) are neither Liberals nor Conservatives, in the traditional meaning of the terms inherited from Great Britain and the United States of America (Industrial Revolution), but are really nothing more than a gang of crooks.³²

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has robbed Western Canadians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the Western economy, putting Westerners to work, building up Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry, especially in Alberta and Saskatchewan. The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has also robbed Ontarians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the economy of Ontario, putting Ontarians to work, building up finance, commerce and industry in Ontario.

2.3 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Aboriginals

Another example of the political and economic satanism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (the Québécocracy):

“History shows there are two ways societies can deal with diversity of opinion and behavior … The objective was to ‘take the Indian out of the child,’ and thus to solve what John A. MacDonald referred to as the ‘Indian problem.’ ‘Indianness’ was not to be tolerated; rather it must be eliminated. In the buzz–word of the day, assimilation; in the language of the 21st century, cultural genocide.”³³

Exact historiography and world history proves there are many different ways that societies have dealt with diversity of opinion and behavior in the past. The historical objective of Sir John A. MacDonald and the Government of Canada was not to “take the Indian out of the child,” to solve what was referred to as the “Indian problem” and commit what modern irrationalists like Beverley McLachlin, in hysterical exaggeration, name as “cultural genocide.”

Canadian Indians and “Indianness” were greatly tolerated in most parts of Canada, as the historical evidence demonstrates: Our population has always intermingled to an extraordinary degree. Assimilation and the assimilation of Indians and “Indianness” in the exact historiography and history of Canada is not therefore, and never was, cultural genocide: The so–called notion of culture advanced by Beverley McLachlin and her clique of irrationalists at the Supreme Court of Canada, the “juridical” basis of fédéralisme asymétrique, is a Kantian delusion.³⁴

Beverley, dear, how many Canadian “Indians” across the country are either dead or suffering from very serious health problems, men, women, children, elderly, even babies, caused by the toxic waste dumps of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (your very good friends): A human and environmental catastrophe which is costing Canadian taxpayers more than $4–billion to clean–up (as well as the yet uncalculated $Billions in First Nations and aboriginal healthcare costs)? Kitty–cat got your tongue, Beverley dear? So much for justice and human rights under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais.

2.4 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Ontario

Bobby Rae wrecked the New Democratic Party for Jean Chrétien and Pierre Trudeau: It was love at first sight, when Joseph Jacques Jean (Jean–Jacques?) Chrétien first laid his eyes upon angelic Bobby and his brother floating down the ski slopes of Europe back in the 1960’s.³⁵ Of course Pierre got in on the action: Rae syndrome spread like syphilis amongst careerists and opportunists alike; Bobby’s pygmies soon controlled the uppermost echelons of the New Democratic Party in Ottawa, and across Canada.

Since 1968, and without exception, at least until the rise of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Western conservatism and the Ford Nation, the leaders of every Liberal, Conservative and New Democratic government in Ottawa and the provinces (except Alberta and Saskatchewan) have always been the creatures of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, because the Québécocracy is a criminal (degenerate) ruling class:

“Premier Robert K. Rae, head of the New Democratic Party (NDP) government, went on television on January 21 to announce stiff restraints on government spending. Increases in provincial allowances for hospitals, schools, and municipalities were to be limited to 1 per cent for fiscal 1992–1993 and to 2 per cent for each of the next two years … On January 22, Ontario purchased a 49 per cent equity interest in de Havilland, an aircraft manufacturer and subsidiary of Boeing Company of Seattle, for $49 million ($39.9 million U.S.) and pledged another $300 million ($240 million U.S.) in subsidies. Bombardier Incorporated of Québec purchased a controlling interest in the company.”³⁶

Since the rise of Bobby Rae, until the advent of Stephen Harper, the Ford Nation, and Western conservatism, whether under Mike Harcourt in British Columbia or Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan, in the provinces the New Democratic Party has been firmly controlled by the Québec Regime. We must ask ourselves, therefore, Does Bobby Keith Rae suffer deeply from the affliction of flabby mindedness? Rae nearly bankrupted Ontario, according to the famous Canadian historian Peter Charles Newman.³⁷

At the same time in Ottawa and the provinces, the Liberal Parties were firmly in the hands of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy, thanks to the selfsame vermin, whether in Ontario under Peterson, in Québec under Bourassa, in New Brunswick under McKenna, in Prince Edward Island under Ghiz, and under Wells in Newfoundland. Socialists and Liberals alike sold their souls to the corrupt oligarchy: The proof is in their attributions of massive federal and provincial public works and infrastructure contracts and in their control over the vast resource monopolies of Canadian crown lands. Nearly all infrastructure and equalization payments over the years have profited by far the backwards monopolies, outdated cartels and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime, which uses nationalism and socialism (“la Francophonie”) as a weapon to advance the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Inc., which is composed of the largest labor movement and unions in Canada, namely, the Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec and the Confédération des syndicats nationaux.

Yet the selfsame vampire oligarchy is wrecking Canadian finance, commerce and industry in the world of today. All these things are known to many Canadians. They are silent in fear of the bread line, soup kitchen, food bank and even the flop house. And rightly so. My creed is the philosophy of American Idealism: The Western establishment must govern in both Ottawa and the provinces in the name of rational political and economic order in Canada, — from the very homeland of Canadocentricism, first established in embryonic form under the government of John Diefenbaker. The burdensome taxation, the greatest part of which falls upon Western Canada, in the form of unconstitutional federal equalization payments (the Québécocracy has never signed the constitution), of which the Québec Regime always receives more than 50 per cent, must end with legislation passed under the Notwithstanding Clause, — once the criminal ruling class is undone in the rise of Americanism.

Liberal Party and New Democratic Party sweet talkers, first and foremost, serve the interests of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, especially under Thomas Mulcair, at least when it comes to the important question of who gets the biggest cut: Under Québec Regime domination (whether right, left, or center), the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of federal handouts. No more! At least not since the reorganization of the American world initiated by President Trump. The Eastern Establishment under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, the Québécocracy, has been completely corrupted by the modern European political and economic irrationalism of the criminal ruling class.

2.5 — Québec Regime Crimes Against British Columbia

For this reason, amongst others, the worse mass murderer in the history of Canada tortured and killed some fifty Canadian women (perhaps more) over the span of a decade, while the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Victoria did absolutely nothing to stop the carnage. The proof? They had information on the killer all along, but allowed the monster to roam free. Liberalism shut down the bloodbath and then trumpeted the feat far and wide in order to fill its putrid maw with caviar and filet mignon. Bravo! Why did the federal Liberals under Jean Chrétien, whose family is now one of the richest in Canada (Forbes Magazine), sit on their hands for more than a decade in the first place? Because they are the selfsame Québécocracy, — the selfsame inferior ruling class.

Did Premier Mike Harcourt and his insects rise to the top of the New Democratic Party without the assistance and intervention of the Québec Regime in Victoria and Bobby Rae? Not at all.³⁸ Every provincial and federal Liberal and New Democratic Party leaders, especially since the rise of Bobby Rae and his brother,³⁹ who is now a board member of the Power Corporation, have always been the creatures of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, — the Québécocracy is now, since the death of Big Paul, a Bombardier ruling class:

“Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, direct relations exist between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”⁴⁰

On many occasions, I have spoken to powerful politicians (and their emissaries) around the country over the years (whether they heed my words I cannot say): Canada should invest far more public works and infrastructure dollars in American finance, commerce and industry (which employs many millions of Canadians) because the vast political and economic advancement of Americanism (Amazon, Google, Microsoft, Apple, Facebook, Netflix) is far superior to the meager profits of the Québec Inc.

2.6 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Québec

According to the Charbonneau Commission of Montréal, organised crime long ago infiltrated the construction industry, and the ruling class of Québec was financed by this corruption. In other words, the Québec Regime was greatly enriched by the proceeds of organised crime. Over many decades organised crime in Montréal laundered drug money in the Québec construction industry. Therefore, proceeds of the heroin traffic from the Port of Montréal and the Saint Lawrence Seaway greatly enriched the ruling class of Québec. Blood money is therefore at the foundation of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais. Monsieur Martin, how many young people in Canada and the United States, as well as their families, were systematically ruined and destroyed by the political and economic satanism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais?

Do the families of the many thousands of victims of the Québec Regime in Ottawa deserve financial compensation for the horrific deaths of their loved ones, and for their losses, pain and suffering inflicted over the years? If your child dies a horrible death from heroin addiction and drug overdose, because evil politicians allow powerful Montréal crime bosses to roam free for many years, what do you do? Junior always ran in a Québec riding, and he was very closely associated with the ruling class of Québec for a half century: Yet he knew absolutely nothing of the massive political and economic corruption in the Québec construction industry and the money laundering links to Montréal organised crime? Remember the infamous mafia overlord Rizzuto, who got a bullet in his neck, and who was the biggest and most deadly crime boss in the history of Canada, perhaps even North America, and who in his day was as powerful as the New York bosses.

Paul Martin Junior is either mentally defective, otherwise he is in cahoots with organised crime (otherwise he is mentally defective and in cahoots with organised crime), — as is proved by his rôle in the Tainted–Blood Scandal. How do you get involved with politicians and politics and then become a billionaire in 20 years? You cut corners … How much dope came into Canada on the ships of Paul Martin and Canada Steamship Lines (CSL) under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — and from thence into America?

Is this really a stretch of the imagination? From Cliché to Charboneau, the highest echelons of the Québécocracy have been mortally corrupted by organized crime, — at least this is the verdict of journalists and scholars like Linda Gyulai, André Cédilot, André Noël and many others who have reported anonymously over the years in Canadian media circles. The selfsame verdict is evidenced in the reports of the Gomery Commission, Bastarache Commission, as well as the Charbonneau Commission, — even in the testimony that is not redacted by the Québécocracy.

2.7 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Western Canada

For nearly a half century Alberta tried to get its oil pipelines directly to Toronto and Montréal, and thereby decrease the cost of gasoline in eastern Canada: An excellent policy for Canadian productivity. The Western establishment and its energy projects were systematically and ruthlessly sabotaged by the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais. Meanwhile, for some 30 years or more Paul Martin Junior made very good profits shipping Arab oil to eastern Canada. Canada is the only oil producing country in the world that has always imported the majority of its domestic oil consumption from foreign sources: A very bad policy for Canadian productivity. In Canadian history, the name of Paul Martin Junior is synonymous with the political and economic retardation of Canada.

2.8 — Québec Regime Crimes Against Atlantic Canada and the Maritimes

The Québécocracy destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the Maritimes and Atlantic Canada (the Golden Cod), in the name of French chauvinism, — mainly to curry favor with the Gaullist élites in Paris (whether Left or Right), in order to smooth the way for the Bombardier Corporation in France, and thereby greatly enrich Laurent Beaudoin and the Bombardier family:

“[Brian Mulroney] had allowed his officials to bargain away Newfoundland’s most precious commodity, its northern cod, by striking a secret deal with the French. [9] Newfoundland officials had been included in the negotiations right up until two days before External Affairs sneaked privately off to Paris to offer the French the golden cod … [109] Though quotas for Canadian fisherman had been cut, Ottawa gave France fishing rights in disputed waters plus the right to take fifteen thousand tonnes of Canadian fish elsewhere off Newfoundland … the deal was struck after federal negotiators secretly flew to Paris to reach a settlement without telling the Newfoundland officials, who had, up until then, been involved in the negotiations … [Brian Mulroney] blamed a 1972 treaty negotiated by the Liberals for giving the French the right to fish there … [146] [Brian Mulroney] predicted that he would play ‘a vigorous rôle, not a pretentious one’ in representing Third World concerns … [147] Mulroney replied that Canada would ‘never participate in a common front against France … [we] will always look for ways to reconcile French and Canadian positions,’ and would vigorously oppose ‘any attempt to isolate the French.’ His words would come back to haunt him months later when his government gave France everything it wanted in a fishing agreement off the coast of Newfoundland.”⁴¹

Brian Mulroney is a Québécocrat, in the same tradition as Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin?

“Inside the Conservative party, the anti–Diefenbaker element saw themselves as ‘progressives,’ and their goal, at least in the beginning, was not so much ousting Diefenbaker as changing the face of the party. First and foremost, this meant creating a responsiveness within the party to the demands of the new Québec [politique fonctionnelle]. As a Tory student leader at Laval, Brian Mulroney was one of the ‘progressives.’”⁴²

Brian Mulroney is a Québécocrat — in the same tradition as Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, — as the Mulroney Québécocracy, the second Québec Régime in Ottawa:

“The new Mulroney government seemed to establish the worst excesses of the past as its only standard. Almost immediately, the Tories acquired a reputation for patronage and a return to the old ways of doing the government’s business in Québec. But equally quickly, there was a price to pay. The embarrassments of André Bissonnette and Michel Côté left Québec voters deeply disillusioned with the Conservatives [Mulroney Québécocracy], and the polls in Québec showed the government’s popularity plunging.”⁴³

The Mulroney Québécocrats (who are often referred to as “Tories” in the Québécocentric press, although they are the very opposite historical tradition), acquired a reputation for patronage and a return to the old ways of doing the government’s business in Québec:

“[Mulroneyists] had sold about 24,280 hectares of land (expropriated by the previous Liberal regime [376] for Mirabel Airport) for just over 30 per cent of its market value. Many of the bargains went to prominent Tories [Québécocrats]. François Romeo, a Tory [Québécocentrist] organizer, bought three houses on a 178–hectare farm for $148,000 and sold it all to a Montréal developer for $400,000 just twenty–four hours after the deal was registered. Former minister Roch LaSalle, boasting about the deal, said he had faced systematic opposition to his plan from civil servants, so, ‘I went to see Brian Mulroney and in thirty minutes I convinced him to get those fuddy–duddies off my back so I could deal with this problem in my own way.’”⁴⁴

We repeat: The Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is the vanishing ruling class that swept–away the old British imperialist élites in the world historical struggle between republicanism and monarchism in Canada, as the clash between the opposing conceptions of right unleashed by the Industrial and French revolutions, in the twentieth century collapse of European modernity and rise of American Globalism, as the supremacy of universal freedom in the world, the rational political and economic order of Global civilization: Canada was ruled by big Québécocrats (Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin) for nearly a half century, — except for one year under Clark, Turner and Campbell. John Turner and Kim Campbell are big puppets of the Québécocracy (the Hydro–Québec ruling class), while Joe Clark is a small one. Puppets of the Québécocracy, in order to greatly enrich themselves and their family members, assist big and small Québécocrats in the propagation of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc.

Nearly a half century will pass before Canada rises once again upon the seat of rational political and economic order under PM Stephen Harper. Québec will be deeply divided into federalist and anti–federalist camps, and the Canadian economy will be gutted. Henceforth the vote will be split in half, which is the true and real basis upon which rests the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles.

Canadocentric politicians (mortal enemies of the Québécocracy), more often than not, have ended up like Jack Layton, Jim Flaherty, Rob Ford and Jim Prentice. Remember the fate of Duplesis, Sauvé and Johnson? Today this situation is changing, thanks to the dissolution of the media empire of Paul Guy Desmarais (“Canadian culture”), under the hammer blows of Global telecommunications and supercomputers, first unleashed by Ronald Reagan and the U.S. military industrial complex during the Cold War: American Idealism is on the rise in the White House,Washington and on Wall Street.

Of course, all this is categorized as a false narrative by the Québécocentric media, which is subsidized to the tune of many $millions in public funds by the last remnants of the Québécocracy in Ottawa, money which is far better spent on good healthcare for the sick and elderly, — including many of the earliest supporters of the Québec Régime, who have paid very high taxes and large portions of their incomes over the years in contributions to the Québécocracy, in the name of false promises issued by the big Québécocrats, and ultimately based upon inert ideas, their outdated and surpassed conceptions which are therefore phantasms and delusions because powerless to uplift humanity to a greater level of political and economic freedom in the world of today.

We must not be overcome with pessimism and hatred, but must also clearly perceive what is coming–to–be in Canada: The divisions between English and French Canada have greatly benefited Uncle Sam by ensuring that modern European political and economic irrationalism in North America is weak. The supremacy of the American superpower is likewise a great benefit to Canada and the Canadian people, and for this reason the majority of our population lives along the Canada and U.S. border. Today, instead of the backwards political economy of the past, which has benefited Americanism during the Cold War, we propose the advanced political economy of the future, which greatly benefits both Canada and the United States of America, — in the name of twenty–first century Americanism.

3 — Québécocentrisme: Quiet Revolution and Asymmetrical Federalism (politique fonctionnelle)

Today, the province of Québec is a “Have–Not” region, like Ontario and Eastern Canada, because of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa:

“If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion — this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments.”⁴⁵

Paul Desmarais, Jean–Louis Lévesque, and the Québécocracy⁴⁶ first wrecked the finance, commerce and industry of Québec in the 1960’s by destroying the political and economic foundations of Duplessis and the Union nationale, — which unchained the Quiet revolution:

“The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles … We now know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”⁴⁷

The Quiet revolution and Empire of Paul Desmarais are the historical foundations of asymmetrical federalism (fédéralisme asymétrique) in Canada, which is Québécocentricism (Québécocentrisme), and which originates in the sophistical political economy of the Functional Politics (politique fonctionnelle) of Pierre Elliot Trudeau: Functional Politics is named by Trudeau as French–Canadian “democracy,” (démocratie) which he characterizes as “dirigisme,” which is nothing more than Bonapartism, — autocracy founded upon popular consent. Bonapartism, modern European raison d’Etat, is the Québec Regime’s political and economic justification for the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, — the criminal ruling class. Functional politics as Bonapartism (dirigisme) “works” because it “functions,” but its work is not the uplifting of Canada and the Canadian people to a higher level of political and economic freedom in the world, but rather the sweeping–away of the older order (the British imperialist ruling class of English and French Canada), the very groundwork from which the Québécocracy springs, — modern European political and economic irrationalism.

From whence comes the modern European political and economic irrationalism of Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy? The modern European unreason of Pierre Trudeau (dialectique de l’action) and the Québécocracy comes from the Kantio–Hegelianism of Charles Margrave Taylor (imperialisme yankee), one of the founders of the New Left in Great Britain. In modern European politics and economics, Kantio–Hegelianism is the sophistical philosophical justification of autocracy founded upon popular consent, — the power of the people and tyranny of the masses as the dictatorship of the Proletariat.

Leaders like Paul Desmarais in world history, who seek to replace in Canada the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, with the outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French Revolutionary “conception” of right, they are sophists, irrationalists in the iron–grip of modern European unreason: Modern right is not Global freedom.

For this reason, Paul Desmarais in his lifetime is a phantom: “The influence of Paul Desmarais is everywhere, while he remains invisible: The man seems to fear the light of day.”⁴⁸ In 1985 his fortune is estimated at around $500–Million: By 2008 Desmarais’s fortune has increased tenfold and is thought to be some $5–Billion.⁴⁹

“By the time he handed daily operations of the company to his sons in 1996, Desmarais had seen Power’s assets increase to $2.7 billion, from $165 million. Net earnings increased to $209 million from $3 million, and the market value of the company’s shares increased from $61 million to $2.6 billion, for a compounded annual return of 16.4 per cent. Canadian Business magazine ranked Desmarais as the wealthiest Québécker and Canada’s seventh wealthiest person, with a fortune estimated at $4.4 billion.”⁵⁰

The words of Paul Desmarais speak for themselves: “Canada is my country. Québec is my province.”⁵¹ Paul Desmarais is a French chauvinist: “French Canadians have not been able to think of the long–term in business because they’ve had no economic power: This must change.”⁵² The exact historiography of the Franco–Canadian people proves that they have possessed political and economic power in Canada and North America for centuries: French chauvinists, on the other hand, have not possessed very much political and economic power until the advent of the Quiet revolution and the Empire of Desmarais.

What begins as the Quiet revolution, “Maîtres Chez Nous,” in the collapse of Franco–Canadian conservatism under Maurice Duplessis and the Union nationale at the hands of Jean Lesage and the federal and provincial Liberals, ends with the rape of Québec at the hands of Paul Desmarais and his Empire: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”⁵³ In other words, “the ruling class of Québec greatly enriched Paul Desmarais and his family over the years.”⁵⁴

Jean Lesage creates the Société Générale de Financement, and with René Lévesque, nationalizes the electrical companies of Québec. After the sudden deaths of Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, and the destruction of the Union nationale in the Quiet Revolution, the greatest part of all Canadian political and economic power in Québec falls into the hands of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy: “The interests of Paul Desmarais are everywhere in Québec: His influence at the Caisse is well known.”⁵⁵

“Paul Guy Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepard, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”⁵⁶

The Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy is the result of massive political and economic corruption, beginning under Jean Lesage and the Québec Liberal Party, and continuing after the death of Daniel Johnson under both federalist and anti–federalist leaders in Québec:

“The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais thus accumulated could only be obtained through his patronage of government officials and his influence in Québec politics: That is the history of Desmarais’ takeover of Gelco (Gatineau Electric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation, which received huge subsidies over the years from the Québec Government.”⁵⁷

The Empire of Paul Desmarais was first built upon Crown Lands controlled by his political friends in the Liberal Government of Québec: “Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years.”⁵⁸

“In the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years, for $2.6–Billion to American investors. The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550–Million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off (arrachés) $3–Billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Québec.”⁵⁹

In other words, Paul Desmarais was one of the main backers of the Québec Liberal Party, and he was repaid with Crown Lands by Québec federalist and anti–federalist politicians like Jean Lesage, René Lévesque and Robert Bourassa.⁶⁰ (Lévesque anti–federalist in 1960) “The hand of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation dominates the constitutional, economic and social developments of Québec, and will continue in future governments.⁶¹

4 — The Rational Conception of the Québécocracy as a Vanishing Phase of World History

The Empire of Paul Desmarais and Québec Regime in Ottawa (Desmarais and his family are located at the very center of political and economic power, namely as the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy) then attack those English Canadian manufacturing sectors of Ontario and the industries of Western Canada (not to mention industries in Atlantic Canada) which backed Diefenbaker and Canadian Conservatism, in order to consolidate and expand the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, is therefore the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc: The Hydro–Québec (the biggest Canadian corporation), the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec (CDPQ), BCE/Bell Media, Power Corporation, Bombardier Corporation, Saputo Corporation, SNC–Lavalin, DesJardins, Banque Nationale, the FTQ and CSN, and so forth, — the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the Québécocracy.⁶²

The Québec Pension Plan, the Hydro–Québec,⁶³ and the rest of these backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts, are of course ultimately controlled by powerful Québec politicians and their family members on a hereditary basis, which is precisely the reason why the Caisse has invested $Billions of taxpayer funds over the years in their corrupt business ventures.

These public funds are mostly from the taxpayers of Western Canada and Ontario, but Québéckers themselves are also very heavily taxed: The funds come from the Lion’s Share of all federal government employment; from the Lion’s Share of all public works and infrastructure contracts in Canada, as well as all unconstitutional federal equalization payments. In the space of a half century this wealth amounts to many $Trillions in public funds: Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle) is the main cause of the political and economic retardation of Canada.

The resultant political and economic vacuum in Canada created over the years by the Québec Regime in Ottawa was quickly filled by American finance, commerce and industry, and which now employs many millions of Canadians. In the world of today, therefore, the tables are turned: One does not simply destroy the political and economic backers of Americanism.

The corrupt methodology of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais is very simple: Over the years, the Lion’s Share of all provincial and federal megaprojects, and other government investments, from the Department of Regional Economic Expansion (Jean Marchand), the Canada Pension Plan and the Business Development Bank, to the new Infrastructure Bank (as well as kickbacks from overseas aid to the Third World countries of the la Francophonie), and so forth, line the pockets of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy and the Québécocracy.

From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, under the powerful influence of world historical determinations, as the collapse of European modernity and supremacy of world civilization, arises the rational political economy of Westernism, which unites Western Canada and Ontario in the iron–clad embrace of Americanism, and which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.

What are the political and economic complexifications (instrumentalities of world history) exemplified in the struggle between English and French Canada in the last half of the twentieth century, as the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, and how do they involve the world historical determinations of Globalism?

“[The] Saint Lawrence Seaway has opened the world’s largest inland waterway to deep–sea navigation. It permits large ocean–going ships to sail from the Atlantic Ocean to ports on the Great Lakes … By using it, about 80 per cent of the world’s cargo ships can now sail as far west as Lake Superior.”⁶⁴

The opening of the Saint Lawrence Seaway in 1959 “caused an agricultural and industrial boom in the Great Lakes region.”⁶⁵ The Second World War created greater interest in the seaway because of an increased “demand for electricity and shipbuilding resources.”⁶⁶ A special “Canadian–United States understanding was signed in March, 1941.”⁶⁷ The collapse of the British Empire and European modernity, and the rise of Americanism, unchains the Saint Lawrence Seaway.

The opening of the Saint Lawrence Seaway in 1959 vastly increases the financial, commercial and industrial intercourse between Canada and the United States of America, and greatly increases the power of Americanism in the world: Now the modern power struggles between English and French Canada are fundamentally transformed. The political and economic complexifications of the struggle between English and French Canada, resultant from the world historical form of Americanism, are mainly the result of the Cold War and the Global struggle between capitalism and communism.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais is not immune to the new political and economic complexifications unleashed by the world historical struggle between capitalism and communism, in the clash between English and French Canada. The power struggles between English and French Canada take the form of the strife between capitalism and communism, namely as the political and economic difference between Americanism and anti–Americanism: The modern world historical foundation of English and French Canada in the realm of politics and economics, the strife between monarchism and republicanism inherited from the French revolution, dissolves under the onslaught of Americanism in the world.

The outdated Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right (which is a KantioHegelian delusion in the world of today), enshrined as the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, confronts the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and Constitution of the United States of America: This is the wall that checks the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — the Québécocracy. Despite their greatest efforts, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin are powerless in Ottawa to halt the advancement of Americanism in Canada, which means their grasp upon Canadian political and economic power is weak because America is now becoming an adversary of “modern Canada,” — in the birth of the Canadocentric Polity, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada. The Québécocracy is henceforth world historically divided, politically and economically, between Québécocentricism and Canadocentricism, — in the rise of the Canadosphere.

The clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais originates in the Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, the political and economic effort in Canada to destroy the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. The clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Desmarais is accelerated in the wars of Meech Lake, which bring forth the Bloc Québécois, and finally bursts asunder in the contest for NAFTA between Brian Mulroney and Jean Chrétien.

The world historical conditions for the demise of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais reside in the end of the Cold War and the supremacy of Americanism in the world: The collapse of the war between capitalism and communism means the power struggles between English and French Canada, which have taken the political and economic form of the strife between Americanism and anti–Americanism, are undone. These power struggles are now sublated into the highest political and economic form of universal history: The supremacy of Global American rational political and economic order in the world.

English and French Canada are no more: The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is undone. Modern right is not Global freedom because the rise of Globalism entails the destruction of modern political and economic irrationalism in the supremacy of American finance, commerce and industry in the world: The backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the inferior ruling classes of the earth will be destroyed, as surely as Newton’s apple must fall.⁶⁸

The decline therefore of the British Empire and the world historical movement from modernity to Globalism is especially evidenced in Ottawa, the first sphere of Americanism: The new distinction between the Right and Left in Canada (resultant from Westernism, Harperism and the Ford Nation) is between the Conservative Party and the New Democratic Party, which is mostly based upon the American distinction between the U.S. republicans and democrats. The Québécocracy is gangrene, an abomination and monstrosity: Québec Regime federalism and anti–federalism alike are nothing more than politique fonctionnelle (Québécocentrisme), which is anti–Americanism in the world of today.⁶⁹

Canada thus appears at first sight to be a patchwork of municipal, provincial and federal power: But in the political and economic realm of world history this patchwork disintegrates into what is coming–to–be and what is passing–away. Indeed, the rational manifold of power relations between the spheres of politics and economics is the arena of technology in world history: The growth of rational political and economic order in the world is therefore inseparable from the rise of knowledge. Americanism, therefore, is the political and economic rationality of the American world, the fountainhead of Globalism.

Canadians have only one road to follow: The road of rational political and economic order in the world. And there are many speeds, trajectories and dimensions in what is coming–to–be, as the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes: The almighty clash between reason and unreason resounds in the arena of the sciences, philosophy and history, as well as religion, literature and art.

What is coming–to–be is a vast Global system of new power relations in the world, and especially in Canada, the first sphere of Americanism. This great world historical revolution is at the center of all serious Canadian political and economic calculations and policies. The old regimes of the earth either reject this situation outright, which takes the form of bloodshed and mass murder, otherwise they seek a modus operandi with the new order. Reason tells us these half–measures are ultimately doomed to failure, in light of the grave challenges which confront humanity: World problems need Global solutions.

Which speeds, trajectories and dimensions in the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, will therefore greatly advance Canada and the Canadian people on the road of rational political and economic order? In the rise of Globalism and the collapse of European modernity, as the unfolding of the American conception of the political and economic world in universal history, rational federalism is that system of power relations which destroys the fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionnelle) of the Québécocracy, and is therefore the fountainhead of financial, commercial and industrial supremacy in Canada.

In Canadian history, therefore, the criminal ruling class has swept–away the old foundations of Canada since the end of the Second World War and the collapse of the British Empire: Now their time is come, since their work is done. The Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy is coming undone in the rise of Americanism.⁷⁰ The ultimate destruction of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, and downfall of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy, will indeed unchain the vast productive powers of finance, commerce and industry in Canada, and usher in a political and economic Golden Age:

The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history … When philosophy paints its grey in grey, then has a shape of life grown old, — Hegel.⁷¹

Detractors of rational political and economic order will undoubtedly turn away from these writings, — and level the charge of ideology against American Idealism: But when has the Constitution of the United States of America ever been named as ideology in the Western world, outside the Kantian traditions, in the sense of Stalinism, Hitlerism and Maoism? If the signers of the American Constitution are idéologues, then we are in very good company. If our adversaries mean we are ideologists in the pejorative sense of the word, then they place themselves squarely in the camp of anti–Americanism, and the dustbin of world history …

ENDNOTES

Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy

1. Hegel, “Die Verfassung Deutschlands (1801–1802),” Sämtliche Werke: Schriften zur Politik und Rechtsphilosophie, Unter Mitwirkung von Dr. Otto Weiß, Hrsg., Georg Lasson, Band VII, Leipzig, 1913, 113: “Hier kann aber von keiner Wahl der Mittel die Rede [sein], brandige Glieder können nicht mit Lavendelwasser geheilt werden.”

2. Hegel, “Introduction: General Division of Logic,” Hegel’s Science of Logic, Arnold Vincent Miller, translator & John Niemeyer Findlay, forward, New York, 1976, 62. [1969]

See: Hegel, “Einleitung: Allgemeine Eintheilung der Logik,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objektive Logik, Erster Band, Zweite Ausgabe, Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1832, 26–34; 29–30. [1812]

See also: Hegel, “Einleitung,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objektive Logik, Erster Band, Nürnberg, 1812, i–xxvii.

See: “On the 7th of November, 1831, Hegel finished the preface to a second edition of his Logic. In closing he recalled the legend that Plato revised the Republic seven times, and remarked that, despite this illustrious example, ‘the writer must content himself with what he has been allowed to achieve under the pressure of circumstances, the unavoidable waste caused by the extent and many–sidedness of the interests of the time, and the haunting doubt whether, amid the loud clamor of the day and the deafening babble of opinion … there is left any room for sympathy with the passionless stillness of a science of pure thought.’ Seven days later he died of cholera, and was buried, as he had wished, between Fichte and Solger.”
Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, “Biographical Note: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, 1770–1831,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Chicago, 1960, v–vi.

3. Eduard Gans, “Additions to The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Thomas Malcolm Knox, translator & Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, Addition 86 = §135/129–Addition 152 = §258/141.

See: Eduard Gans, “Zusätze aus Hegels Vorlesungen, zusammengestellt,” Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse: Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts, mit den von Eduard Gans redigierten Zusätzen aus Hegels Vorlesungen, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, neu hrsg., von Georg Lasson, Herausgegeber, Leipzig, 1911, Zusätze 86 = §135, 318–Zusätze 152 = §258, 349: “Den Standpunkt der Kantischen Philosophie hervorhoben … Es ist der Gang Gottes in der Welt, daß der Staat ist.”

See: “From the Kantian system and its highest completion I expect a revolution in Germany. It will proceed from principles that are present and that only need to be elaborated generally and applied to all hitherto existing knowledge.”
Hegel in Clark Butler & Christiana Seiler, editors and translators, Hegel: The Letters, Bloomington, Indiana, 1984, 35.

See: “Because of his continuing support for reform [Bonapartism] after the revolutions of 1830, his lectures were banned and he was dismissed.”
John W. Burbidge, “Eduard Gans (1798–1839),” Historical Dictionary of Hegelian Philosophy, Lanham, Maryland, 2008, 80.

4. See: “The Meiner Verlag series of Hegel Vorlesungen, commencing in 1983, includes volumes that remedy drawbacks of the Werke volumes on these lectures–only topics; they distinguish the lecture series on the same topics in different years, so that there is now a more faithful representation available of what Hegel himself actually said in a given series, and how his thought, albeit not finalized, had developed or changed over time … one can see from them [the Lecture Transcripts] what Hegel actually said in a given series.”
Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, “Editorial Introduction: 1. Background Issues,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures (Together with an Introduction by Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert), Oxford, 2014, 1.

See also: “The transcripts known today for all the Berlin lecture series are consistently, even surprisingly, reliable testimonies … It may indeed be disconcerting that only today do we doubt — and not everyone does — that Hegel’s lectures … are actually reproduced authentically in the published edition … that did not become full–blown for more than a hundred and fifty years. We can hardly examine here all the reasons for this circumstance.”
Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert, “Introduction: The Shape and Influence of Hegel’s Aesthetics,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures, Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, Oxford, 2014, 7–176; 32–36–36–36.

See finally: “After Hegel’s death, his former students came together with the rather noble thought of assembling various transcripts of the lecture series he gave and to which they had access, hoping to bring to the light of a general public the “system” that [they?] were convinced was completed for years and presented orally in the lecture hall. However, the methodologies through which they assembled these transcripts into standalone monographs, with the aid of Hegel’s own manuscripts for his lectures, is dubious at best. They paid little to no attention to changes between different lecture courses, combining them as they saw fit to guarantee the logical progression of the dialectical movement as they interpreted it. But without the original source material, it was impossible to test the suspicion that they may have falsified Hegel’s own views. Indeed, it was all we had to go on to have any understanding of his views. Now, however, many manuscripts and transcripts — even ones not available to his students — have been found. When one compares these manuscripts and transcripts with the lectures published by his students, the differences between them are in no case simply philological niceties … this information may drastically challenge our historical picture of Hegel.”
Sean J. McGrath & Joseph Carew, “Introduction: What Remains of German Idealism?” Rethinking German Idealism, Joseph Carew, Wes Furlotte, Jean–Christophe Goddard, Adrian Johnston, Cem Kömürcü, Sean J. McGrath, Constantin Rauer, Alexander Schnell, F. Scott Scribner, Devin Zane Shaw, Konrad Utz, Jason M. Wirth, contributors, London, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016, 1–19; 4.

5. See: “The year 1992 poses a critical moral and cultural challenge for the more privileged sectors of the world–dominant societies. The challenge is heightened by the fact that within these societies, notably the first European colony liberated from imperial rule, popular struggle over many centuries has achieved a large measure of freedom, opening many opportunities for independent thought and committed action. How this challenge is addressed in the years to come will have fateful consequences. October 11, 1992 brings to an end the 500th year of the Old World Order, sometimes called the Colombian era of world history, or the Vasco da Gama era, depending on which adventurers bent on plunder got there first. Or ‘the 500–year Reich,’ to borrow the title of a commemorative volume that compares the methods and ideology of the Nazis with those of the European invaders who subjugated most of the world. The major theme of this Old World Order was a confrontation between the conquerors and the conquered on a global scale. It has taken various forms, and been given different names: Imperialism, neocolonialism, the North–South conflict, core versus periphery, G–7 (the 7 leading state capitalist industrial societies) and their satellites versus the rest. Or, more simply, Europe’s conquest of the world … ‘Hegel discoursed authoritatively on the same topics in his lectures on philosophy of history, brimming with confidence as we approach the final ‘phase of World–History,’ when Spirit reaches ‘its full maturity and strength’ in ‘the German world.’ Speaking from that lofty peak, he relates that native America was ‘physically and psychically powerless,’ its culture so limited that it ‘must expire as soon as Spirit approached it.’ Hence ‘the aborigines …gradually vanished at the breath of European activity.’ ‘A mild and passionless disposition, want of spirit, and a crouching submissiveness … are the chief characteristics of the native Americans,’ so ‘slothful’ that, under the kind ‘authority of the Friars,’ ‘at midnight a bell had to remind them even of their matrimonial duties.’ They were inferior even to the Negro, ‘the natural man in his completely wild and untamed state,’ who is beyond any ‘thought of reverence and morality — all that we call feeling’; there is ‘nothing harmonious with humanity … in this type of character.’ ‘Among the Negroes moral sentiments are quite weak, or more strictly speaking non–existent.’ ‘Parents sell their children, and conversely children their parents, as either has the opportunity,’ and ‘The polygamy of the Negroes has frequently for its object the having many children, to be sold, every one of them, into slavery.’ Creatures at the level of ‘a mere Thing — an object of no value,’ they treat ‘as enemies’ those who seek to abolish slavery, which has ‘been the occasion of the increase of human feeling among the Negroes,’ enabling them to become ‘participant in a higher morality and the culture connected with it’ … Hegel, Philosophy, 108–9, 81–2, 93–6; ‘the German world’ presumably takes in Northwest Europe … Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich. The Philosophy of History (Dover, 1956; Lectures of 1830–31).”
Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues, Montréal/New York, Black Rose Books, 1993, 3–4–5–291–313.

See also: “Hegel discoursed authoritatively … in his lectures on philosophy of history.”
Chomsky, Ibidem, 4.

See finally: “Hegel’s own course notes and those of his students should be used with caution to clarify and illustrate the meaning of the texts he published during his lifetime … In general, the student notes written during or after Hegel’s classes should be used with caution … What has been said about the student notes must also be applied to the so–called Zusatze (additions), added by ‘the friends’ to the third edition of the Encyclopedia (1830) and the book on Rechtsphilosophie … Some commentators, however, seem to prefer the Zusatze over Hegel’s own writings; additions are sometimes even quoted as the only textual evidence for the interpretation of highly controversial issues. For scholarly use, however, we should use them only as applications, confirmations, or concretizations of Hegel’s theory. Only in cases where authentic texts are unavailable may they be accepted as indications of Hegel’s answers to questions that are not treated in his handwritten or published work. If they contradict the explicit theory of the authorized texts, we can presume that the student is wrong, unless we can show that it is plausible that they express a change in the evolution of Hegel’s thought … According to Leopold von Henning’s preface (pp. vi–vii) in his edition (1839) of the Encyclopädie of 1830, the editors of the Encyclopedia sometimes changed or completed the sentences in which the students had rendered Hegel’s classes.”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy, Dordrecht, 2001, xvi–27–28–29–29.

See: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse — Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Erste Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1840, v–viii.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse — Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Zweite Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1843, v–viii.

Remark: Genuine Hegelianism, the true Gospel of Hegel which greatly influenced America over the years, especially in the Civil War, unlike impure Hegelianism, suspends judgement on matters where Hegel left us without any authorized treatise, because the speculative logical and dialectical system of the pure Hegel’s philosophical science of absolute idealism comes only from the originalausgabe.

On issues where Hegel left us without any authorized treatise we must use the surviving course notes as the only possible access to Hegel’s thought, while the ultimate criteria for their authenticity lie in the principles of his authorized work (Adriaan Peperzak): Refutations of Hegel’s philosophy which contain as premises statements from the non–authorized work are not inferentially equivalent with arguments which contain as premises statements from Hegel’s authorized work because the former involve only the “possible access” to Hegel’s thought. The authenticity and “possible access” of such statements as premises lies in their reconciliation to the principles of the originalausgabe. But the interpretative determination, the hermeneutical judgement that entails the semantic reconciliation, that makes these non–authorized statements “authentic,” and therefore acceptable as premises in arguments against Hegel, does not thereby make them inferentially equivalent to the statements from the originalausgabe: They involve only the “possible access” to Hegel’s thought, whereas the latter involve the actual access to Hegel’s thought. In other words, the difference here between interpretative possibility and actuality entails the distinction between weaker and stronger levels of inference in the demonstrability of the refutation: A strong refutation of Hegel’s philosophy therefore contains premises from the originalausgabe, whereas a weak refutation of Hegel’s philosophy contains premises from the originalausgabe and from the non–authorized work, while a sophistical refutation contains no premise from the originalausgabe. Refutation of the Hegelian philosophy is inseparable from Hegel philology: Therefore, dialectical inference is inseparable from dialectical hermeneutics, as the notion of dialectical scientivity, — as the speculative logical and dialectical system of the pure Hegel’s philosophical science of absolute idealism.

6. Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, 71.

7. See: “Gradually, Kant and Hegel conquered the universities of France and England … [Hegel’s] system could never have arisen if Kant’s had not existed.”
Bertrand Russell, History of Western Philosophy and its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day, London, 1947, 748–757.

8. Johann Eduard Erdmann, A History of Philosophy: German Philosophy Since Hegel, 4th German edition, vol. 3, London, 1899, 66–81.

9. See: “We [American] irrationalists do not foam at the mouth and behave like animals … we Americans have been more consistent than the Europeans.” Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, xix–xx.

10. See: “Come it will, and when ye hear a crashing such as never before has been heard in the world’s history, then know that at last the German thunderbolt has fallen. At this commotion the eagles will drop dead from the skies and the lions in the farthest wastes of Africa will bite their tails and creep into their royal lairs. There will be played in Germany a drama compared to which the French Revolution will seem but an innocent idyll. At present, it is true, everything is tolerably quiet; and though here and there some few men create a little stir, do not imagine these are to be the real actors in the piece. They are only little curs chasing one another round the empty arena, barking and snapping at one another, till the appointed hour when the troop of gladiators appear to fight for life and death. And the hour will come. As on the steps of an empty amphitheater, the nations will group themselves around Germany to witness the terrible combat.”
Heinrich Heine, Religion and Philosophy in Germany: A Fragment, Boston, 1959, xiv. [1834]

11. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, new edition, 2 vols., New York, 1824, I/381–II/203. [1690]

See: “Locke was heavily involved in the slave trade, both through his investments and through his administrative supervision of England’s burgeoning colonial activities … The attempt to reconcile Locke’s involvement in the slave trade with his reputation as a philosopher of liberal freedom has a long history, beginning shortly after the abolition of the slave trade … Locke’s readers are faced with the problem of how he could have been so intimately involved in promoting an activity that he apparently knew to be unjustified … We are disturbed by the ease with which some commentators excuse Locke of racism or minimize its significance … to advocate, administer, and profit from a specifically racialized form of slavery is clear evidence of [Locke’s] racism, if the word is to have any meaning at all.”
Robert Bernasconi & Anika Maaza Mann, “The Contradictions of Racism: Locke, Slavery, and the Two Treatises,” Race and Racism in Modern Philosophy, Andrew Valls, editor, Ithaca/London, 2005, 89–89–90–91–91.

12. Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”
Renatus Cartesius, “Secundæ Responsiones,” Œuvres de Descartes: Meditationes de Prima Philosophia, vol. 7, Charles Adam & Paul Tannery, éditeurs, Paris, 1904, 140–141.

How very clear and distinct are the ideas of Cartesius, coming from his very own hand, although his best translators are also clear and distinct, but less clear and less distinct than the very words of Cartesius himself, as found in his very greatest works, since his Latin is now a dead language, while his modern interpreters fail to elucidate the rational foundations of their sophistical critiques.

13. Joseph Stalin, “Anarchism or Socialism?” Works: 1901–1907, vol. 1, Moscow, 1954, 307–321.

See: Stalin, “Anarchism or Socialism?” Nobati, Musha, Akhali Tskhovreba, June–July 1906, 1–4.

See: “Rational idealism is profound knowledge of the unknowable.” [Reinster Idealismus deckt sich unbewußt mit tiefster Erkenntnis]
Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf, 851–855 auflage, München, 1943, 328.

See: “It is now known that unlike Kant, Hegel was despised by the Nazis.”
Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Peter Thielke, “Hegelianism,” New Dictionary of the History of Ideas: Game Theory to Lysenkoism, vol. 3, Maryanne Cline Horowitz, editor in chief, New York, 2005, 977.

14. From the London School of Economics and Political Science in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, London and New York, 1896, 2–163.

See also: “Marx is at once logically a dialectical rationalist and metaphysically a dogmatic materialist.”
Russell, Ibidem, 5.

Remark: Bertrand Russell’s sophistical (British Kantio–Hegelian) conceptions of logic and metaphysics cause him to completely neglect or ignore the “critical and revolutionary” (Kantian) nature of Marx’s “rational” dialectic.

See finally: “No logical absurdity results from the hypothesis that the world consists of myself and my thoughts and feelings and sensations, and that everything else is mere fancy … Philosophy is to be studied, not for the sake of any definite answers to its questions, since no definite answers can, as a rule, be known to be true.”
Russell, The Problems of Philosophy, London, 1912, 34–249.

15. Karl Marx in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, London and New York, 1896, 4–5.

See: “In its mystified form, [the Hegelian] dialectic became the fashion in Germany … In its rational form it [the Hegelian Dialectic] is a scandal and an abomination to bourgeoisdom.”
Karl Marx in Russell, Ibidem, 5.

See also: “[Feuerbach] says that his present teaching, so far from being an unfolding of Hegelian theories, on the contrary originated in opposition to these theories. If any one is to be called his forerunner, let it be Schleiermacher … he afterwards said that the socalled Right Wing of the Hegelian school was the one which was in complete harmony with the master.”
Erdmann, Ibidem, 79.

16. Alexander Herzen, Selected Philosophical Works, Moscow, 1956, 521.

See: “An Absolute Idea, is a theological invention of the idealist Hegel … the ordinary human idea became divine with Hegel when it was divorced from man and man’s brain … Hegel’s ‘Absolute Idea’ gathered together all the contradictions of Kantian idealism.”
Lenin, Collected Works: Materialism and Empirio–Criticism, 1908, vol. 14, Moscow, 1977, 227–232. [1962]

17. See: “Kant was a turning point in the history of Western philosophy because he was a reductio ad absurdum of the attempt to distinguish between the role of the subject and the role of the object in constituting knowledge … Hegel himself used the terms ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ … and used the term ‘union of subject and object’ to describe the end of history. This was a mistake.”
Richard Rorty, Philosophy and Social Hope, London, 1999, 49.

18. Saul Kripke, “Naming and Necessity,” Semantics of Natural Language, Donald Davidson & Gilbert Harman, editors, Dordrecht, 1972, 288–289.

See: “Surely there was no logical fate hanging over either Aristotle or Hitler which made it in any sense inevitable that they should have possessed the properties we regard as important to them.”
Kripke, Ibidem, 289.

See also: “[Hitler] was one of the most evil men in world history.”
William Alexander Jenks, “Adolf Hitler,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 9, Chicago, 1971, 236.

See: Jenks, Vienna and the Young Hitler, New York, 1960.

19. Hegel, “Einleitung,” Wissenschaft der Logik: Die objective Logik, erster Band, Nürnberg, 1812, xiii.

20. See: “We cannot obey these murderers [Kennedy Administration]. They are abominable. They are the wickedest people who ever lived in the history of man and it is our duty to do what we can against them.”
Bertrand Russell (1 April 1961) in Harvey Arthur DeWeerd, Lord Russell’s War Crimes Tribunal, Santa Monica, 1967, 3.

21. Bertrand Russell (1963) in Harvey Arthur DeWeerd, Lord Russell’s War Crimes Tribunal, Santa Monica, 1967, 4.

22. Hegel, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor, Chicago, 1960, §352, 112.

23. Sidney Hook, Reason, Social Myths, and Democracy, New York, 1940, 76–105.

See: “The social principles of Christianity in so far as they are specifically Christian and construed in terms of the institutional behaviour of churches can never be adequate to profound social change.”
Sidney Hook, “Is Marxism Compatible with Christianity?” Christianity and Marxism: A Symposium, S.L. Solon, editor, New York, 1934, 31.

See also: Bertrand Russell, Why I Am Not a Christian: And Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects, London, 1957.

24. Noam Chomsky, “Interview Transcript,” from YouTube, 2015–2016.

25. Sidney Hook, Reason, Social Myths, and Democracy, 296.

26. John Dewey, “Kant and Philosophic Method,” Journal of Speculative Philosophy, 18(1 April 1884): 171–172.

See: “Kant, the founder of modernest philosophy … is the transition of the old abstract thought, the old meaningless conception of experience, into the new concrete thought, the ever growing, ever rich experience.”
Dewey, Ibidem, 162–174.

See also: John Dewey in Yervant Hovhannes Krikorian, editor, Naturalism and the Human Spirit, 1st edition, New York, 1944.

27. Hegel, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, 6.

28. See: “Culture and cultural identities, which at the broadest level are civilization identities, are shaping the patterns of cohesion, disintegration, and conflict in the post–Cold War world … Intellectual and scientific advance, Thomas Kuhn showed in his classic The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, consists of the displacement of one paradigm, which has become increasingly incapable of explaining new or newly discovered facts, by a new paradigm, which does account for those facts in a more satisfactory fashion.”
Samuel Phillips Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, New York, 1996, 20–30.

29. Sidney Hook, Social Democracy and America: 1976 Convention Statement of Social Democrats, USA, New York, 1976.

30. Hegel, Ibidem, §340, 110.

31. See: “Prime Minister Brian Mulroney has promised the labor movement a major voice in shaping policies adopted by his Progressive Conservative government. In a videotaped address yesterday to the CFL convention he said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”
Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

32. See: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166.

See also: “Paul Desmarais learned to always cultivate very close political and economic connexions with provincial and federal élites, so that every Premier of Québec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to eat from his hand … in the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated–Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years, for $2.6 billion to American investors. The sale of the Montréal Trust later followed for some $550 million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped–off $3 billion in natural resources from the hard–working people of Québec … Paul Desmarais was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and therefore he was also a very evil person.”
Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

See also: Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014.

33. John Fitzgerald Kennedy, “How to Prepare for the Presidency,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 15, Chicago, 1971, 681.

34. Those men and women who harness the vast political and economic powers of the internet, which are embryonic in the world of today, will become the first trillionaires: Their task is the project of Global rational political and economic order … the financial, commercial and industrial foundations of the Space Age.

This brief outline is the last of what remains of a manuscript, the labor of more than a decade, which was unfortunately lost some years ago: The details of which, for the most part, have long been obliterated from the author’s memory.

World History and Canadian Polity

1. Paquerette Villeneuve (1932–2018), Mai 1968: Une Canadienne dans les rues de Paris pendant la revolte étudiante (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 149: “Ce que nous exprimons à travers la destruction de certaines institutions, et de certains modes de réflexion, c’est le besoin de les dépasser. En cela seulement, nous contestons. Nous voulons remettre continuellement en cause ce qui a été acquis, et introduire l’utopie au sein du monde existant.”

See: “Education outside France ignores that the student is a citizen of the future, and does not place enough emphasis on the objective and scientific explanation of economic and social facts, on the methodology of the critical spirit, which is the active, practical learning of freedom and responsibility: This education of young people is a fundamental activity of democratic government, and only public schools can fulfill such a task … Students are then faithful to Rimbaud, putting their poetry into action, and shining a light upon the human condition: They absolutely follow in the footsteps of Karl Marx, by truly bringing their Utopianism into line with reason.” Paquerette Villeneuve, Ibidem, 134–149: “L’Enseignement méconnaît dans l’élève le futur citoyen. Il ne donne pas une importance suffisante à l’explication objective et scientifique des faits économiques et sociaux, à la culture méthodique de l’esprit critique, à l’apprentissage actif de l’énergie, de la liberté, de la responsabilité. Or, cette formation civique de la jeunesse est l’un des devoirs fondamentaux d’un état démocratique et c’est à l’enseignement public qu’il appartient de remplir ce devoir … Les étudiants sont alors fidèles à Rimbaud, en mettant en avant la poésie par rapport à l’action, et en faisant la lueur sur le projet humain. Ils refont l’itinéraire de Marx en allant sans cesse de la nécessaire utopie à la nécessaire rationalité.” [Italics added]

2. That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for this doctrine in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic.

3. Louis St. Laurent/St–Laurent/Saint Laurent.

4. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … Le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See: “All that is important to me is that we find, in the very near future, a means which will allow us to combine our forces, in order to crush forever the Duplessis machine.” Jean Lesage (5 August 1958) in Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31; 26: “Je désire fermement que nous trouvions, au plus tôt, une formule qui nous permettra de combiner nos forces afin d’écraser à tout jamais la machine duplessiste.” [Italics added]

Remarks: Henceforth the Economic Heartland of Canada will be the sole purview of the Québécocracy and its puppets in the provincial legislatures: Jean Lesage (1912–1980) and his followers will discover the political and economic means they require to destroy the Union nationale in the Parti Québécois, — led by René Lévesque, following in the footsteps of Jean–Louis Lévesque (1911–1994), — qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.

See: “In September, 1959, Premier Duplessis flew to the iron ore port of Sept–Îles, 150 kilometres downriver from Baie–Comeau, and then north to the iron–mining company town of Schefferville on the Labrador border. There he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and died four days later in the Iron Ore Company of Canada guest house … William Bennett, the president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, a former executive assistant to C.D. Howe and head of a number of Howe’s crown corporations, became a patron of the young lawyer [Brian Mulroney]. Bennett introduced him around town and surprised him one Christmas with a huge television set. He eventually groomed Mulroney to be his successor at Iron Ore.” Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos & Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1984, 43–61.

5. X

6. René Lévesque (1922–1987), “Pas plus bêtes que les arabes,” Cité Libre, 11.27(mai, 1960), 18: “On a vraiment l’air fin, avec nos rois nègres. Je me demande si on ne pourrait pas emprunter aux Arabes un de leurs sultans ou même de leurs colonels.” [Italics added]

7. X

8. See: “How could so many, after the many years that he held Cuba in bondage, tied to the malignant, exhausted banner of communism, hold Fidel Castro as a hero, and proclaim him their idol? It was surely not from what he did? Executions by fiat, repression of the press, surveillance on citizens, disappearances of loved ones, persecution of homosexuals and contempt for religion: These are not the practices to earn the praiseful flutterings of the Liberal heart. And yet they did, and Mr. Castro is mourned by some of the most sensitive souls of our time.” Rex Murphy, “Sing Along With Fidel, Sensitive Souls, and You Won’t Hear the Cubans’ Screams,” National Post, 2 December 2016.

9. “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.” Pierre–Basile Mignault (1854–1945), L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, 119.

See: “[Pierre–Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgments, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.” John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

10. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, new edition, 2 vols., New York, Valentine Seaman, 1824, I/381–II/203. [1690]

See: “Locke was heavily involved in the slave trade, both through his investments and through his administrative supervision of England’s burgeoning colonial activities … The attempt to reconcile Locke’s involvement in the slave trade with his reputation as a philosopher of liberal freedom has a long history, beginning shortly after the abolition of the slave trade … Locke’s readers are faced with the problem of how he could have been so intimately involved in promoting an activity that he apparently knew to be unjustified … We are disturbed by the ease with which some commentators excuse Locke of racism or minimize its significance … to advocate, administer, and profit from a specifically racialized form of slavery is clear evidence of [Locke’s] racism, if the word is to have any meaning at all.” Robert Bernasconi & Anika Maaza Mann, “The Contradictions of Racism: Locke, Slavery, and the Two Treatises,” Race and Racism in Modern Philosophy, Andrew Valls, editor, Ithaca/London, Cornell University Press, 2005, 89–107; 89–89–90–91–91.

11. Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.” Renatus Cartesius, “Secundæ Responsiones,” Œuvres de Descartes: Meditationes de Prima Philosophia, vol. 7, Charles Adam & Paul Tannery, éditeurs, Paris, Léopold Cerf, 1904, 128–159; 140–141.

Remarks: How very clear and distinct are the ideas of Cartesius, coming from his very own hand, although his best translators are also clear and distinct, but less clear and less distinct than the very words of Cartesius himself, as found in his very greatest works, since his Latin is now a dead language, while his modern interpreters fail to conceptually elucidate the rational philological and hermeneutical foundations of their sophistical critiques.

12. See: “In France, the unjust social and political conditions of the time were criticized by a group of philosophers known as the philosophes. This group, which included Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.” William Thomas Jones (1910–1998), “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

See also: “[Martin Luther] symbolizes the split within Christianity between Protestants and Roman Catholics. This split has affected the political and cultural developments of every nation in Europe and North and South America.” Jaroslav Jan Pelican (1923–2006), “Martin Luther, 1483–1546,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 12, Chicago, 1971, 458–459.

See: “Some of the democratic ideas of the Puritans finally won a place for themselves after many years of oppression, persecution, a civil war, and a period of political and religious dictatorship.” Wyndham Mason Southgate (1910–1998), “Puritan,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 15, Chicago, 1971, 803.

13. Frank Morgan & Henry William Carless Davis (1874–1928), French Policy Since 1871, London, 1914, 4.

14. William Thomas Jones, “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

15. Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v: “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme dont il porte le nom.”

16. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.” Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

• Neville Chamberlain, The Struggle For Peace, Toronto, Allen, 1939, 33. [Italics added]

Remarks: In this instance, Chamberlain does not face every situation that arises, — he faces Hitlerite Germany: Neville Chamberlain “reconciles” his ideology with European events, and the result is subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the arena of modern British world politics and economics. Neville Chamberlain therefore fails to rationally reconcile the Industrial and French Revolutions in his domestic and foreign political and economic policy precisely because he is the fateful prisoner of 19th century British KantioHegelian nationalism and imperialism.

See: “The intellectual superiority of the Left is seldom in doubt. The Left alone thinks out principles of political action and evolves ideas for statesmen to aim at … morality can only be relative, and not universal … ethics must be interpreted in terms of politics; and the search for an ethical norm outside politics is doomed to frustration.” Edward Hallett Carr, The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 1919–1939: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations, 2nd edition, London, Macmillan, 1962, 20–21–21.

See finally: “By my definition, a theory of international politics would be a set of generally valid and logically consistent propositions that explain the outcomes of interactions between and among political actors. As such, the theory would contain three kinds of statements: (1) those which identify or take inventory of components and properties of international systems and events, (2) those which identity and describe relationships among the components and properties of the international systems and events, and (3) those which explain or otherwise account for such relationships.” Donald James Puchala, International Politics Today, New York, Dodd, Mead, 1971, 358.

17. The ThirtyTwo 1995 Criminals: David Anderson, Lloyd Axworthy, Ethel Blondin–Andrew, Raymond Chan, Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien (Jean–Jacques), David Michael Collenette, Sheila Copps, David Charles Dingwall, Michel Dupuy, Arthur C. Eggleton, Joyce Fairbairn, Sheila Finestone, Alphonso Gagliani, Jon Gerrard, Ralph Edward Goodale, †Herbert Eser Gray, Ron Irwin, Lawrence MacAulay, Roy MacLaren, John Manley, Sergio Marchi, Diane Marleau, Paul Edgar Philippe Martin, Marcel Massé, Anne McLellan, André Ouellet, Fernand Robichaud, Douglas Peters, Allan Rock, Christine Stewart, Brian Tobin, Douglas Young.

18. Let us not forget the Québec Regime at Queen’s Park: “In February, provincial Premier Robert K. Rae announced his government would support ‘Let’s Move,’ a program to spend $2.5 billion on new subways and transit lines [Bombardier/SNC–Lavalin/Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec]. Four of the lines were to be built in the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto. Another was slated for Mississauga, which is immediately to the west of Toronto. The provincial government was to pay 75 percent of the cost of ‘Let’s Move,’ and local municipalities were to pay 25 percent. But over the summer, the provincial government decided to try reducing its deficit by cutting grants to municipalities. These losses forced municipalities to cut their payrolls by 5 percent. This was accomplished by requiring municipal employees to take up to 12 days of unpaid leave.” David Lewis Stein, “Toronto,” A Review of the Events of 1993: The 1994 World Book Year Book, the Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1994, 416.

See: “The Ontario government sold the SkyDome … to a group of private investors for $151 million. The 50,000–seat stadium, which features a retractable roof and adjoining hotel, cost about $600 million to build in the mid–1980’s.” David Morice Leigh Farr, “Canadian Provinces,” A Review of the Events of 1994: The 1995 World Book Year Book, the Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1995, 119.

19. David Morice Leigh Farr, “Canada,” The 1995 World Book Year Book: A Review of the Events of 1994, Chicago, 1995, 110–115.

20.

21.

22. Frank Atkins, David MacKinnon & Marco Navarro–Genie, Equalization Fairness Report: Expert Recommendations For Fairness in Canada’s Equalization System, Edmonton, 2016, 4.

See: “The federal government spent $28.2 billion less in Alberta than it received from taxpayers in 2014. That number, or the ‘General governments surplus’ (including CPP) was $12 billion in Ontario and $6 billion in British Columbia. While 2014 saw the largest net amount Albertans had ever sent in one year to Ottawa, the trend was well established: Alberta is the only province never to have been a net recipient since 2007. As seen in Figure 1, from 2007 to 2014, despite economic ups and downs, the amount of taxes sent to Ottawa that didn’t make it back to Alberta never went below $19.8 billion. This equals a staggering net contribution over the eight years of $190 billion from the province.” Frank Atkins, David MacKinnon & Marco Navarro–Genie, Ibidem, 2.

23.

24.

25. Beverley McLachlin, Reconciling Unity and Diversity in the Modern Era: Tolerance and Intolerance: Remarks of the Right Honorable Beverley McLachlin, P.C. Chief Justice of Canada at the Aga Khan Museum, Toronto, 2015, 1–6.

26.

27

28.

29.

30.

31. Janice MacKinnon, Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political TradeOffs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003.

See: “Although all provinces had a fiscal problem, they did not all make the same strategic choices, since differing approaches marked a dividing line between between right– and left–wing governments. In 1995, just when Saskatchewan and Alberta were balancing their budgets, they were drawn into the vortex of the rapidly deteriorating federal fiscal situation. The scramble at the provincial level was often more desperate [x] in the early 1990s, but the stakes were higher as federal Finance Minister Paul Martin prepared for his landmark 1995 budget … I must admit that the choices he made have weathered well. Rather than merely turning more power over to the provinces, the federal government repositioned itself to meet the challenges of the twenty–first century … [xi] As Roy Romanow’s NDP government wrestled Saskatchewan’s ballooning deficit to the ground, the most taxing conflicts were internal ones. Politics involves more divisions within the ranks than is often apparent from the outside. But the conflicts also reflected the struggle within the NDP to come to grips with deficit reduction and the global economy. The NDP believes in government and spending, and in the 1990s we had to cut both. In an exercise that only can be described as gut wrenching, we had to cut and even eliminate programs that our party had created in the 1970s.” Janice MacKinnon, “Preface,” Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political TradeOffs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003, ix–xii; ix–xi.

Remarks: Janice MacKinnon justifies the massive healthcare cuts she made (and the resulting demise of the old–timers of the CCF, the bastion of Western Canadocentricism and anti–Québécocentrisme) by referring to the difference she draws between right and left wing governments, but her distinction completely misses the rational conception of the Québécocracy, because she does not differentiate between the Québec and anti–Québec wings in the NDP, the result of Western alienation, namely the rejection of politique fonctionnelle by the followers of John Diefenbaker and Tommy Douglas: Janice MacKinnon’s political and economic division between the Canadian left and right is a delusion, which ignores the Québec wings of the federal political parties, which profoundly influence provincial affairs across Canada (especially in the realm of public works).

Janice MacKinnon therefore meticulously avoids any mention of the corrupt influence upon herself and Roy Romanow, coming from Bob Rae and his brother John Rae of the Power Corporation, — the latter ran Jean Chrétien’s election campaigns in 1993, 1997 and 2000: MacKinnon perpetrates the 1995 Myth of Canada on the verge of collapse, invented by the 1995 Criminals, in order to protect themselves and their family members from the wrath of the Canadian people, — who lost many loved ones because they did not receive the proper medical treatments they deserved (and were promised) when they needed them the most.

Why did the Québécocracy make the 1995 cuts? The cuts were made in order to save the Québec Regime in Ottawa which was on the verge of collapse, and thereby retarded Canadocentric political and economic power: The breathing room thus achieved, prolonged the lifespan of the Québec Regime in Ottawa for another decade, until it finally collapsed under the political and economic blows of PM Harper, Westernism and the Ford Nation. Federal cash saved from the 1995 Cuts ultimately lined the pockets of the Québec Inc., via the effort to “save” Canada in the 1995 Québec Referendum, — and from thence to Europe (France, Belgium, Luxembourg, and francophone Switzerland) as well as the Tropics, far beyond the reach of Revenue Canada: The Québécocrats needed a political platform back in the day, in order to gain power and greatly enrich themselves, their families and friends, so they borrowed very heavily from the European New Left and Eurocommunism (Charles Margrave Taylor, Cité Libre and so forth). When the European New Left and Eurocommunism collapsed with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Québécocracy lost many of its idéologues, especially in anglophone Canada, so they resorted to more sinister means in order to salvage and prolong their power. The last nail in the coffin of our inferior ruling class came with the rise of the digital economy in the United States of America, and the ruin of the media empire of the Québécocracy.

See: “In January 1995, when the Wall Street Journal, ‘the bible of the U.S. business community,’ published an editorial entitled ‘Bankrupt Canada?’ that referred to Canada as ‘an honorary member of the Third World in the unmanageability of its debt problem,’ and raised the prospect that it could ‘hit the debt wall,’ even the most laidback Canadian taxpayer had to take notice.” Janice MacKinnon, Minding the Public Purse: The Fiscal Crisis, Political TradeOffs, and Canada’s Future, Kingston & Montréal, Queen’s/McGill University Press, 2003, 3.

Remarks: Janice MacKinnon, exactly as Paul Martin Junior in his political memoirs, perpetrates the Québec Regime myth that Canada was on the brink of financial, commercial and industrial collapse in 1995: Martin and MacKinnon completely ignore the cozy relationship between the Wall Street Journal and the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy (the Empire of Paul Desmarais), which for decades ensured that the Québécocracy influenced the print media in the USA (with regards to its coverage of Canadian politics and economics), with cheap, Canadian taxpayer subsidized, newsprint. The newspaper magnates are happy to print whatever stories the Québécocracy desires, so long as the spigot of cheap Canadian newsprint is not turned off, — which greatly increases their profits. Today, we see the same situation in the war against President Trump, as the media interests of China and Europe in America launch massive propaganda attacks against Trumponomics: The American Idealists of the White House, Washington and Wall Street do not therefore declare war upon the American people. Axel Springer’s Business Insider is regularly publishing editorials and reports against President Trump (the end of America is at hand), in order to wreck the administration, and thereby help the Democrats, in the hope of destroying US tariffs against European political and economic irrationalism: Does the President of the United States of America, in response, suddenly start making massive cuts which destroy the lives of millions of Americans? Not at all. President Trump follows the road of rational political and economic order.

Québécocrats will no doubt respond that federal statistics from the third and fourth Québec Regimes in Ottawa prove otherwise: This is the corrupt modus operandi of every criminal ruling class. We do not condemn statistics in toto, only statistics based upon sophistical mathematical methodologies: Critiques against socalled “Platonism in mathematics” are Kantian and Kantio–Hegelian delusions. We accuse the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006 of mortal corruption: The Québécocracy in Ottawa and Québec City should therefore release the archives of the principles involved, and refute the charge leveled against them. This the Québécocracy will never do because the charge is irrefutable.

32.

33.

34.

35.

36.

37.

38.

39. “John Rae was Jean Chrétien’s right–hand man in the elections of 1993, 1997 and 2000.”See: “John Rae, qui a été l’organisateur de Jean Chrétien lors des élections de 1993, de 1997 et de 2000.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 17.

40. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012.

41. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, updated edition, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 8–9–109–146–147. [1987]

42. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos & Nick Auf der Maur (1942–1998), Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1985, 85. [1984]

43. Graham Fraser in Robert Chodos, Rae Murphy & Eric Hamovitch, Selling Out: Four Years of the Mulroney Government, Toronto, James Lorimer & Company, 1988, 104.

44. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, updated edition, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 375–376. [1987]

45. “Debt–service expenditures will rise from $6.2 billion in 2009–2010 to $32.1 billion in 2030–2031, to constitute 22.5 per cent of total revenues at the end of the forecast horizon.” Mario Lefebvre, Quebec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded, Ottawa, 2010, 3.

46. See: “Thus, in the 1950s Paul Desmarais met Jean–Louis Lévesque, a prosperous Gaspesian enriched in Québec by Maurice Duplessis. Lévesque was then the head of the Trans–Canada Investment Corporation: He lent money at a low rate to his friend Paul Desmarais because he liked his business acumen. Desmarais made good on the investment in a series of astute business transactions, and ended up buying Lévesque’s company, which included the Blue Bonnets Hippodrome and the Dupuis Brothers.” Diana Thebaud Nicholson, “Paul Desmarais RIP: Paul Desmarais 1927–2013,” WednesdayNight: Where the World Comes Together, 3 December 2013: “C’est aussi dans les années 1950 que Paul Desmarais rencontre Jean–Louis Lévesque, un Gaspésien devenu prospère au Québec grace à l’aide de Maurice Duplessis. À la tête de la Corporation de valeurs TransCanada, Lévesque prete de l’argent à faible taux à son ami Desmarais dont il apprecie le côté fonceur. Ce dernier en profite pour realiser une serie de coups fumants et va jusqu’à acheter la companie de Lévesque qui comprend l’hippodrome Blue Bonnets et Dupuis Frères.”

47. “On sent sa présence partout, mais on ne le voit nulle part. C’est un homme qui semble craindre la lumière.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 19.

48. “En 1985, on estimait la fortune personnelle de Paul Desmarais père à environ 500 millions de dollars. Or, en 2008, on l’estime à près de 5 milliards de dollars, soit 10 fois plus importante.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 17.

49. Anonymous, “Paul Desmarais Dies At 86,” Huffington Post Canada, 9 October 2013.

See: “An art lover, Desmarais has one of Canada’s largest private art collections. Two wings of Montréal’s Fine Arts Museum are named in honour of his family. Desmarais also used his fortune to build one of the world’s most exclusive golf courses on his sprawling 75–square–kilometre Sagard estate in the mountainous Charlevoix region of Québec. A housewarming party in 2003 attracted political heavyweights, including Mulroney, former Québec premier Lucien Bouchard.” Ibidem.

50. Anonymous, “Paul Desmarais Dies At 86,” Huffington Post Canada, 9 October 2013.

51. Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston/Montreal, 1982, 161.

See: “Until recently in Québec, the two language groups functioned according to a tacit understanding: The English ran business and the French controlled government and culture.” Ibidem, 159.

Remark: Exact historiography tells a very different tale: In Quebec, as well as in Canada, both Anglophones and Francophones ran, and still run, business, government and culture. The rational distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes does not correspond with the historical division between Anglophones and Francophones in the American world.

52.

53. “Peu s’attardent sur ce que le Québec et son État ont donné à M. Desmarais. Il y a une réponse courte à cette question: Tout!” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

54. See: “Michel Plessis–Belair does not serve the best interests of Québec, he serves the best interests of the Power Corporation (Michel Plessis–Belair, vice–president of the board of the Power Corporation, has also sat on the board of the Hydro–Québec since April 7, 2004): Look at the many decisions that have been made over the years by the Hydro–Québec and … those decisions benefit the Power Corporation, one must therefore conclude that something is very wrong with the Hydro–Québec … The laws do not apply to Paul Desmarais.”

Richard Le Hir, Desmarais, 2012: “Michel Plessis–Belair n’est pas la pour l’interet superieur du Québec la, il est la pour l’interet superieur de Power [Michel Plessis–Belair, le vice–président du conseil d’administration de Power Corporation, siège à celui d’Hydro–Québec depuis le 7 avril 2004]: Et quand vous voyez un certain nombre de decisions qui ont ete pris pour Hydro–Québec au cour des années et … qu’ils avantage Power, la vous vous dites qu’il y a vraiment quelque chose qui va plus … la loi ne s’applique pas a Monsieur Desmarais.”

55. “Les liquidités de l’ampleur de son ambition ne pouvaient se trouver que dans le giron de l’État, principalement celui du Québec. C’est l’histoire de la prise de contrôle par Paul Desmarais de Gelco (Gatineau Electric), devenu Gesca, et de Power, qui disposaient d’importantes liquidités versées par l’État.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

56. “La Consolidated–Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

57. “Dans la plus importante transaction financière de l’histoire du Canada, Desmarais vend à des Américains pour plus de 2,6 milliards de dollars la Consolidated–Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec. Suit la vente de Montréal Trust pour 550 millions. Voilà un pactole de 3 milliards arrachés aux ressources naturelles et à la sueur des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

58.

59. “Le groupe Desmarais–Power occupe une position dominante pour influencer l’orientation constitutionnelle, économique et sociale de l’État québécois actuel et futur.” Pierre Godin in Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 13.

60. “Claude Frenette a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui-ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada le 25 juin 1968.” Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 15.

See: “[Paul] Desmarais, qui avait propulsé la carrière politique de Pierre Trudeau, puis celle de Jean Chrétien.” Jacques Parizeau in Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 16.

61. “Paul Desmarais senior sold Canada Steamship Lines for $195 million to his then–employee Paul Martin, in 1981. Desmarais also hired Brian Mulroney as a lawyer to help settle a strike at his Montréal newspaper, La Presse, in 1972. Four years later, Desmarais was Mulroney’s biggest backer in the latter’s first bid for the leadership of the Progressive Conservative Party.” James Winter, “Reporting on the Pharmaceutical Industry: Profit Before People,” The Political Economy of Media and Power, New York, 2010, 264–265.

62. “Très tôt, Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013.

63. Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two–party state,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

64. William S. Willoughby, “Saint Lawrence Seaway,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, Chicago, 1971, 38–42.

65. William S. Willoughby, Ibidem.

66. Ibidem.

67. Ibidem.

68.

69.

70.

71.

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