QUÉBÉCOCRACY: EMPIRE OF PAUL DESMARAIS

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2018)

PREFACE

We hereby present to the public some of our writings on the Québécocracy, — a vanishing phase of world history in Canada. Indeed, the Hydro–Québec (hydraulic) ruling class disposed of the old British imperialist régimes in French and English Canada. Alas, the political and economic instrumentalities with which the Québécocracy eliminated British imperialism in Canada were themselves borrowed from European modernity in the form of Bonapartism, — namely autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher). Once the groundworks of modern European raison d’état are destroyed in Canada, the very foundations of the Québécocracy dissolve along with the world historical efficacy of the political and economic instrumentalities of the Québec Regime, 1968–2006. Canada is thus repositioned in natural alignment with Americanism. This at least is the rational verdict of exact historiography and world history.

The four literary portraits of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin are intended merely to outline and highlight the fertile ground of Canadian political and economic history under the comprehensive form of Americanism, — a magnificent task which awaits the rising generation of Canadians in the world of today.

We sincerely hope that our readers grasp the inner and immanent thread which unites these four portraits as historical moments in the rise of Americanism, in the clash between English and French Canada, as the world spirit of Globalism, and therefore sympathize with our intention in publishing these newfangled ideas: The rational conception of Canada.

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, 2018

INTRODUCTION: WORLD HISTORY AND CANADIAN POLITY

In world history the political and economic germs of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are found in the decline of the British Empire, in the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism, and not merely in the globalization of the earth. Economic globalization concerns every country on earth, while the supremacy of Globalism involves the rise of Western civilization in the world of today. This selfsame political and economic movement of Globalism, in various forms and degrees of intensity, is found in all 20th century world history:

“In our destruction of institutions and ways of thinking, we create the ability to transcend them: This is the basis of our movement. We want to constantly overthrow everything around us, to create a Utopia in the existing world.”¹

In Canadian political and economic history, the collapse of modernity and rise of Globalism is named the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — the Québécocracy: From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.²

1 — Who Murdered Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson?

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais comes from out of the government of Louis Saint Laurent³ crushed under the hammer blows of John Diefenbaker and Westernism: From out of the struggles for power in Québec between the followers of Louis Saint Laurent and Maurice Duplessis.

With the Liberals out of power in Ottawa, the creatures of Louis Saint Laurent are out of work and prospects: They set their sights upon Québec and Maurice Duplessis. In the war against the Triple Alliance they are assisted by the federal Liberal opposition in their endeavors to destroy the Union nationale: According to their schemes, the road back to Ottawa leads through Québec with the destruction of Franco–Canadian conservatism.

After the sudden deaths of Premier Maurice Duplessis and Premier Paul Sauvé, the Union nationale is struck down in 1960 by the Jean Lesage Liberals. Now the road is open for the return of Liberalism in Ottawa under Pearson: John Diefenbaker is defeated in 1963 under the blows of the Pearson–Lesage combine, and Mike takes power. But the Union nationale is not very easily destroyed in Québec after so many years in office, which means Mike’s hold on power is weak and rests upon uncertain foundations: A strong and resurgent conservatism under Robarts and Johnson could still end the half century Liberal stranglehold upon Ottawa.

With the sudden death of Premier Daniel Johnson (the elder) the stage is set for the demise of Franco–Canadian conservatism in the rise of the Parti Québécois and the anti–federalist movement: Jean Chrétien and René Lévesque have arrived upon the scene:

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais [DAY maw ray] under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”⁴

The seeds are sowed: Rational political and economic order in Canada is undone. Nearly a half century will pass before Canada rises once again upon the seat of rational political and economic order under PM Stephen Harper.⁵ Québec will be deeply divided into federalist and anti–federalist camps, and the Canadian economy will be gutted. Henceforth the vote will be split in half, which is the true and real basis upon which rests the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles.⁶

“We really are sick and tired of our Nigger Kings: I wonder if we could borrow a Sultan or Colonel from the Arabs.”⁷ Thus, as their counterparts in the Francophonie and Communauté, with their modern European opposition between monarchism and republicanism, resultant from the world historical clash between the Industrial and French Revolutions, the rulers of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and their families are enriched beyond their wildest dreams. But the outdated and surpassed Napoléonic and French revolutionary “conception” of right is not the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America: Modern freedom is not Global freedom.⁸

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the arena of politics and economics is deeply rooted among Franco–Canadians like Pierre–Basile Mignault: “Nations are individuals: I will always uphold this analogy.”⁹ From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.”¹⁰ Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion.¹¹ The French revolution unleashed upon European politics and economics this sophistical distemper of the philosophes,¹² and brought to prominence the modern unreason of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke:

“The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoleon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoleon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”¹³

The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself? “Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”¹⁴

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European Raison d’État:

“France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and glorious achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”¹⁵

Shall we forget to mention the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man,” exactly like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Paul Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”¹⁶

We shall see where these “new ways” of political and economic power lead Paul Desmarais and the Québec Regime, just as the revolutionary power of Napoléon Bonaparte destroyed the Ancien Régime of feudal France: After fifty years of political and economic irrationalism, the Canadian financial, commercial and industrial heartland will be in shambles. From out of the modern power struggles between English and French Canada, and the clash between the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, arises rational political and economic order, which results in the financial, commercial and industrial supremacy of Globalism in Canada.

2 — Crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa

Remember Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, whose actions gutted the Canadian military, and threw many thousands of Canadian civil servants and their families into the bread lines, soup kitchens and flop houses, especially in Ontario?¹⁷ The 1995 cuts were their handiwork, which profoundly damaged social programs in Canada for a generation of Canadians, especially healthcare services in Ontario and Québec.¹⁸

“In 1994 Paul Martin announced defense spending reductions totaling $7 billion in the following five years. The cuts would close four major bases and two military colleges within the next three years: Some sixteen smaller installations would also be pared down or be closed. The Martin–Chrétien plan would also terminate over 16,500 military and civilian employees of the defense department, leaving a civilian support staff and armed force of 91,900 men and women by the year 1998.”¹⁹

The political and economic irrationalism of Jean Chrétien and the 1995 criminals of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais greatly harmed the financial, commercial and industrial growth of Ontario, the motor of central Canada, causing Premier Mike Harris to make budget cuts in social services, instead of greatly increasing provincial taxes and debt: The Harris policies were made very unpopular by the Québec Regime media in English Canada, since the biggest backer of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin over the years, namely Paul Desmarais, “controls some seven daily newspapers in Québec and Ontario.”²⁰ The Empire of Desmarais had a hand therefore in the downfall of the conservative government of Ontario: Desmarais thus helped to bring Paul Martin to power, as well as the Québec Regime in Queen’s Park (McGuinty, Wynne and so forth), which eventually increased nearly threefold the provincial debt of Ontario, costing Ontarians more taxes, and giving them less services.

How many Canadians died in the 1990’s because they did not get the proper medical treatment they deserved when they needed it the most? They were the sick and elderly of the generation that supported conservatism in Ontario and Québec before the advent of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais.

The same policy was ruthlessly followed by Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan (another puppet of the Québec Regime), the main victims being the Old-Timers who founded the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti-Liberalism in Western Canada:

“The new minister delivered a tough budget … With a cumulative public debt of $14.9 billion and a population in which less than one–third of 1 million people pay income tax, prospects for revenue growth were dim … Saskatchewan, which introduced the first medicare (public health care) system in North America … planned to reduce the number of hospital beds from 7,284 to 4,300.”²¹

Exact historiography proves the Old–Timers who founded the Co–operative Commonwealth Federation, the generation of Tommy Douglas and Woodrow Lloyd, the bastion of anti–Liberalism in Western Canada, were sacrificed upon the altar of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique:

“In an article entitled ‘Why Equalization No Longer Works,’ former Finance Minister Joe Oliver reviews several fundamental problems associated with equalization and questions whether this massive government program meets its original goal and still achieves a legitimate public purpose. He concludes by noting that current economic circumstances cry out for ‘a major overhaul of a decades old equalization program that is past its best before date’ … Québec, for example, has been able, at least in part due to the equalization subsidies from other Canadians which this year topped $10 billion, to support provincial programming that is much more accessible to residents in that province than elsewhere. Statistics Canada reported that the weighted average undergraduate tuition fees for full–time students in Québec is less than half the Alberta figure. The Globe and Mail also reported that average monthly fees for full–day daycare for toddlers in Québec was $152 in 2012. The corresponding figures were $825 for Alberta and $925 for Ontario, the highest of all provinces.”²²

Historiasters at the schools of the Québec Regime (Janice MacKinnon and company) tell another tale because their snouts are in the trough.²³

The Québec Regime “Left” in Ottawa hands out the goodies to the Québec Inc, namely the Lion’s Share of federal employment, infrastructure and public works projects, and (unconstitutional) equalization payments. When the debt crunch finally comes, as in 1995, the Québec Regime “Right” arrives upon the scene and makes the cuts, which means they sweep the sick and elderly into the dustbin of history. Adolf Hitler’s economic policy in the 1930’s greatly enriched the ruling class of Germany and employed many Germans, but mutatis mutandis this is no rational argument for the benevolence of Nazidom.

This folly is called “centrism” or governing from the center, by Québec Regimers like Paul Martin Junior, which means that all anti–Québec Regime politics and economics is attacked as non–centrist. It goes without saying that the Québec Regimers are neither Liberals nor Conservatives, in the traditional meaning of the terms inherited from Great Britain and the United States of America, but are really nothing more than a gang of crooks.²⁴

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has robbed Western Canadians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the Western economy, putting Westerners to work, building up Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry, especially in Alberta and Saskatchewan.

The Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais has also robbed Ontarians of some $1–Trillion in (unconstitutional) equalization over the years (compound interest included), which belongs in the economy of Ontario, putting Ontarians to work, building up finance, commerce and industry in Ontario.

Another example of the political and economic satanism of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais:

“History shows there are two ways societies can deal with diversity of opinion and behavior … The objective was to ‘take the Indian out of the child,’ and thus to solve what John A. Macdonald referred to as the ‘Indian problem.’ ‘Indianness’ was not to be tolerated; rather it must be eliminated. In the buzz-word of the day, assimilation; in the language of the 21st century, cultural genocide.”²⁵

Exact historiography and world history proves there are many different ways that societies have dealt with diversity of opinion and behavior in the past. The historical objective of Sir John A. MacDonald and the Government of Canada was not to “take the Indian out of the child,” to solve what was referred to as the “Indian problem” and commit what modern irrationalists like Beverley McLachlin name “cultural genocide.”

Canadian Indians and “Indianness” were greatly tolerated in most parts of Canada, as the historical evidence demonstrates: Our population has always intermingled to an extraordinary degree. Assimilation and the assimilation of Indians and “Indianness” in the exact historiography and history of Canada is not therefore, and never was, cultural genocide: The so-called notion of culture advanced by Beverley McLachlin and her clique of irrationalists at the Supreme Court of Canada, the basis of fédéralisme asymétrique, is a Kantian delusion.

Beverley, dear, how many Canadian “Indians” across Canada are either dead or suffering from very serious health problems, men, women, children, elderly, even babies, caused by the toxic waste dumps of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (your very good friends): A human and environmental catastrophe which is costing Canadian taxpayers more than $4-billion to clean-up (as well as the yet uncalculated $Billions in First Nations and aboriginal healthcare costs)? Kitty-cat got your tongue, Beverley dear? So much for justice and human rights under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais.

Bobby Rae wrecked the New Democratic Party for Jean Chrétien and Pierre Trudeau: It was love at first sight, when Jean-Jacques first laid his eyes upon angelic Bobby and his brother floating down the ski slopes of Europe back in the 1960’s.²⁶ Of course Pierre got in on the action: Rae syndrome spread like syphilis amongst careerists and opportunists alike; Bobby’s pygmies soon controlled the uppermost echelons of the NDP in Ottawa and across Canada.

Since that time, and without exception, at least until the rise of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Western conservatism, the leaders of every Liberal and New Democratic regime have been the creatures of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, because it is a degenerate ruling class:

“Premier Robert K. Rae, head of the New Democratic Party (NDP) government, went on television on January 21 to announce stiff restraints on government spending. Increases in provincial allowances for hospitals, schools, and municipalities were to be limited to 1 per cent for fiscal 1992–1993 and to 2 per cent for each of the next two years … On January 22, Ontario purchased a 49 per cent equity interest in de Havilland, an aircraft manufacturer and subsidiary of Boeing Company of Seattle, for $49 million ($39.9 million U.S.) and pledged another $300 million ($240 million U.S.) in subsidies. Bombardier Incorporated of Quebec purchased a controlling interest in the company.”²⁷

Since the rise of Bobby Rae, until the advent of Stephen Harper, the Ford Nation, and Western conservatism, whether under Mike Harcourt in British Columbia or Roy Romanow in Saskatchewan, in the provinces the New Democratic Party has been firmly controlled by the Québec Regime. We must ask ourselves, therefore, Does Bobby Keith Rae suffer deeply from the affliction of flabby mindedness? He nearly bankrupted Ontario according to Peter Charles Newman.²⁸

At the same time in Ottawa and the provinces, the Liberal Party was firmly in the hands of the Chrétien family pulp and paper oligarchy, thanks to the selfsame vermin, whether in Ontario under Peterson, in Québec under Bourassa, in New Brunswick under McKenna, in Prince Edward Island under Ghiz, and under Wells in Newfoundland. Socialists and Liberals alike sold their souls to the corrupt oligarchy: The proof is in their attributions of massive federal and provincial public works and infrastructure contracts and in their control over the vast resource monopolies of Canadian crown lands. Nearly all infrastructure and equalization payments over the years have profited by far the backwards monopolies, outdated cartels and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime, which uses nationalism and socialism (la “Francophonie”) as a weapon to advance the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québec Inc, which is composed of the largest labour movement and unions in Canada, namely, the Fédération des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec and the Confédération des syndicats nationaux.

Yet the selfsame vampire oligarchy is wrecking Canadian finance, commerce and industry in the world of today. All these things are known to many Canadians. They are silent in fear of the bread line, soup kitchen and flop house. And rightly so. My creed is the philosophy of American Idealism: The Western establishment must govern in both Ottawa and the provinces, — in the name of rational political and economic order in Canada. The burdensome taxation, the greatest part of which falls upon English Canada, in the form of unconstitutional federal equalization payments (the Québécocracy has never signed the constitution), of which the Québec Regime always receives more than 50 per cent, must end with legislation passed under the Notwithstanding Clause, once the criminal ruling class is undone.

Liberal Party and New Democratic Party sweet talkers, first and foremost, serve the interests of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, especially under Thomas Mulcair, at least when it comes to the important question of who gets the biggest cut: Under Québec Regime domination (whether right, left, or center), the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share. No more! At least not since the reorganization of the American world initiated by President Trump. The Eastern Establishment under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais, has been completely corrupted by the modern European political and economic irrationalism of the criminal ruling class.

For this reason, amongst others, the worse mass murderer in the history of Canada tortured and killed some fifty Canadian women (perhaps more) over the span of a decade, while the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Victoria did absolutely nothing to stop the carnage. The proof? They had information on the killer all along, but allowed the monster to roam free. Liberalism shut down the bloodbath and then trumpeted the feat far and wide in order to fill its putrid maw with caviar and filet mignon. Bravo! Why did the federal Liberals under Jean Chrétien, whose family is now one of the richest in Canada (Forbes), sit on their hands for ten years in the first place? Because they are the selfsame Québec Regime, the selfsame inferior ruling class.

Did Premier Mike Harcourt and his insects rise to the top of the New Democratic Party without the assistance and intervention of the Québec Regime in Victoria? Not at all.²⁹ Every provincial and federal Liberal and New Democratic Party leaders, especially since the rise of Bobby Rae and his brother,³⁰ who is now a board member of Power Corporation, have always been the creatures of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais; the Québécocracy is now, since the death of Big Paul, a Bombardier ruling class:

“Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice-president and board member of Bombardier Corporation. In effect, direct relations exist between all the board members of Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of Bombardier Corporation … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well-known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”³¹

On many occasions, I have spoken to powerful politicians (and their emissaries) around the country over the years (whether they heed my words I cannot say): Canada should invest far more public works and infrastructure dollars in American finance, commerce and industry (which employs many millions of Canadians) because the vast political and economic advancement of Americanism (Amazon, Google, Microsoft, Apple, Facebook, Netflix) is far superior to the meager profits of the Québec Inc.

Another example: In Canada under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, nearly all dairy production is controlled by the Québec Inc., namely Saputo (Dairyland), Parmalat, Agropur, Lactantia, and so forth, a practice long named “supply management” by Québec Regime puppets like Andrew Coyne (Cité Libre) in the English Canadian press.³² It is the brain-child of men like Lino Saputo, perhaps the biggest backer of Jean Chrétien and the Liberal Party over the years, and now one of the 10 richest men in Canada according to Forbes.³³

The Québec Inc uses ultra-high temperature sterilization (UHT) to pasteurize Canadian milk, rendering it useless for homemade cheese, cottage cheese, good yogurt and other dairy products. Of course, the Québec Inc cheese is made of low-temperature pasteurized milk and even raw milk.

The Québec Regime has established its puppets in the capital cities of every Canadian province over the years, in order to bribe or coerce local municipal, provincial and federal politicians and their family members: Thus the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal government employment,³⁴ all public works and infrastructure projects in Canada and abroad (Francophonie, etc), as well as all (unconstitutional) federal equalization payments (the Québec Regime has never signed the Chrétien-Trudeau constitution).³⁵ The creatures of the Québec Regime also ensure that legislation is passed in the provinces (as well as Ottawa) that protects the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Inc. Raw milk, which is used to make cheese, is thus banned in nearly all of Canada.

How many Canadian children were malnourished over the past 50 years because their families could not afford to put milk, butter, cheese and eggs on their breakfast tables every morning? Today, some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty (merci Messieurs Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin). How many Canadian families were malnourished over the years because of the political and economic satanism of Lino Saputo and the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006?

According to the Charbonneau Commission of Montréal, organised crime long ago infiltrated the construction industry, and the ruling class of Québec was financed by this corruption. In other words, the Québec Regime was greatly enriched by the proceeds of organised crime. Over many decades organised crime in Montréal laundered drug money in the Québec construction industry. Therefore, proceeds of the heroin traffic from the Port of Montréal and the Saint Lawrence Seaway greatly enriched the ruling class of Québec. Blood money is therefore at the foundation of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais. Monsieur Martin, how many young people in Canada and the United States, as well as their families, were systematically ruined and destroyed by the political and economic satanism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais?

Do the families of the many thousands of victims of the Québec Regime in Ottawa deserve financial compensation for the horrific deaths of their loved ones, and for their losses, pain and suffering inflicted over the years? If your child dies a horrible death from heroin addiction and drug overdose, because evil politicians allow powerful Montréal crime bosses to roam free for many years, what do you do? Junior always ran in a Québec riding, and he was very closely associated with the ruling class of Québec for a half century: Yet he knew absolutely nothing of the massive political and economic corruption in the Québec construction industry and the money laundering links to Montréal organised crime? Remember the infamous mafia overlord Rizzuto, who got a bullet in his neck, and who was the biggest and most deadly crime boss in the history of Canada, perhaps even North America, and who in his day was as powerful as the New York bosses.

Paul Martin Junior is either mentally defective, otherwise he is in cahoots with organised crime (otherwise he is mentally defective and in cahoots with organised crime), — as is proved by his rôle in the Tainted–Blood Scandal. How do you get involved with politicians and politics and then become a billionaire in 20 years? You cut corners … How much dope came into Canada on the ships of Paul Martin and Canada Steamship Lines under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, — and from thence into America?

For nearly a half century Alberta tried to get its oil pipelines directly to Toronto and Montréal, and thereby decrease the cost of gasoline in eastern Canada: An excellent policy for Canadian productivity. The Western establishment and its energy projects were systematically and ruthlessly sabotaged by the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais. Meanwhile, for 30 years or more Paul Martin Junior made very good profits shipping Arab oil to eastern Canada. Canada is the only oil producing country in the world that has always imported the majority of its domestic oil consumption from foreign sources: A very bad policy for Canadian productivity. In Canadian history, the name of Paul Martin Junior is synonymous with the political and economic retardation of Canada.

Canada was hanging by the fingertips from the edge of annihilation in the 1995 Referendum, the work of five centuries was being undone: Who knows how many would have perished in the conflagration? Perhaps an entire generation would have been lost: The vampire demon of modern political and economic unreason was opening its bloodthirsty maw. One wrong move and the whole power keg would blow: The daggers and bayonets were coming out … around the corner a mighty historical catastrophe awaited Canada. The Golden Streets of this Canadian Paradise would be awash in rivers of blood. Meanwhile, the Sponsorship criminals were busy cutting Canada’s lifeline and filling their pockets with cash … Paul Martin and his associates cut Canada’s lifeline in the Québec Referendum.

The entire list of the monstrous crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and in the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

3 — Empire of Desmarais and the Québécocracy: The Quiet Revolution and Asymmetrical Federalism (Politique fonctionnelle)

Today, the province of Québec is a “Have-Not” region, like Ontario and Eastern Canada, because of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Regime in Ottawa:

“If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion — this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments.”³⁶

Paul Desmarais, Jean–Louis Lévesque, and the Québécocracy³⁷ first wrecked the finance, commerce and industry of Québec in the 1960’s by destroying the political and economic foundations of Duplessis and the Union nationale, — which unchained the Quiet revolution:

“The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French-Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead-end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles … We now know, after the last Budget Speech, this year Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”³⁸

The Quiet revolution and Empire of Paul Desmarais are the political and economic foundations of asymmetrical federalism (politique fonctionnelle) in Canada.

Paul Desmarais in his lifetime is a phantom: “The influence of Paul Desmarais is everywhere, while he remains invisible: The man seems to fear the light of day.”³⁹ In 1985 his fortune is estimated at around $500-Million: By 2008 Desmarais’ fortune has increased tenfold and is thought to be some $5-Billion.⁴⁰

“By the time he handed daily operations of the company to his sons in 1996, Desmarais had seen Power’s assets increase to $2.7 billion, from $165 million. Net earnings increased to $209 million from $3 million, and the market value of the company’s shares increased from $61 million to $2.6 billion, for a compounded annual return of 16.4 per cent. Canadian Business magazine ranked Desmarais as the wealthiest Québécker and Canada’s seventh wealthiest person, with a fortune estimated at $4.4 billion.”⁴¹

The words of Paul Desmarais speak for themselves: “Canada is my country. Québec is my province.”⁴² Paul Desmarais is a French chauvinist: “French Canadians have not been able to think of the long-term in business because they’ve had no economic power: This must change.”⁴³ The exact historiography of the Franco-Canadian people proves that they have possessed political and economic power in Canada and North America for centuries: French chauvinists, on the other hand, have not possessed very much political and economic power until the advent of the Quiet revolution and Empire of Desmarais.

What begins as the Quiet revolution, “Maître Chez Nous,” in the collapse of Franco-Canadian conservatism under Maurice Duplessis and the Union nationale at the hands of Jean Lesage and the federal and provincial Liberals, ends with the rape of Québec at the hands of Paul Desmarais and his Empire: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”⁴⁴ In other words, “the ruling class of Québec greatly enriched Paul Desmarais and his family over the years.”⁴⁵

Jean Lesage creates the Société Générale de Financement, and with René Lévesque, nationalizes the electrical companies of Québec. After the deaths of Duplessis, Sauvé and Johnson, and the destruction of the Union nationale in the Quiet Revolution, the greatest part of all Canadian political and economic power in Québec falls into the hands of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy: “The interests of Paul Desmarais are everywhere in Québec: His influence at the Caisse is well known.”⁴⁶

“Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepard, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”⁴⁷

The Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy is the result of massive political and economic corruption, beginning under Jean Lesage and the Québec Liberal Party, and continuing after the death of Daniel Johnson under both federalist and anti-federalist leaders in Québec:

“The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais thus accumulated could only be obtained through his patronage of government officials and his influence in Québec politics: That is the history of Desmarais’ takeover of Gelco (Gatineau Electric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation, which received huge subsidies over the years from the Québec Government.”55

The Empire of Paul Desmarais was first built upon Crown Lands controlled by his political friends in the Liberal Government of Québec: “Consolidated-Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years.”⁴⁸

“In the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Paul Desmarais sold Consolidated-Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Québec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from Québec taxpayers over the years, for $2.6-billion to American investors. The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550-million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped-off (arrachés) $3-billion in natural resources from the hard-working people of Québec.”⁴⁹

In other words, Paul Desmarais was one of the main backers of the Québec Liberal Party, and he was repaid with Crown Lands by Québec federalist and anti-federalist politicians like Jean Lesage, René Lévesque and Robert Bourassa.⁵⁰ (Lévesque anti-federalist in 1960) “The dominion of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation influences the constitutional, economic and social developments of Québec, and will continue in future governments.”⁵¹

My detractors will undoubtedly turn away from these writings, — and level the charge of ideology: When has the Constitution of the United States of America ever been named as ideology, in the sense of Stalinism, Hitlerism and Maoism? If the signers of the US Constitution are ideologues, then we are in very good company. If our adversaries mean we are ideologists in the pejorative sense of the word, then they place themselves squarely in the camp of anti–Americanism, and the dustbin of history …

Chapter 1: Philpot’s Argument and the Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais

Quebec journalist and author Robin Philpot wrote a scathing attack upon Paul Desmarais and his corrupt legacy.¹ Desmarais had recently died, and great praise was being heaped upon the deceased, for all the amazing things he had supposedly done for Quebec. Few people, however, realized what Quebec and the National Assembly had done for Paul Desmarais: The ruling-class of Quebec had greatly enriched Paul Desmarais and his family.²

According to Robin Philpot, the destiny of Paul Desmarais and his wealthy family would have been very different without the involvement of the government of Quebec over the years, which according to a famous contemporary, aspires to be a country and not merely a province: “French-Canadians who feel threatened always turn to Quebec,” Desmarais once said. “It’s our mentality.”³ Is this the secret behind the enormous wealth of Paul Desmarais and his family, that he was a persecuted French-Canadian businessman who needed government assistance in order to succeed in life? If Desmarais was so persecuted as a French-Canadian, then who were his persecutors? We know very well where this traditional sophistical reasoning leads in Canadian politics and economics.

Canadian establishmentarian journalists like Peter Charles Newman and Diane Francis have characterized the meteoric rise of Paul Desmarais in the 1960’s to the fact that he was “politically correct and a French-Canadian,” namely an arch-federalist capable of protecting the national interests of Canada and the Canadian ruling-class from the evils of the Quebec independence movement: This analysis, according to Robin Philpot, is fallacious, and is completely at odds with the real political and economic legacy of Paul Desmarais.⁴

1 — Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation

Paul Desmarais was never an entrepreneur: “Starting at the bottom takes far too long … I have never done anything from scratch.” Desmarais was the builder of a financial empire based entirely upon the constant influx of easy money, which was quickly turned into a vast fortune. The enormous wealth Desmarais thus accumulated could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in Quebec politics: That is the history of Desmarais’ take over of Gelco (Gatineau Electric), later Gesca, and also Power Corporation, which received huge subsidies over the years from the Quebec Government.⁵ After his take over of Power Corporation and the Montreal newspaper La Presse, the notion of the Empire of Desmarais first appeared, when the young Liberal deputy Yves Michaud sounded the alarm at the Quebec National Assembly:

“If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco-Trans-Canada Group [controlled by Paul Desmarais] is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175, 000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit d’Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45, 000 people.” ⁶

Despite the patriotic eloquence of Yves Michaud, nobody in Quebec really seemed to care …

2 — The Financial Empire of Desmarais: The Quebec Inc

Desmarais always cultivated very close political and economic connexions with provincial and federal elites, so that every Premier of Quebec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to “eat from his hand.”⁷ Yet, in the eyes of Robin Philpot, the anti-federalist Premiers of Quebec, René Lévesque and Jacques Parizeau, were never the creatures of Paul Desmarais.

Much has been written on the political and economic relations between Paul Desmarais and Jean-Louis Lévesque: “Jean-Louis Lévesque, the Montreal financier from far-away Gaspé, ‘knew first-hand the difficulties that awaited a French-Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French-Canadian high finance.’”⁸ As for Jacques Parizeau, he was the Premier of Quebec only for a relatively short period of time before being replaced by Lucien Bouchard, leader of the Second Quebec Referendum: Premier Bouchard did have political and economic affiliations with Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais: “Brian Mulroney and Lucien Bouchard used to talk about the meetings they had together at the Élysée with President François Mitterrand and Paul Desmarais.”⁹

According to Robin Philpot, not only did Paul Desmarais make investors flee from Quebec in the 1990’s during the administration of Robert Bourassa, but in 1989, in the largest financial transaction in Canadian history, Desmarais sold Consolidated-Bathurst, the crown jewel of the Quebec pulp and paper industry, which had benefited from very generous subsidies from tax-payers over the years, for $2.6 billion to American investors.¹⁰ The sale of Montréal Trust later followed for some $550 million: Thus, Paul Desmarais ripped-off (arrachés) $3 billion in natural resources from the hard-working people of Quebec.¹¹

3 — The Quebec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006

According to journalist and author Robin Philpot, Paul Desmarais was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and therefore he was also a very big crook.¹²

Defenders of Desmarais such as Marc Jussaume, who attack the credibility and honesty of Robin Philpot, assert that since Desmarais paid his taxes in Quebec, he was not therefore a very corrupt businessman: “Paul Desmarais decided to live in Montréal, and the Charlevoix, and for that reason Power Corporation has remained a Quebec taxpayer. What is the bad-faith of Philpot’s attack? Philpot accuses Paul Desmarais of being the most corrupt Quebec businessman.”¹³

But apart from his existentialist critique of Philpot’s bad-faith (a phrase popularized by Jean-Paul Sartre and his Parisian counter-culture followers in the 1960’s), Jussaume advances no further information on the exact amount of taxes the Empire of Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation has actually paidin Quebec over the years: Paul Desmarais, according to Robin Philpot, was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, but he also undoubtedly paid some taxes.

Jussaume also accuses Robin Philpot of tendentiousness and hyperbole: “The problem is that the nationalization of hydro-electricity started in 1962–1963, and was completed in 1964–1965. The investors who sold their companies to Desmarais essentially sold him bank accounts, and he did not receive any liquidity. Paul Desmarais was therefore not part of the nationalizations.”¹⁴

Of course, this “problem” certainly depends very much on what exactly Jussaume means by the “nationalizations” of hydro-electricity, and also on his divisions and sub-divisions of the historical chronology of Quebec’s political and economic history, matters of exact historiography upon which he and many others are silent. Once the exact historiography of Canada in the last half of the 20th century is very well known, and also exonerates Paul Desmarais and the Quebec Regime in Ottawa of their monstrous political and economic corruption, then Marc Jussaume and his friends can fit their defense of Desmarais into the appropriate chapter, — if the day ever comes.¹⁵

According to Jussaume, “after the initial purchase of Power Corporation in 1968, which held 18% of Consolidated-Bathurst, the latter company lost a lot of money, but instead of selling Consolidated-Bathurst, Paul Desmarais increased his shares to 42%, and then he took over. Only afterwards did Consolidated-Bathurst become very profitable.”¹⁶

Says Robin Philpot in rebuttal: The enormous wealth Paul Desmarais accumulated over the years could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in Quebec politics, because every Premier of Quebec and Prime Minister of Canada, at least since the time of Maurice Duplessis, used to “eat from his hand.”¹⁷ No wonder then that Consolidated-Bathurst became “very profitable” under the control of Paul Desmarais and his family.

Robin Philpot’s charge against Paul Desmarais is straightforward: The vast fortune Desmarais accumulated over the years could only be obtained through his patronage of government and his influence in politics: “All the Premiers of Quebec and Prime Ministers of Canada, since the time of Maurice Duplessis … used to eat from his hand.”¹⁸ In other words, Paul Desmarais was a very big crook.¹⁹

The political and economic inclinations of Robin Philpot are not here in question.²⁰ The historical and philosophical question at hand is whether or not Paul Desmarais was an extremely corrupt businessman, and therefore the biggest crook in Canadian history. Robin Philpot advances a number of instances in support of his historical argument: Unless his examples of Paul Desmarais’ corrupt legacy are demonstrably false, the argument of Philpot stands, and the conclusion is therefore irresistible.

The political and economic consequences of Philpot’s argument are of great interest with regards to the historical development of the rational conception of Canada and its actualization in the world of today: By far, the Empire of Paul Desmarais, namely, Power Corporation and the Quebec Inc, was the main backer of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006, when Canada was ruled by Quebeckers for nearly a half century, except for one year under Kim Campbell, Joe Clark and John Turner:

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Quebec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”²¹

CHAPTER 2: TRUDEAU PHILOLOGY AND TRUDEAUISME

Dialectics of action drive us toward the imperialistic concentration of our powers upon a single objective: Democracy … I believe that statism (dirigisme) is necessary in order to maximize our Liberty.
Pierre Elliott Trudeau¹

[We] secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.
Pierre Arbour²

For Canadians, the adoption of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982 marks the birth of modern–day Canada. Jean–François Lisée³

The wars of the French Revolution marked the transition to the nation–state defined by common language and culture … [The United States of America] have never been nation–states in the European sense. America has succeeded in forming a distinct culture from a polyglot national composition.
Henry Kissinger⁴

In the last half of the 20th century, during the Quiet revolution, Canada and the Canadian people turned a blind–eye to the mortal corruption of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Their eyes were blinded by “Canadian culture,” namely propaganda from the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, in this case the media empire of Paul Desmarais, — and protected (protectionnisme) in Ottawa as a central cogwheel of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class. Canadians were assisted in their ignorance of the true state of affairs in Ottawa by the many ideological productions of the Québécocracy, which were passed–off over the years by the creatures of the White Gold ruling class, in the guise of exact historiography. The defenders of the White Gold ruling class, and their publishing conglomerates, received cheap paper and newsprint over the decades from their control of Crown Lands, and many of their adversaries, without this massive government support (investissement), were driven out of business, otherwise moved south.

One of the main areas of the ideological endeavors of the White Gold élites, is found in the masking of the satanism of the Québécocracy, the mortal corruption at the very basis of its 1968 seizure of power in Ottawa, and the diabolism behind its political and economic domination:

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”⁵

Peter Charles Newman, the well–known Canadian historian, says in his work on How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power:

“One of Desmarais’ favorite collectibles is Pierre Trudeau, who remains on Power Corp.’s international advisory board … plans for Trudeau’s candidacy had first been hatched in early 1968 at the offices of Power Corporation, at Friday–night meetings presided over by then–Power vice–president Claude Frenette. In August of that year, two months after Trudeau swept the country, the new PM flew to visit Desmarais at Murray Bay.”⁶

The Empire of Paul Desmarais was the main backer of the Québec régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006:

“In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”⁷

“[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … [Jean Chrétien] cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”⁸

“Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president … Paul Martin will be the fourth politician this Québec billionaire has groomed for or financially assisted into being prime minister.”⁹

Peter Charles Newman: “No businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.”¹⁰ In other words, “The making and breaking of governments in Québec and Canada is the prerogative of the Empire of Paul Desmarais: This has been going on for some 40 years.”¹¹

What is the political and economic relationship between Paul Desmarais and the White Gold ruling class?

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”¹²

Jean–Louis Lévesque, Paul Desmarais, and the backers of Jean Lesage are the figures that lurk behind the rise of the Quiet revolution and the birth of the Québécocracy, wrought by the deaths of Maurice Duplessis, Paul Sauvé and Daniel Johnson:

Jean Lesage (5 August 1958): “All that matters to me is that we find, in the very near future, a means which will allow us to combine our forces, in order to crush forever the Duplessis machine.”¹³

The arena of federal politics and economics, under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, is therefore the bastion of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class:

“Hydro–Quebec, a provincial Crown Corporation, is Canada’s largest electric utility and, judged by assets ($25 billion in 1983), Canada’s largest corporation … First created as a legal entity in 1944, Hydro–Québec did not become a major force until the early 1960s. René Lévesque then resources minister to the Liberal government of Jean Lesage, oversaw the nationalization of the province’s larger private electrical utilities. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Parti Québécois governments led by Lévesque further reorganized Hydro–Québec. The utility enjoys formidable economic advantages: Once dams are in place, operating costs are very low; furthermore, it has a contract to buy power from the Churchill Falls project in Labrador at 1969 prices until the year 2041. Hydro–Québec can thus underbid Ontario Hydro in the US export market, provide cheap power within Québec and still pay a dividend to the provincial government.”¹⁴

The rise of the White Gold ruling class (“nouvelle classe de parvenus”) under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and inscribed within the conceptual realm of 20th century world history as the collapse of European modernity and the rise of Americanism, is therefore in very large part the result of souveraineté, indépendance, séparatisme and other abstractions, first rigorously elaborated by Pierre Trudeau, René Lévesque, Jacques Parizeau, Pierre Vallières and many others at Cité Libre, — the very basis of the Québec anti–federalist movement:

“How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers (nouvelle classe de parvenus) instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”¹⁵

But the “airy fairy” ideology of Trudeauism, and the abstractions of souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme, are not the ghostly emanations of some netherworld, but are themselves inscribed within the political and economic arena of the world historical struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes in the rise and fall of the Québécocracy, as the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the White Gold ruling class:

“Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”¹⁶

“At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at the Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few.”¹⁷

“During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ), we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the many $millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse (Québec Pension Plan): Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not these wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”¹⁸

We have unmasked in the above paragraphs (which undoubtedly causes some confusion and stupefaction in the minds of those whose intellects were abused over the years by the delusions of Trudeauism), the satanism of the Québécocracy, the mortal corruption at the very basis of its 1968 seizure of power in Ottawa, and the diabolism of its political and economic domination:

“As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unravelled extended beyond inter–union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan–sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.”¹⁹

“Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”²⁰

“Everything in Québec is so corrupt … we all know that everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec.”²¹

“The faith of Québéckers in their public institutions is deeply convulsed … Corruption destroys the very foundations of our democracy … What is at stake here is the very idea of the evolution of the rational conception of right in Canada.”²²

We shall repeat our words from the beginning: For the past half–century, Canada and the Canadian people have turned a blind–eye to the mortal corruption of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Their eyes were blinded by “Canadian culture,” namely propaganda from the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy, otherwise known as the media empire of Paul Desmarais, — and protected (protectionnisme) in Ottawa as a central cogwheel of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class:

Yves Michaud (1968): “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our National Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”²³

“[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the specter of a virtual information monopoly.”²⁴

“Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”²⁵

“It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95 % in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”²⁶

Indeed, from April 1962 until August 1966, very important years in the rise of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the Québécocracy, the magazine Cité Libre was regularly published by Pierre Desmarais Inc., of Montréal.

The argument is sometimes made by followers of the Québécocracy, that so long as they themselves are greatly enriched, they can tolerate the corrupt politicians and corruption. But these flabby minds do not draw the rational distinction between corruption on the one hand and decadence (mortal corruption) on the other. The Québécocracy was therefore greatly enriched while the modern political and economic foundations of finance, commerce and industry were swept–away. But the Québécocracy has sought to erect backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts as replacements, and thereby impede the rise of rational political and economic order. This situation has prevailed in the regions of Canada, and many Canadians are thereby impoverished. Canada, like Mexico, is in the grasp of a criminal ruling class, but the eyes of Canadians during the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, were blinded by “Canadian culture.” America and the American people have suffered over the years from the irrationalism of the Canadian and Mexican ruling classes. This almighty Global civilization, and its beautiful American idealists, upholders of freedom and humanity in the 20th century at great cost, have been stabbed in the back by their own neighbours, the effete and degenerate ruling classes of European modernity in the New World. The Québécocracy and the narco–élites are an abomination: Let them rot on the dunghill of history. The spiritual power of universal history is moving against the destroyers of America and the American people, the last wreckers of rational political and economic order in the world, and is neutralizing them one by one: Their extinction is the supremacy of Americanism in the 21st century.

Québécocrats are therefore francophone and anglophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and other such scatology as La Presse, The Canadian Press and so forth, namely Canadian culture. The political and economic abstractions of the Québécocracy, based upon the phantasm of French Canada, was very useful in making Pierre Beaudoin, Paul Desmarais and Lino Saputo into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin, and many others. But today, thanks to their delusions of the French Fact in North America (souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme), some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive:

“According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”²⁷

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax:

“The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”²⁸

This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers: “[We] secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”

The actions of Pierre Trudeau and René Lévesque (his erstwhile companion at Cité Libre), whether in Ottawa or Québec, always aimed at uplifting themselves and the Québécocracy, as the dominant ruling class in Canada, and as the replacements of the old British imperialist élites: This at least is the verdict of the rational conception of Canada in 20th century universal history, as the spiritual evolution from the lowest to the very highest form of freedom in the world, as the supremacy of Global civilization and American Liberty. Therefore, as a result of these power struggles, the very notion of Canada (and Canadian history) during the past half century has been profoundly perverted and debased as regionalism, in the creation of ideological constructions to seduce the Canadian electorate, based upon the Machiavellism of the Québécocracy. The Québécocracy requires the assistance of anglophone Canadians in order to implement its political and economic domination of Canada, especially the Anglos in South Central Ontario, the Maritimes, and the West. Today, the old British imperialistic conception of Canada is undone, but its modern–day ideological replacement by the Québec régime in Ottawa, is financially, commercially and industrially powerless in the political and economic arena of world history, — out of step with our times. The Québécocracy is therefore out of step with the reorganization of the American world.

The arena of the ideological constructions of this modern conception of Canada, is the propaganda of Trudeauism, which is based upon “biographies” of Pierre Trudeau (published by companies that get especially cheap rates on paper and newsprint granted by the Québécocracy’s rape of Crown Lands):

“Trudeau the chameleon, many people believe, will always be an enigma. Indeed, journalists, biographers, and many Canadians, have been and continue to be intrigued and puzzled by Trudeau. A witty comment about him conjures up the peculiar state of confusion writers find themselves in when they set out to describe him: ‘Someone is going to say one day, ‘Will the real Mr. Trudeau please stand up,’ and about fifty–eight people will rise.’”²⁹

We must beware of sophistical Trudeau philology in the elucidation of the rational conception of Canada in the world of today: Sophistical Trudeau philology is often used in order to “prove” the existence of the nationalist–federalist shift in the rise of Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy, namely to “imply” that the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class is the upholder of rational political and economic order in Canada, — the “implication” (suggestion) that the Québécocracy is a Canadocentric polity:

“[Trudeau] provided Canada with a charter defending the inalienable rights of the person … [Trudeau] adopted positions at odds with those he had championed … when and how did he make this 180–degree turn? … this son of Québec became the father of Canada … Unlike many Cité Libre collaborators, including Gérard Pelletier, Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party.”³⁰

According to Max and Monique Nemni, Pierre Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party, unlike many Cité Libre collaborators, including Gérard Pelletier: Where is the precise philological difference drawn between Pierre Trudeau and the collaborators of Cité Libre in their book, Trudeau Transformed (2011)? Max and Monique Nemni do not draw an exact philological distinction between the writings of Pierre Trudeau published in Cité Libre which bear his name, and those writings which do not, namely, collective pieces published by the editorial team, upon which he collaborated, and other unsigned articles which as a member of the board, he chose and approved. Pierre Trudeau and the editorial team of Cité Libre, of which he was a founding member, certainly shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the modern European irrationalism at the very foundation of the French Communist Party:

“Emmanuel Mounier is dead. Even two months after his death, the time is not yet ripe for us to gauge the scope of the great loss which results from his demise. The most distracted of our readers can discover in each page of Cité Libre, not only the influence exercised upon each of us by the magazine Esprit, but also our very own determined effort to emulate its special objectivity, — which we want to elaborate even more profoundly: We have directly inherited this agenda from Emmanuel Mounier. The backers of Cité Libre had decided, from the time of their very first meetings, to send the director of Esprit the very first copy of Cité Libre that rolled–off the printing press. It is sufficient to say that Cité Libre was born under the banner of Esprit, and is faithful to the very same values for which Emmanuel Mounier fought until his very last breath … Even after his death, the spirit of Emmanuel Mounier will henceforth fill all the pages of Cité Libre.”³¹

Pierre Trudeau’s “nationalist–federalist shift,” the ideological construction of Max and Monique Nemni, themselves longtime puppets of the Québécocracy, therefore evaporates in the light of exact philological determinations. Pierre Trudeau did not shift from anti–federalism to federalism, such that he moved away from Québécocentricism toward Canadocentricism: Trudeau’s activities on the national and federal scenes are rather the different spheres within which he applied his modern European political and economic irrationalism, in the destruction of the old British imperialistic élites, as the advancement of the Québécocracy, the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the White Gold ruling class, both provincially and federally.

Pierre Trudeau first directed his Québécocentricism against the British imperialistic ruling class in Québec (l’idéologie dominante), especially as personified by the government of Maurice Duplessis: Trudeau later directed his Québécocentricism, especially after the rise of the Gaullist (néo–nationaliste) Jean Lesage, against the British imperialistic ruling class in Ottawa, personified in his mind by the government of John Diefenbaker. Towards the Québec Liberal Party, Trudeau directed his Québécocentricism against its British imperialistic wing: Once inside the Liberal Party of Canada, Trudeau directed his Québécocentricism against its British imperialistic wing. Eventually, under the rising power of the Québécocracy, Walter Gordon and even Lester Pearson himself, as well as many other old timers (maudits anglais), were ultimately struck down or pushed aside.

Pierre Trudeau really started to direct his modern European irrationalism towards the federal scene after the deaths of Maurice Duplessis and Paul Sauvé, and during the decline of the Union nationale, under the hammer blows of Jean Lesage and Gaullism:

“De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning — or hoping — to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … de Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”³²

Pierre Elliott Trudeau, the son of Québec, became the father of Canada? The White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class is a Canadocentric polity? Nothing is further from the truth: The Québécocracy and its élites constitute a Québécocentric polity in Ottawa:

“Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”³³

We must therefore abandon the abstract conception of Canada, the thoughts in the heads of some Canadians (hagiographers and sycophants) of what Canada can be, might be, could be, would be, should be and even ought to be. These phantasms of the feeding–trough are the tunes the puppets of the Québécocracy play to the captive minds of their mostly eastern audience:

“Where will the new ideas in Québec come from? Will they come from our departments of political science? This is unlikely because our political scientists in Québec prefer to write rather than participate in politics, at least those whose brains have not been irreparably destroyed by the obscurantism of the hermeneutic, constructivist–relativist and paleo–Marxist philosophies.”³⁴

We will indeed avoid the obscurantism of the hermeneutic, constructivist–relativist and paleo–Marxist “philosophies.” Of course, we shall also avoid neo–Marxism like the plague, as well as the “philosophy” of Mario Bunge: His country was never raped by Uncle Sam and Yankee Imperialism, but rather wrecked by world communism and narco–terrorism. As lovers of truth and reality, instead we shall apply ourselves to the elucidation of that which constitutes the rational notion of Canada within the realm of exact historiography and world history: We shall not therefore restrict ourselves only to those writings in Cité Libre which alone bear the imprint of Pierre Trudeau’s name.

Thus, we shall apply ourselves to exact Trudeau philology with a vengeance: The writings of Pierre Trudeau in Cité Libre are categorized into three main groups: (1) Writings by Pierre Trudeau which bear the imprint of his name, (2) writings of the editorial team of Cité Libre of which Trudeau was a some–time member, and (3) writings of the editorial team from Cité Libre when Trudeau was not a member, but also during the period that he sat on the administrative board of the magazine.

This policy allows us to elucidate the rational conception of Canada, based in part upon the notion of the Québécocracy as an inferior ruling class: The Québécocracy is the dominant ruling class in Canada because its backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trust are based upon impérialisme (souveraineté, indépendance, and séparatisme). The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in its opposite, in the impérialisme of the French Revolution. Pierre Trudeau was a nationalist and a federalist because he was an impérialiste of the Québécocracy: Séparatisme is for the lowest classes; indépendance is for the middle classes; and souveraineté is for the upper classes, — at least for the most part under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, 1968–2006. Souveraineté, indépendance and séparatisme, whether in Québec or Ottawa, as anti–federalism or federalism, therefore always means the political and economic domination of Canada by the Québécocracy, the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class.

The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in its opposite, as the impérialisme of the French Revolution, in the clash between subjective and objective freedom: Beyond the British empire in world history, we find no rising modern civilization, including that of the French empire. The adversaries of the United States of America and “Yankee Imperialism,” have only phantasms behind their outdated policies, out of step with the world–march of history ever since the collapse of Soviet communism: The “serious” critics of Washington on the world stage are not really the enemies of “Yankee Imperialism,” but the adversaries of some administration in the White House, whether republican or democrat, and therefore they are not really destroyers of Americanism, but adversaries of some American political and economic policy. The old British imperialistic conception of Canada was burst asunder by the contradictions of the modern world, in the impérialisme of the French Revolution, its opposite, precisely because the clash between monarchism and republicanism, in every corner of the earth, overcomes European modernity in the rise of Western civilization, as Global rational political and economic order, — the notion of universal freedom as the supremacy of American Liberty.

The struggle between republicanism and monarchism in the genuine Hegelian dialectic of finitude, as the modern political and economic form of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, is inscribed within the spiritual evolution of world history as the collapse of European modernity and rise of Global civilization. What is the meaning of this doctrine in the school of American Idealism? For the germs of this conception, we need only refer to the last part of Hegel’s Rechtsphilosophie:

“It is as particular entities that states enter into relations with one another. Hence their relations are on the largest scale a maelstrom of external contingency and the inner particularity of passions, private interests and selfish ends, abilities and virtues, vices, force, and wrong. All these whirl together, and in their vortex the ethical whole itself, the autonomy of the state, is exposed to contingency. The principles of the national minds are wholly restricted on account of their particularity, for it is in this particularity that, as existent individuals, they have their objective actuality and their self–consciousness. Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude of these minds [die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit], and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement.’”³⁵

The result is therefore always the same, whether as a Québec nationalist (anti–federalist) or federalist: The Québécocracy dominates all other Canadian ruling classes in the name of Québec impérialisme, as autocracy founded upon popular consent, which is the bastion of the (outdated) Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right in Canada and the political and economic arena of 20th century world history:

“[ii] What is in issue now is not the minor matter of the state’s form; what is in issue is the nature of the state itself. We cannot, as I conceive, understand the profundity of the debate unless we realize that it is a crisis which involves the ultimate substance of society’s constitution … [iii] The fundamental issue, at least, is straightforward; what is challenged is the liberal [Industrial revolutionary] theory of the state … [The state] is, in fact, the supreme coercive power in any given political society; but it is, in fact, used to protect and promote in that society the interest of those who own its instruments of production. The state expresses a will to maintain a given system of class–relations. It does so through the use of its supreme coercive power to that end. In the last analysis, this power consists of the defense forces of the state. These are used, in ultimate challenge, to impose the will of the owners of the instruments of production upon those excluded from such ownership … [iv] There may be more or less of coercion at any given moment, according as the economic situation of society enables more or less concessions of material well–being to be made to those excluded from the privileges of ownership … [v] in such a society the coercive power of the state is used to promote differences in relation to the satisfaction of demand which may be (and in fact often are) unjust. Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy this condition. This, as I understand it, is the challenge issued to the classic theories of the state in recent years. In its general outline, it was first formulated by Marx and Engels, and it received its classic re–statement by Lenin in his State and Revolution. I am not aware of any adequate answer to it from opponents of the challenge … Those who defend the classic theories of the state must be able to show not that an ideal state which exists only in their own construction, but the actual states, England, France, the United States of America, that we know, are inherently capable, granted the class–relations they maintain, of fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale, and that, therefore, they have a moral claim to the allegiance of their members on this ground … [vi] we are in a psychological condition comparable, as I have said … to the epoch of the French Revolution, when men seek to reconstitute the foundations of society. This they are now, as then, unable to do unless they redefine its class–relations. They cannot re–define them without possession of the state–power since it is in the use of its coercive authority that the means of re–definition are to be found.”³⁶

Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy “unjust” conditions by fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale:

Lenin: “The state is the supreme coercive power in any given political order, which is used, in fact, to promote and protect in that order, the interests of those who own its instruments of production … the state is the product and the manifestation of the irreconcilability of class antagonisms … the state arises when, where, and to the extent that the class antagonisms cannot be objectively reconciled … and, conversely, the existence of the state proves that the class antagonisms are irreconcilable … according to Marx, the state is an organ of class domination, an organ of oppression of one class by another; its aim is the creation of ‘order’ which legalizes and perpetuates this oppression by moderating the collisions between the classes.”³⁷

Only the capture of the state, followed by the re–definition of its legal postulates, could remedy “unjust” conditions by fulfilling demand on the largest possible scale? How, pray tell, is this accomplished? The methodology of this “capture of the state,” and the re–definition of its legal postulates, is based upon the Kantio–Hegelian sophistry of Karl Marx:

“My dialectic … is not only different from Hegel’s, but its direct opposite. To Hegel, the life process of the human brain is the demiurgos of the real world, and the real world is only the external, phenomenal form of ‘the Idea.’ With me, on the contrary, the ideal is nothing else than the material world reflected by the human mind, [5] and translated into forms of thought … In its mystified form, [the Hegelian] dialectic became the fashion in Germany, because it seemed to transfigure and to glorify the existing state of things. In its rational form it [the Hegelian Dialectic] is a scandal and an abomination to bourgeoisdom and its doctrinaire professors because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] includes in its comprehension and affirmative recognition of the existing state of things, at the same time also, the recognition of the negation of that state, of its inevitable breaking up; because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] regards every historically–developed social form as in fluid movement, and therefore takes into account its transient nature not less than its momentary existence; because it [the rational Hegelian Dialectic] lets nothing impose upon it, and is in its essence critical and revolutionary.”³⁸

Modern freedom, as the Kantio–Hegelian dialectic of 19th and 20th century European political and economic irrationalism, is therefore the ideological fountainhead of the Québécocracy:

“Dialectics of Action (la dialectique de l’action) drive us toward the imperialistic concentration of our powers upon a single objective: Democracy … I believe that statism (dirigisme) is necessary in order to maximize our Liberty (la liberté).”³⁹

In other words, Kantio–Hegelianism, rechristened by Pierre Trudeau as the Dialectics of Action (la dialectique de l’action), as found in the pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism of Charles Margrave Taylor’s impure Hegelianism, is the backbone of the Trudeauist ideology, especially as outlined in Hegel (1975), Hegel and Modern Society, (1979) and “Hegel and the Philosophy of Action” (1983).⁴⁰ This is the secret of the rational conception of Canada and Trudeau philology. The implementation of Trudeauist democracy or “elected dictatorship” (Peter C. Newman), as the “la dialectique de l’action” of the Québec régime, is named “dirigisme” by Pierre Trudeau, but really results in little more than the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right (la liberté), especially familiar to francophone Europeans as the rationale behind Bonapartism: Autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher).

Pierre Trudeau maintains that the Dialectics of Action compel democrats like himself toward the imperialistic concentration of power upon democracy: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur … la démocratie.” For Trudeau, the imperialistic concentration of power upon democracy necessarily results in statism (dirigisme), because only modern European political and economic irrationalism maximises Liberty: “Je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.” Lenin, Stalin, Hitler and Mao also used the power of the people in the name of statism and imperialism: The same modern unreason that brought Europe to its knees in the 20th century, is served up on a new platter by the charlatanism of Pierre Trudeau, as the Machiavellism of the Québec régime.

But the New World is not old Europe, as is evidenced in the White House, Washington and Wall Street …

Today, the profound disillusionment in Queen’s Park merely signifies that the last remnants of the “soixante–huitard” ruling classes are being swept into the dustbin of history, victims of broken promises and shattered dreams: Their funeral pyres signalize the new ground of the highest conception of Canada and its place in the world of today. As the world historical groundwork of the last remnants of modern European political and economic degeneration in Canada is swept upon the dunghill of the earth, there arises a vast new spiritual conception of humanity as Western civilization and the supremacy of American Liberty in the world. From out of the world historical ashes of the Québécocracy, in the collapse of European modernity and rise of Globalism, comes the Canadosphere, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, — the Canadocentric Polity: The Québécocracy is undone in the rational conception of Canada as the supremacy of American Liberty in the world. The political and economic rationality of the American world bursts asunder the bonds of our modern unreason: The criminal ruling classes are undone in the rise of Americanism …

The Québécocracy is therefore the political and economic avatar of modern European raison d’état in Canada: This much at least is evidenced from the rational philological elucidation of the ideology of Pierre Trudeau and Cité Libre, in the rise and fall of the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the hegemony of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class in Ottawa …

The 21st century is uplifting Canada and the Canadian people, especially on the West Coast — but not under the political and economic irrationalism of the Québécocracy — rather in the supremacy of American finance, commerce and industry in the world. The rise of the American world and Global civilization constitutes the political and economic liberation of Canada and the Canadian people from the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy, — the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class.

Of what use is the rational conception of Canada in the world of today? The American Idealistic conception of rational political and economic order, the bastion of Americanism, is really a very useful conception for all Canadians who greatly desire financial, commercial and industrial success, based upon the solid foundations of exact historiography and world history.

When applied to the realm of politics and economics, in the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, the rational conception of Canada therefore leads to happiness, prosperity and longevity: Make Canada Great!

CHAPTER 3: BRIAN MULRONEY VERSUS AMERICAN PROTECTIONISM

Exploitons à fond la Confédération … the confederation pact must not be allowed to continue on its present path, else it will be in danger of compromising its existence. Jean Lesage, 1962

Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.
Robert Bourassa, 1968¹

Brian Mulroney was recently decorated with the highest award of France, namely, the Grande–Croix de la légion d’honneur, established by Napoléon Bonaparte in 1802.² Why did Mulroney, a former Canadian Prime Minister, receive this great award? Mulroney was rewarded for his “distinguished services to the Government of France.”³ What distinguished services did Brian Mulroney perform for the French Republic? Mulroney was rewarded for his “dedicated advancement of the relations between France and Canada, and for the aggrandizement of the international Francophonie.”⁴ Brian Mulroney advanced the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc:

“Mulroney is the first Conservative leader since Confederation who has any real ties to French–speaking Canada … Mulroney has been immersed in a distinct political culture that is alien to most English Canadians.”⁵

What do we have in mind? We must return to Québec City and the Law School of the Université de Laval, in the heyday of radicalism and revolutionism of the 1960’s.

“There was an explosion of conferences and symposiums, and the most spectacular of these was the 1961 Congress on Canadian Affairs at Laval University. Brian Mulroney and his Conservative friends — Meighen, White, Cogger and Bazin — were the driving force behind the symposium.”⁶

What is the significance of this event? “The English–speaking delegates of the conference were suddenly deeply immersed in the culture of intellectual revolutionism that presently disturbs French Canada.”⁷

The intellectual upheavals of the 1960’s in Québec, and Brian Mulroney’s education at Laval, are the early “driving force” behind his French chauvinism and later Québéckocentricism:

“In 1962, while Mulroney was a student there, the replacement of Guy Hudon as dean of law by Yves Pratte (later president of Air Canada and a Supreme Court justice) heralded an expansion of the new curriculum and a new openness to the forces of change that were penetrating the campus … the new directions in Québec society that accompanied the change of governments in 1960 were felt with particular force in the areas of federal–provincial relations and, more generally, in the relationship between French and English Canada … [Jean Lesage was] eager to involve the provincial government in new fields of endeavour, and adopted a newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa.”⁸

The impression of the intellectual revolutionism of the new curriculum, “un dialogue franc et ouvert,”⁹ profoundly affected the English–speaking participants of the famous Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs:

“The effect was amazing. To an English Canadian sitting in the crowded audience, the emotional response that he [Marcel Chaput] evoked was almost a tangible thing, a physical thing. Somehow he expressed the deep and abiding sense of insult — the word is not too strong — that his young listeners felt about the French Canadian minority position in a largely Anglo–Saxon country.”¹⁰

Brian Mulroney: “I was chairman of a panel discussion that made national headlines. On the panel was Marcel Chaput, the Québec civil servant who worked for the Ministry of National Defense and [who] made no attempt to hide his separatist leanings.”¹¹ From out of this ferment of 1960’s intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the Université de Laval in Québec City, arise the ringleaders of Joe Clark’s defeat. From out of the “new openness to the forces of change,” and the “new directions in Québec society,” from the “newly aggressive posture towards Ottawa,” arise the ringleaders of the Québéckification of English Canadian conservatism:

“The 1961 Laval Congress on Canadian Affairs was the event that drew Brian Mulroney, Michael Meighen, Peter White, Jean Bazin and Michel Cogger together. The team that was to capture the leadership of the federal Progressive Conservative party in 1983 was in place.”¹²

In Mason Wade’s words, the graduates of the Université de Laval were, “the true makers of the ‘Quiet Revolution.’”¹³ The Quiet Revolution is the work of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc: “We Québéckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”¹⁴ Alas, Canadians have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession!

This same Brian Mulroney, who was very early influenced by French Chauvinism during the 1960’s upheaval of intellectual revolutionism and the new curriculum at the most French chauvinistic university in Canada, the great defender of republican France and her political and economic traditions resultant from Napoléon Bonaparte and the French revolution, has a new lesson for Canada and the Canadian people:

“Brian Mulroney is warning Canada must not ignore the trade danger of American protectionism. ‘Americans are frustrated by the slow recovery of their economy … Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy.’”¹⁵

Brian Mulroney’s message to Donald Trump on NAFTA during the U.S. election campaign is very clear: “You’re cutting off your nose to spite your face.”¹⁶ Mulroney, in the national media, during the U.S. Presidential Elections (undoubtedly at the behest of Québec Régimers like Lawrence Martin, himself goaded onward by the toadies of Caroline Mulroney), predicts the defeat of Donald Trump: “I don’t think something like that [American protectionism], that negative, carries you to the White House.”¹⁷ According to Brian Mulroney, Donald Trump will lose the White House because his anti–NAFTA electoral position is out–of–touch with the American electorate. Brian Mulroney is therefore the political and economic adversary of Americanism in the world of today.

What is the trade danger of so–called American protectionism in the world of today? American protectionism, so–called by the mortal enemies of Americanism, is the political and economic advancement in world history far beyond the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the inferior ruling classes of the earth, — as the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world. Open trade agreements have become an easy whipping boy: American protectionism is a trade danger because Brian Mulroney cannot understand that Americanism under Washington and President Trump is the advancement and protection of the American world from the barbarism of disintegration, decline and decay: The Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Brian Mulroney cannot therefore understand that modern freedom is not Global freedom.¹⁸

What the mortal enemies of Americanism name American protectionism therefore ignores the power struggles between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history: Modern sophists ignore the reasons why Washington is the American superpower in the world of today, and therefore Global civilization in their eyes is merely nationalism and imperialism. Thus when Washington turns its back upon criminal ruling classes, the destroyers of Americanism raise the bête noire of American protectionism, which they wrongly associate with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The modern sophists thus turn a blind eye to the rational distinction between corruption and décadence. Montesquieu speaks of décadence in terms of the political and economic power struggles between civilization and barbarism in world history:

“There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Roman civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes … in the nations conquered by Germans, power was in the hands of vassals, while right was the sole prerogative of the sovereign: In Rome the contrary prevailed.”¹⁹

There is nothing more contradictory in world history than the difference between Western civilization and the barbarism of inferior ruling classes, according to Montesquieu: “Le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.” In their ignorance of this profound distinction, the greatest discovery of classical Athenian political economy, the mortal enemies of Americanism fail to notice the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity in contemporary world history:

“Admirers of Hegel are accustomed to refer to the first edition [Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Outline], as having most of the author’s freshness and power … in America, no one can look back a few years, without observing that the whole tone of our public men has changed, and that the phrases, ‘progress,’ ‘necessary development,’ and ‘God in history,’ occur with marked frequency.”²⁰

The Kantian traditions therefore are not the builders of rational political and economic order in the Global world.²¹ The rise of Western civilization into Global rational political and economic order in world history is the work of the superior ruling classes, while the decline of civilization into barbarism is the work of the inferior ruling classes. This at least is the verdict of exact historiography and 20th century world history: The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history.²²

Let us phrase this idea another way: “A prime minister’s powers are even greater than a president’s in that he can control the executive, the legislature and, if he is in power long enough, the judiciary.”²³

With these thoughts in mind, what therefore is the basis of Brian Mulroney’s new found anti–Americanism? It is the same old error that lurks behind his erstwhile pseudo–Americanism: Because of his French chauvinism and Québéckocentricism, Mulroney is unable to draw the rational distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes in world history. For this same reason, as we shall see, free trade and NAFTA was watered–down under Brian Mulroney and the criminal ruling class in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

What is the Québec Inc? The Québec Inc is the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Québécocentric ruling class that destroyed the old British Imperialists of the generation of Lester B. Pearson, and also the rising Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker, by destroying the Union nationale and replacing it with the Parti Québécois. At the very center of the Québec Inc is the web of Paul Desmarais, which is today a Bombardier ruling class: The Hydro–Québec is therefore the ultimate bastion of Québec Inc power.

René Lévesque: “The Hydro–Québec controls the political economy of Québec.”²⁴

The Hydro–Québec is used (1) to reward the backers of the Québec Régime with special energy deals, and to punish their enemies with lack thereof; (2) the Hydro–Québec is used to monopolize the energy infrastructure and public works projects of federal and provincial Québécocentric ruling classes in the rest of Canada, and abroad, often with the help of organized crime in the construction industry; (3) in the name of the Hydro–Québec, the Québec Régime wages political and economic warfare against the finance, commerce and industry of the oil and gas sector, especially in Western Canada; and lastly, (4) the Hydro–Québec therefore is used to dominate the Canadian energy industry, especially in Ontario, but also in Newfoundland and the Maritimes, as well as in British Columbia and Western Canada. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the backbone of the Québec Inc and the web of Paul Desmarais:

“The Power Corporation, the conglomerate which is controlled by Paul Desmarais, was able to infiltrate the highest levels of the Québec Government: Executives of the Power Corporation are also executives of the Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, vice–president of the board of the Power Corporation, has sat on the board of the Hydro–Québec.”²⁵

In 1993, under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Richard Drouin and the Hydro–Québec International directly invest public money with Paul Desmarais in Asia, some $66-million is invested in Power Financial Group in China, because “Hydro–Québec has unequaled expertise in hydro–electrical projects.”²⁶

Under the Québécocentric ruling class in Queen’s Park, Ontario Hydro directly invests public money with Paul Desmarais:

“[Maurice Strong] who in the 1960’s first uplifted the Power Corporation even before Paul Desmarais was in charge, also controlled the Ontario Hydro from 1992 until 1995 … in 1993, on the 6 October in Peking, Paul Desmarais and Maurice Strong announced the creation of the multinational consortium, the Asia Power Group, with combined investments of $100–million.”²⁷

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney turns a blind–eye to Paul Desmarais’ massive corruption, because Mulroney himself is in the trough: “Early in 1994 he [Mulroney] accompanied Power Corporation’s Paul Desmarais to China to advise him on the corporation’s role in the massive Three Gorges Dam hydroelectric project with Ontario Hydro and Hydro–Québec, as well as a $60–million real estate development in the Pudong region of China near Shanghai. Mulroney was extremely well compensated by Power Corporation for his assistance.”²⁸

The Caisse de dépôt et placements du Québec (the Québec Pension Plan) directly invests massive amounts of public funds over the decades in the Power Corporation:

“The Caisse de dépôt et placements du Québec and the Québec Pension Plan have invested large amounts of public funds over the years in the Power Corporation: This money is the basis of Power Financial’s smashing success. Ever since April 1984, whether in good times or bad, the Québec Pension Plan has not only maintained its support of Paul Desmarais, but even increased public investments in the Power Corporation beyond $370–million. On the 31 December 2007, the Caisse had shares in the Power Financial Corporation worth some $213–million.”²⁹

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the financial, commercial and industrial power of the Hydro–Québec and the Québec Inc is therefore the result of the constant and perpetual support of the Canadian taxpayers, and mostly from the very heavy taxation of English Canada, especially as Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle): The Québec Inc is therefore a moribund system of outdated monopolies, backwards cartels and corrupt trusts.

For this reason, the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, is the mortal enemy of the oil and gas industry in Canada and the United States, at least for the very most part, in order to protect the Hydro–Québec:

“The Hydro–Québec has an energy surplus since electricity prices are falling in the United States … the aggressive development of natural gas in America has forced the Hydro–Québec to sell its electricity very cheaply and in very large quantities to the United States in order to pay for construction of its new dams. The energy surplus of the Hydro–Québec and the drop in exportation prices promises to be a major headache for Pierre–Karl ­Péladeau the newly appointed president of the board … ‘the Hydro–Québec is guilty of dumping electricity outside of Québec — an historical amount of about 10% to 15% of all the electricity consumed in Québec is now on the spot market!’ …‘Now the Hydro–Québec must sell massive quantities of electricity to pay for the dams and stations that were once constructed for export markets’ … Péladeau is also vice–president of the board of Québecor Média, which controls Sun Media, and owns Le Journal de Montréal and Le Journal de Québec.”³⁰

Who now runs the Hydro–Québec? “Less than two weeks after having left his job as top executive at Bombardier, Éric Martel has been appointed president and general director of the Hydro–Québec … In 2014, the provincial Crown Corporation made record profits of $3.38–Billion, which amounts to a $2.53–Billion payout to the Québec government — the biggest in the history of Hydro–Québec.”³¹

What exactly are some of the political and economic connexions between the Power Corporation and Bombardier under the Québec Regime in Ottawa? “The Power Corporation of Canada has seventeen board members, namely, Pierre Beaudoin, Laurent Dassault, André Desmarais, Paul Desmarais, Paul Desmarais Junior, Paul Fribourg [US Government], Anthony R.M. Graham [See: William Carvel Graham], Robert Gratton [Government of Canada], the very honorable Donald Frank Mazankowski [Government of Canada], Jerry Edgar Allan Nickerson, James R. Nininger [Revenue Canada], Robert Jeffrey Orr [See: Robert Orr, Government of Canada], Robert Parizeau [Quebec Government], Michel Plessis–Bélair [Québec Government], John A. Rae [the brother of Bob Rae the Premier of Ontario, Government of Ontario and Government of Canada], Amaury–Daniel de Sèze [French Government] and Emöke Jolan Erzsebet Szathmáry [Government of Canada] … Pierre Beaudoin is also the premier vice–president and board member of the Bombardier Corporation. In effect, there exists direct relations between all the board members of the Power Corporation, as well as with Pierre Beaudoin, and all the board members of the Bombardier Corporation: Laurent Beaudoin, André Berard, J.R. André Bombardier, Janine Bombardier, L. Denis Desautels [Government of Canada], Jean–Louis Fontaine, Jane F. Garvey [Federal Aviation Administration, Obama Administration], Daniel Johnson [the younger], Jean C. Monty [Nortel, Bell, Alcatel–Lucent], André Navarri [Association des industries ferroviaires européennes], Carlos Eduardo Represas [Bombardier Mexico, Latin American Business Council], Jean–Pierre Rosso [US Government], Federico Sada González [Mexican Government, ITESM], Heinrich Weiss [German Government] … As with Paul Desmarais Senior, Laurent Beaudoin is one of the most renowned businessmen in all of Québec: Not only is he famous as the leader of one of the most well–known companies in Québec, he was also deeply involved in politics and the political intrigues of the past thirty years.”³²

Pseudo–federalists and anti–federalists alike in Québec are therefore Québécocentrists: They serve, first and foremost, the interests of the Québec Inc. Followers of the FLQ are sidelined as terrorists and radicals in Québec, because they attract the unwanted attention and ire of Uncle Sam. French chauvinism is the Québécocentrists’ ideological weapon of choice. What is their main strategy? They work to keep Canadocentric forces weak. For this very reason Canada is greatly infected with regionalism. The francophone populations in Manitoba, Ontario and the Maritimes are the essential puppets of the Québec Regime in Ottawa, without which Hydro–Québec, the political and economic backbone of Québécocentricism, will collapse. The provincial debt of Québec costs more than $10–Billion every year in interest payments and is rising at an alarming rate: Without Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique in Ottawa (politique fonctionelle), the Government of Québec will sell–off the Hydro–Québec in order to meet its financial obligations.³³ As in Ontario with the Hydro One file, under Kathleen Wynne and the Québec Regime in Toronto, the sale of provincial government assets will greatly enrich the Québécocentric élites of the Québec Inc.

How do the Québécocentrists keep themselves and Hydro–Québec afloat? Despite their statements to the contrary (which are political falsehoods), and their intricate theatrics (which are political vaudeville), they keep Québec out of the Canadian constitution, which is the raison d’être of Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada (politique fonctionelle): By keeping Québec out of the constitution, the Québec Régime fans the flames of pseudo–federalism and anti–federalism, which ensures that nearly half of the Québec vote will remain in the hands of the Québécocentrics.³⁴ The Québécocentric ruling classes in Vancouver, Toronto and Montréal are therefore also the indispensable tools of Québec Régime power: For this reason organized crime is also their necessary weapon, which explains why they have often turned a blind–eye over the decades to the lucrative drug trade of the Rizzuto crime family. Like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, Brian Mulroney is a Québécocentrist:

“Domtar is a large Québec–based pulp and paper company that is 45 percent owned by the government of Québec through two provincially owned investment companies. In 1984 it made a profit of almost $90 million. Early in 1985 Domtar approached the Québec and federal governments with a request for approximately $200 million in grants to help finance a $1.2 billion modernization program for its fine–paper manufacturing plant at Windsor, Québec … On April 5, a deal was announced: The Québec government’s Société de développement industrielle would lend Domtar $150 million, to be repaid over ten years, and Ottawa and Québec would pay the interest on the loan on a fifty/fifty basis. Québec would also give Domtar a $21 million grant. The deal would cost Ottawa about $38 million.”³⁵

Meanwhile, Brian Mulroney allowed White Farm Equipment, an Ontario–based company, to fail.³⁶

In 1985 Mulroney said: “Our system of social programs, our commitment to fight regional disparities, our unique cultural identity, our special linguistic character — these are the essence of Canada. They are not at issue in these [free trade] negotiations.”³⁷ This is an admirable and worthy statement of our national interests, when forwarded by the statecraft of a superior ruling class. In the hands of the criminal ruling class the statement is a weapon of Québécocentric oppression, tyranny and enslavement, namely, Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique in Canada (politique fonctionelle). Indeed, this Québécocentric policy was used to water–down free trade and NAFTA under Brian Mulroney and the inferior ruling class, in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Free trade and the North American Free Trade Agreement was not the brain child of Brian Mulroney, but rather the work of Ronald Reagan, the great American Idealist: Mulroney liked to take credit for Reaganism in order to hoodwink Canadians into voting for him: The Québec Regime made free trade into a major federal election issue, when there is no real issue about our Anglo–Saxon traditions of political and economic freedom. They did so in order to protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

Canadians were held hostage by the Québec Regime once more, because a vote against Mulroney was made into a vote against rational political and economic order, when in fact the reverse is true: Free trade and NAFTA was watered–down in order to protect the Québec Inc. For this reason we have had many softwood lumber disputes with the United States over the decades, while Canada is handicapped by “supply management,” among other things:

“B.C. dairy farmers were restricted by federal marketing agencies to exporting only 3 per cent of all the cheese manufactured in Canada in order to protect cheese factories in Ontario and Québec; B.C. dairies were thus forced to pour thousands of gallons of milk down the sewer … B.C. has 11 per cent of Canada’s population yet is restricted by Ottawa to producing 3 per cent of the country’s cheese.”³⁸

The real election issue was ignored by an electorate enslaved by our Québéckocentric media, namely, the vast political and economic corruption over the years at the hands of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, resultant in the financial, commercial and industrial retardation of Canada at the behest of the Québec Inc. Mulroney and Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle) hide behind the mask of free trade and NAFTA, as pseudo–rational political and economic order. When all is said and done, Mulroney was just another Trudeau in disguise, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais, a political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime. Isn’t that so, Baie–Comeau?

Where did Brian Mulroney get his profound Québécocentricism? “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”³⁹

The “Red Tory” connexions to Paul Desmarais’ so–called conservatisme is evidenced in his strong support over the years of Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Party, as well as his strong support over the years of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique (politique fonctionelle), of which he was a great beneficiary. Desmarais was also one of the most powerful backers of the Liberal Party of Canada under Pierre–Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin. The so–called “French Canadian conservatism” of Brian Mulroney and Paul Desmarais is therefore most certainly at odds with the American conservative legacy of Ronald Reagan and the North American Free Trade Agreement:

“[Brian Mulroney] said labor must play ‘a full partnership role’ with business and government in deciding the country’s future.”⁴⁰

Québécocentric conservatives are very cozy with organized labor in Québec because their very expensive polices are offset by the Lion’s Share of federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash that comes mostly from the heavy taxation of English Canada, while the Québec unions like the FTQ Construction keep the anglophone “socialists” (the New Democratic Party from Ontario and Western Canada) out of the Québec Inc.⁴¹ Organized labor in Québec therefore is a lynch–pin of Québec Régime power in Ottawa.

Francophone Canadians, like other inhabitants of the New World, were not immune to the contagion of modern European Raison d’État: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte.”⁴² Shall we forget to mention the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? Not at all, dear reader. Paul Desmarais was an “expert on Napoléon Bonaparte,” and was in “many ways himself a driven man” like the Emperor of France: As the warlord Napoléon, Desmarais always sought “new ways to expand his power.”⁴³

As in the Francophonie and the Communauté, French chauvinists in Canada harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all, or nearly all, of the power for themselves and their families, and live as in France or as in French North America, because (as they hold) the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, or that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing: In fact, they are really francophone Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and such scatology as La Presse, namely, the Québéckocentric media in Canada.⁴⁴ The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Paul Desmarais, Pierre Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and many other Québec Régimers into very rich men and women, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive.⁴⁵

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Regimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, Kim Campbell and John Turner. In other words, Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin were greatly enriched by the many political and economic divisions they created and promoted, but these same divisions have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada over the years, in the name of Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique, which means the Québec Inc always gets the Lion’s Share of all federal employment, equalization, infrastructure and public works cash.

Today, thanks to the Québec Regime in Toronto and a half century of their political and economic irrationalism in the finance, commerce and industry of the economic heartland of Canada, Ontario is now a have–not province. In varying degrees of intensity, the same political and economic contagion of modern European Raison d’État is evidenced in Western Canada and the Maritimes, as well as in Québec.

The gas tank needs to be refilled: The Mulroney family fortune is on the wane, we surmise, after a half century of political and economic gluttony. The gas tank needs to be refilled: These filthy Québec Régimers have stuffed their bloated financial, commercial and industrial snouts with filet mignon and caviar at the public buffet for a very long time now. Shall we forget to mention the expensive champagne, fine wines and rare cognacs? Not at all, dear reader, not at all. Feast your eyes upon the orgy of corruption and criminality under the Québec Régime in Ottawa 1968–2006, the infamy and iniquity of a satanic ruling class. Their gas tanks are nearly emptied.

The Québécocentrics want to be in the driver’s seat of the New NAFTA renegotiations. For this reason Mulroney and his creatures will ensure the new leader of the federal conservatives is weak: Trudeau will then get his second mandate. The new NAFTA will therefore be renegotiated by Québéckocentrics like Jean Charest, Raymond Chrétien and André Desmarais (from behind the scenes), and will be mostly in favor of the Québec Inc, especially in the energy sector, and which will therefore increase and intensify the powerful Canadocentric forces of South Central Ontario (which holds a large accumulation): The Government of Premier Kathleen Wynne is therefore being sacrificed upon the blood–stained alter of Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique. An increase and intensification of Canadocentric forces means the power of Canadocentricism is on the rise: The rate of magnification is therefore bound to increase and accelerate under the dynamism of the world historical political and economic determinations unleashed in the first decade of the 21st century, but which date back to the end of the Cold War. The political and economic potency of this dynamic is evidenced in the demise of the TPP, the dissolution of the European Union, and the renegotiation of the NAFTA.

In the carbolic acid bubble–bath of Americanism therefore, slowly and surely these blood–sucking ticks, fleas and lice are falling–away from our body politic; these insects and vermin are the death–knell of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. Canada can surely rejoice at their destruction: Our abused and debased financial, commercial and industrial institutions are being reinvigorated once more, — under the floodtide of Americanism in the world!

Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry must be protected, even strengthened, because it is a Canadocentric power: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower, namely the Canadosphere. When it comes therefore to Americanism and the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world of today, Brian Mulroney is an almighty ignoramus.

“Beware of Maya, the veil of deception that covers the eyes of mortals, and causes them to see a world of which one can say neither that it is or that it is not, because it is a dream.”

CHAPTER 4: JEAN CHRÉTIEN AND FRENCH CHAUVINISM

But blood–stained is the mire of December;
But the fog of Brumaire is perfidious;
In that air trees grow not, are barren,
Or bear fruits filled with poison and ashes.
Giosuè Carducci¹

Jean Chrétien: “I opposed Québec nationalism because I thought separation would destroy the French fact in North America, not build it up.”²

Most Canadians like myself and the present generation, oppose separation or separatism because “Québec nationalism” will destroy Canada and plunge the Canadian people into a firestorm of unreason which will flood the streets of our North American paradise with rivers of blood: As in the days of FLQ terrorism, when gangs of murderous psychopaths slaughtered women, children (Jean Corbo) and the elderly, as well as political and law enforcement officials,―in the name of Vive le Québec Libre! This bloodbath brought the Canadian Military out of their barracks: Soldiers marched through our streets, armed to the teeth, while tanks and armored cars patrolled our cities. From finance, commerce and industry, the lifeblood of our great and prosperous North American civilization, we turned our attention to fratricide and mass–murder, the political and economic satanism of bloodletting cultivated by the modern European irrationalists of the 20th century.

This bloody experiment did not last very long, thank heavens, since alien to the very nature of the Canadian people, who mostly live alongside of the US border, and whose souls are daily nurtured by the powerful beacon of American Liberty: The nationalistic terrorists in Québec suddenly became federalistic terrorists in Ottawa, at least the cynical ones (hard terrorism became soft terrorism), with the sudden death of General Charles de Gaulle, who ran afoul of the Monroe doctrine, and whose untimely demise therefore greatly assisted in the decline of Québec anti–federalism and terrorism as a viable political and economic force in Canada.

Henry Kissinger: “The wars of the French Revolution marked the transition to the nation–state defined by common language and culture … [The United States] have never been nation–states in the European sense. America has succeeded in forming a distinct culture from a polyglot national composition.”³

The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary delusions of Wilfrid Laurier, his so–called “Political Liberalism,” ultimately derived from Louis–Joseph Papineau (in his senile period),⁴ therefore hold no sway upon the vast majority of Canadians, excluding the flabby minds of the Québécocracy, who mask their mortal corruption behind the Canadian flag,―while singing the tunes of the national anthem, they stab the treasury of Canada in the back:

“Now we know, after the last Budget Speech, this year (1968) Québec will get $362,740,000.00 in various federal equalization payments, compared to the $66 million in 1962. Québec has therefore won the taxation war in Ottawa.”⁵

In reaction to rabid Québécocentrics like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin Junior, themselves deeply infatuated at an early age with modern European irrationalism, we do well to ask ourselves: Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, was Canada really a federation or rather a pseudo–federation? Pseudo–federalism in Canada is politique fonctionelle, namely Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique (modèle Québécois), and is profoundly asymmetrical: The Lion’s Share of all federal employment, public works and infrastructure contracts, and equalization is pocketed by Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc.⁶ We must not forget to mention the many provincial, as well as federal, crown corporations controlled by Québec Régimers, that have invested over the decades the Lion’s Share of vast amounts of resources from the treasuries of anglophone and francophone Canada in the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québécocracy at home and abroad.

Unlike Jean Chrétien and his generation, therefore, Canadians really do not care very much about modern France and its political and economic grandeur in the New World. That is why Canadians support the free–trade agreement between Canada and the European Union. At one time, however, Jean Chrétien was such a French Chauvinist that he named his only daughter after the modern republic of France.

Of course, Jean Chrétien betrays himself (and his followers) in the first edition of Straight From the Heart, where he confesses that after some twenty years in Ottawa, he really wants “to be where the cash is.”⁷ Once the French Chauvinists of the Québec Régime had looted the last remnants of the British Empire in Canada, they discovered Uncle Sam in the bowels of the treasure chest, upon whom their French Chauvinism does not work. At the end of the day, we understand, therefore, that Jean Chrétien is neither interested in “the French fact in North America,” nor does he care much about France and its political and economic ambitions in the New World: What Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power:

“My family has always been rouge [red], Liberal in the free–thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century … I had become a lawyer in order to become a politician … I was quite left wing when I began in politics. I wasn’t obsessed with making money … My pitch has always been to the working class because the Liberal Party in my riding is supported by the unions and the workers. We were the party that fought Duplessis, and I was an authentic descendant of those gutsy rouges who had fought against the bishops … Politics is a game of friends.”⁸

Politics is a game of friends? Again, at the end of the day what Jean Chrétien really wants is the political and economic support of the French chauvinists in Canada and Europe, but especially in Québec and also in Ontario, Manitoba, and the Maritimes, in order to elevate himself and his family to the heights of power: Unless francophone Canada is divided into Québec federalist and anti–federalist camps, this will not happen:

“The truth is that without Jean Chrétien’s low and despicable actions, on the 23rd of June, Québec would have returned into the arms of the great Canadian family. Today, we Québéckers are profoundly shocked and humiliated: Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back.”⁹

Jean Chrétien stabbed Canada in the back: The strife between fédéralisme and anti–fédéralisme in Québec over the decades (the Quiet Revolution) has greatly enriched the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. (Of course they deny the fact.) The proof however is in the pudding of their organized crime and political corruption:

“Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Dépôt du Québec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”¹⁰

Jean Chrétien and his family want the political and economic support of the French chauvinists, in order to elevate themselves to the heights of financial, commercial and industrial power:

“At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at the Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few.”¹¹

The proof of the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy is in the pudding of their organized crime:

“During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ), we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the many $millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse [Québec Pension Plan]: Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse de dépôt secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not the wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”¹²

The flabby minds of French chauvinists like Jean Chrétien, the modern European political and economic irrationalists in Canada, harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all the power, and live as in France (Canada français) or as in French North America, because (as their actions prove) the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right (in their esteem) is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Otherwise, in order to save face among their ever–decreasing number of disciples, when push comes to Uncle Sam’s shove in the food line, the Québécocrats readily admit that both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing (in order to avoid the charge of anti–Americanism and the wrath of Washington). How exactly do the French Chauvinists in Canada accomplish this amazing feat of the imagination? As the modern European revolutionists, they rush headlong into the arms of the sophistical philosophy of Immanuel Kant:

“Kant and other philosophers teach us our rationality … Every society establishes order, whether the Mafia or Christendom.”¹³

Immanuel Kant is a philosopher and not a sophist?

“The conception of a noumenon is problematical … the conception of a noumenon is therefore not the conception of an object, but merely a problematical conception … my existence cannot be considered as an inference from the proposition, ‘I think,’ as Descartes maintained.”¹⁴

Why the deep attraction of the Québécocracy to the philosophical sophistry of Kant?

“The publication of Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason marks one of the two key events after which we may take nineteenth–century philosophy to begin. The other event is the French Revolution, of which many people saw Kant’s philosophy, with its emphasis on autonomy, as the theoretical correlate. ‘Nineteenth–century’ philosophy … thus actually begins in the later 1780s and the 1790s, in response to Kant’s Critical philosophy and the French Revolution.”¹⁵

Indeed, the philosophical sophistry of Kant follows directly in the footsteps of Locke, Leibniz and Hume, the modern European political and economic irrationalists:

“The Republican Constitution is, thus, the only one which arises out of the idea of the Original Compact upon which all the rightful legislation of a people is founded … the Republican Constitution is the only one which perfectly corresponds to the Rights of Man.”¹⁶

The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Kant is no friend of democracy:

“The Republican Constitution is not to be confounded with the Democratic Constitution … of the three forms of the State, a Democracy, in the proper sense of the word, is necessarily a despotism; because it establishes an Executive power in which All resolve about, and, it may be, also against, any One who is not in accord with it; and consequently the All who thus resolve are really not all; which is a contradiction of the Universal Will with itself and with liberty.”¹⁷

Democracy is always despotism, and the republican constitution is not a democratic constitution, while the conception of a noumenon is problematical, since the conception of a noumenon is not the conception of an object, but merely a problematical conception: The Kantian conception of rational political and economic order is therefore problematical. As the genuine Hegel of Pure Hegelianism has foretold, the grandeur and decadence of Western civilization is the result of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes, as the Dialectic of Finitude: The aggrandizement of Western civilization is the work of the superior ruling classes, while the decline of civilization into barbarism is the work of the inferior ruling classes. The rise of Western civilization in world history is therefore the result of superior ruling classes, whether aristocratic, monarchical or democratic.

For the Bonapartists of France, under the profound spell of modern unreason, the French Revolution is Kantianism in the arena of politics and economics:

“The awakening of the new age, namely, the ‘kingdom of the realized spirit,’ is the age of the Critical Philosophy of Kant and the French Revolution. A free will, albeit formal, whose content is created as it touches the real, is the Kantian principle: The Critical Philosophy is the basis of the French Revolution. The Kantian principle brings practical results to the French Revolution. Kantian reason legislates for the collective will as well as for the individual will … The French Revolution made the bold attempt to begin with individual wills, with the atoms of will: The revolutionary philosophy of Kant attacks the collective will of the Ancien Régime for its abusive privileges.”¹⁸

Of course the Bonapartists of France are not alone in their French Chauvinist delirium over Immanuel Kant and the French Revolution:

“The spirit of Emmanuel Mounier will fill all the pages of Cité Libre … Long live the French Republic!”¹⁹

What is the so–called “philosophy” of Emmanuel Mounier about?

“Our existence is always sinful, and it might almost be claimed that existence in this world is just as impossible as the act of pure good will is for Kant. We are sinful by the very fact that we exist.”²⁰

Emmanuel Mounier’s existentialism, his Personalism, is a brand of modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism inherited from Immanuel Kant:

“We ought not to forget how much personalism owes to Leibnitz and to Kant, or what the dialectic of personality owes to the whole reflective effort of idealist thought.”²¹

What else is French existentialism, but first and foremost the 20th century phantasm of modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism?

“Jean–Paul Sartre and myself have always been perfectly clear on this point: It is not because there is a desire to exist that this desire corresponds to reality as such. This is proved beyond doubt in Kant’s intellectual philosophy: The belief in causation is no basis for the belief in a Supreme Cause. Man desires to exist, which does not mean therefore that he could ever reach existence, or even that existence is a possible notion: Of course, we speak of being and existence as reflection. We refer to the synthesis between being and existence which is impossible. Sartre and I, we have always taught this doctrine, which is the very foundation of our philosophy: Out of timber so crooked as that from which man is made nothing entirely straight can be built.”²²

We are not surprised therefore when Jean Chrétien espouses the same nonsense, albeit in his own vernacular:

“Intellect doesn’t make a good leader, nor does it make a good country.”²³

In Ottawa, the tradition of modern European unreason, the basis of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, namely Bonapartism in politics and economics, or autocracy founded on popular consent, leads back to Wilfrid Laurier:

“You will see together those who are attracted by the charm of novelty, and you will see together those who are attracted by the charm of habit. You will see on one side those who attach themselves to everything that is ancient, and on the other side those who are always ready to reform … we unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good.”²⁴

We dream of the highest good? Intellect doesn’t make a good leader, nor does it make a good country? Out of timber so crooked as that from which man is made nothing entirely straight can be built? The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception or right is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, otherwise both conceptions of right are roughly the very same thing? How very backwards and outdated the flabby minds of the Québécocracy really are, is readily evidenced in the sphere of Canadian jurisprudence, at both the provincial and federal levels:

“In 1977, the Parti Québécois government of Mr. Lévesque enacted Bill 101, which included a provision regarding language of signage. This provision was challenged and, ultimately, struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada. In response to this decision, Premier Bourassa enacted Bill 178 … When Bill 178 was introduced, Premier Bourassa invoked the notwithstanding clause, a pernicious provision of the 1982 Constitution accepted and introduced by Prime Minister Trudeau. This provision unique in constitutions of the world―has been branded as ‘evil’ and ‘iniquitous’ by scholars to the point that Mr. Trudeau himself has acknowledged his grave error in consenting to its inclusion in a document designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.”²⁵

These are the words of Brian Mulroney, Québécocrat extraordinaire, who at the height of his power used to prey upon legions of lovely girls: “Very few women who were young and pretty escaped him.”²⁶

The 1982 Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, in the tradition of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, unlike the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, is not “designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.” The flabby minds of French chauvinists like Jean Chrétien, the modern European political and economic irrationalists in Canada, therefore harbor the delusion that they alone should wield all the power, and live as in France (French Canada) or as in French North America, because (as their actions prove) the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right in their esteem is far better than the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America.

Incidentally, Jean Chrétien claims to have come down the very hardest against Charles de Gaulle: “I was absolutely the strongest of them all.”²⁷ Alas, Ti–Jean is not a very honest and trustworthy historical witness, especially so many decades after the fact. We do not say that he is an historical liar, but he most certainly is an inveterate political demagogue: “Chrétien has always maintained that he and other francophones were barred from playing at the Grand’Mère golf course. Others who lived in Shawinigan said the club had no such discriminatory policy.”²⁸

From whence comes the French Chauvinism of the Québécocracy, the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class?

General Charles de Gaulle: “France is present in Canada not only through its representatives, but also because many Canadians are of French blood, French language, French culture and French mind. In short they are French except in matters concerning the realm of sovereignty … French Canada will inevitably become a state and it is in that perspective that we must act.”²⁹

Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006 (the Québécocracy), Gaullism is the fountainhead of French Chauvinism and Bonapartism in Canada:

“[4] Careful investigation leads to the discovery of more and more French diplomats, politicians, and state officials active in the cause of Québec separatism during the past thirty–five years … [5] By 1967, when de Gaulle made his notorious fourth visit to Québec on 23–26 July, he had already worked out a general plan of attack … Having launched a cold war campaign in Québec, de Gaulle then turned his attention to the smaller French–speaking community of Acadians in the Maritime provinces … there was no mistaking his [General de Gaulle’s] hostility to the Canadian confederation … [6] the two world wars of this century had the strongest influence [7] on the Gaullist mind. But behind their impact lies the imperial tradition established by Napoléon, and followed by his nephew, Napoléon III who ruled the Second Empire … [11] Political movements for the independence, or sovereignty, of Québec can be traced back into the 1950s, but the first with any permanence and influence was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (RIN), established in September 1960. Its founders were Raymond Barbeau, who in 1957 had launched a similar but short–lived movement called the Alliance Laurentienne … they worked to spread the idea that Québec ought to become an independent republic, ‘free, French and democratic’ … [13] By 1960, when de Gaulle made his visit to Canada, the Lesage liberals, the RIN, and other nationalists were forming a neo–nationalist movement … [14] The neo–nationalist were typical of what has become known as the Quiet Revolution … in its narrowest meaning the term applies to a series of reforms carried out by the Lesage government … when Duplessis died, Québec was seized with an outburst of liberal and national sentiments that led to changes so profound that they may justly be described as revolutionary. Educated Frenchmen, such as Charles de Gaulle and his staff, were immediately at home amid the liberal and national aspirations of the Quiet Revolution in Québec. Every French republic, even the Fifth, is founded on liberal and nationalist ideas that are an ideological legacy of the French Revolution … [18] De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning―or hoping―to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … De Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”³⁰

How did Gaullism become the fountainhead of French Chauvinism and Bonapartism in Canada?

“In 1956, Trudeau helped organize the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Assembly for National Independence). The group’s 600 members worked to explain democracy [Québec separatism] to the people of Québec and to persuade them to use it. Trudeau served as vice–president, then director, and finally president.”³¹

How exactly did French Chauvinism become politically and economically dominant (i.e., become Bonapartism) in Canada?

“Claude Frenette, the right hand man of Paul Desmarais … was elected as president of the Québec wing of the Liberal Party of Canada in virtue of the upcoming leadership race: Frenette and Pierre Trudeau elaborated a scheme at the Power Corporation whereby the latter would become the new leader of the Liberal Party and then the Prime Minister of Canada.”³²

Paul Desmarais and his backers (Jean–Louis Lévesque & company, namely, Jean Lesage and Louis St. Laurent)³³ brought Bonapartism first to Québec City and then to Ottawa:

“Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one … One of Desmarais’ favorite collectibles is Pierre Trudeau, who remains on Power Corp.’s international advisory board … plans for Trudeau’s candidacy had first been hatched in early 1968 at the offices of Power Corporation, at Friday–night meetings presided over by then–Power vice–president Claude Frenette. In August of that year, two months after Trudeau swept the country, the new PM flew to visit Desmarais at Murray Bay.”³⁴

Jean–Louis Lévesque was the main backer of Paul Desmarais:

“Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far–away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French–Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French–Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”³⁵

Why exactly did Paul Desmarais empower Bonapartism in Québec City and Ottawa?

“An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.”³⁶

Paul Desmarais used French Chauvinism and Bonapartism to greatly enrich himself and his family: French Chauvinism and Bonapartism therefore greatly enriched Jean Chrétien and his children.

“[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.”³⁷

In Canada, the world historical movement which encircles the collapse of the British Empire, as the demise of European modernity and the rise of Global civilization, is named the Quiet Revolution:

“We Québéckers have lived through the Quiet Revolution and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, which is our Quiet Dispossession.”³⁸

With these ideas firmly in our minds, we are now in a very good position to ask the following question, which is not rhetorical: What exactly is Gaullism in 20th century world history?

“All de Gaulle’s acts were directed not toward war, but toward politics and the seizure of power for his own purposes … Gaullism is a phenomenon originating in fascism. It is a political movement born at a time when Nazi ideology was victorious in France and in the rest of Europe … Gaullism is a form of fascism that placed its stakes on the winning side. It is a fascism that glibly uses the language of Democracy, while despising and hating it. It is a fascism that digs into the structure of the Republic as Italian fascism, at an earlier date, dug into the Monarchy.”³⁹

Why is Gaullism a “form of fascism”?

“There is no mystery about the origins of Bonapartism. It is the child of Napoléon Bonaparte and the French Revolution … the strong executive founded upon the plebiscite which was to be the pillar of Bonapartism; and [Napoléon] had come to the conclusion that legislative assemblies should be merely supervisory, that they should have no power to change the constitution or to interfere with the executive … This is not the place for a detailed examination of the principles of Napoléonic law … The French nation, being consulted for the third time, for the third time by an overwhelming majority ratified its belief in Bonapartism … The guiding principle of Bonapartism was autocracy founded on popular consent.”⁴⁰

What is the result of Bonapartism in 19th century European history?

“The statesmen of the French Revolution roused their fellow countrymen to the most astounding military efforts by announcing that France would compel all other nations to be free in the same sense as herself. Under Napoléon I, and more obscurely under his nephew, Napoléon III, France aspired to impose her suzerainty by force of arms upon the whole of Western Europe.”⁴¹

In Canada, Gaullism is Bonapartism (French Chauvinism in politics and economics), namely autocracy founded on popular consent: The sovereignty of the Québécocracy (their control of White Gold), as inscribed within the 1982 Chrétien–Trudeau Constitution, is autocracy founded on popular consent, because the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, unlike the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, is not “designed to protect individual rights and freedoms” (Mulroney), since the Canadian Constitution is based upon the outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right.

From whence comes autocracy founded on popular consent, the origin of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right?

“Law is not the work of mortals. Human legislators do not create the law: It is an earlier and pre–existent principle, general, absolute, immutable and invariable, because it comes from the very essence of man, which never changes. This is our definition of right: The fountainhead of justice, the foundation of the rationality of human action, from the point of view of the just and the unjust. This definition, as the complete and exact description of what right is, would itself have to be defined: It is necessary to elucidate the rationality governing human actions, as the fountainhead of justice. This problem we shall avoid by saying the solution is philosophical and therefore beyond the purview of jurisprudence. According to Victor Cousin, the necessity (raison première) of justice consists in upholding the liberation of mankind.”⁴²

Indeed, it is necessary to elucidate that which the modern irrationalists name, in their various terminological disguises, the rationality governing human actions, the fountainhead of all justice according to the dispensers of modern freedom, and the origin of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, the bastion of autocracy founded on popular consent, as the liberation of mankind:

“We propose a comparison between the doctrine of Machiavelli, as it emerges from the Prince, and the doctrine of absolutism, which we shall endeavor to discern, not from one or another of the theorists who were its champions, but from all of them … the absolutist doctrines, in their application, lead rulers to the same results as the doctrines of Machiavelli … Machiavellism and absolutism are derived from analogous historical situations. This is the first essential point of our parallel. The historical situation inspires Machiavelli with the idea of ​​the legitimacy of every means aimed at the achievement of public interest and the salvation of the State … those who were able to study Napoléon Bonaparte very closely tell us that he was a very powerful ruler who saw the spilling of blood [sang des hommes répandu] as perhaps the greatest remedy of political medicine … The Prince of Machiavelli and the doctrines of absolutism were born of the same sentiment of profound patriotism, at times and in countries where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress … Machiavelli reveals himself as an immoral patriot who wants to save the State, even though his conception of government appears as a policy that is respectful of political freedoms and that is aimed at the happiness of the people.”⁴³

Machiavellism and absolutism (autocracy not founded on popular consent) are derived from analogous historical situations; The Prince of Machiavelli and the doctrines of absolutism were born of the same sentiment of profound patriotism, at times and in countries where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress; Machiavelli reveals himself as an immoral patriot who wants to save the State, even though his conception of government appears as a policy that is respectful of political freedoms and that is aimed at the happiness of the people; the absolutist doctrines, in their application, lead rulers to the same results as the doctrines of Machiavelli: The spilling of blood is the greatest remedy of political medicine.

Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, is Machiavellism?

“[Rulers] cannot observe all those things which are considered good in men, being often obliged, in order to maintain the state, to act against faith, against charity, against humanity, and against religion … [rulers] must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and, as I said before, not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated.”⁴⁴

What is Machiavellism? “Empiricism began its career with a great bound of energy, starting with Machiavelli.”⁴⁵ Rulers and lawmakers must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated. Wherefore?

“Many have been and are of opinion that worldly events are so governed by fortune and by God, that men cannot by their prudence change them, and that on the contrary there is no remedy whatever, and for this they may judge it to be useless to toil much about them, but let things be ruled by chance … Our freewill may not be altogether extinguished, I think it may be true that fortune is the ruler of half our actions, but that she allows the other half or a little less to be governed by us. I would compare her to an impetuous river that, when turbulent, inundates the plains, ruins trees and buildings, removes earth from this side and places it on the other; every one flies before it, and everything yields to its fury without being able to oppose it.”⁴⁶

In other words, intelligent rulers and lawmakers are very savvy political and economic rapists:

“Fortune is a woman, and it is necessary, if you wish to master her, to conquer her by force; and it can be seen that she lets herself be overcome by these rather than by those who proceed coldly. And therefore, like a woman, she is a friend to the young, because they are less cautious, fiercer, and master her with greater audacity.”⁴⁷

Machiavellism: Intelligent rulers and lawmakers are very savvy political and economic rapists; they cannot observe all those things which are considered good in men, being often obliged, in order to maintain the state, to act against faith, against charity, against humanity, and against religion; they must have a mind disposed to adapt itself according to the wind, and as the variations of fortune dictate, and not deviate from what is good, if possible, but be able to do evil if necessitated; the arena of politics and economics is a woman, and it is necessary, if you wish to master her, to conquer her by force, and to master her with great audacity.

Is this not the modus operandi of Napoléon Bonaparte? Napoléon was a very powerful ruler who saw the spilling of blood as perhaps the greatest remedy of political medicine: The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right was born of the same sentiment as Machiavellism, at a time and in a country where a powerful sovereign was necessary to put an end to the disorder and turmoil of the day, the causes of national distress. Wherefore? The Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right is Machiavellism.

From whence comes autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, namely Machiavellism?

“These principalities … are upheld by higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, I will abstain from speaking of them; for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them … if one could change one’s nature with time and circumstances, fortune would never change … God will not do everything, in order not to deprive us of freewill.”⁴⁸

Higher causes, which the human mind cannot attain to, are exalted and maintained by God, the very highest power. Higher causation and rationality is the realm of the highest power, and is beyond the reach of humanity, civilization, and the rationality of political and economic order. What are the rational determinations of the highest power? We must abstain from speaking of them, for being exalted and maintained by God, it would be the work of a presumptuous and foolish man to discuss them: The highest power of Machiavellism is the Absolute of Kant and the modern irrationalists. The highest power governing human actions, the fountainhead of all justice according to the Machiavellians, the dispensers of modern freedom, is Unknowable: The fountainhead of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right is modern unreason.

The “rationality governing human actions, the fountainhead of justice,” according to Machiavelli, his delusion of rationality and human reason, is modern unreason, the basis of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right: Autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, therefore comes from the modern sophistry of Kant, Hume, Leibniz and Locke and then ultimately from Machiavelli. Machiavellism, autocracy founded on popular consent, the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, is modern unreason in the world historical arena of European politics and economics.

In fact, Québécocrats are really francophone (and anglophone) Canadians who have succumbed to the morbid spell of Cité Libre and other such scatology as La Presse.⁴⁹ The abstraction of French Canada has been very useful in making Pierre Beaudoin, Paul Desmarais and Lino Saputo into very rich men, indeed, not to mention the families of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin. But today, thanks to their delusions of the “French Fact in North America,” some four million Canadians in Québec live in poverty, while some two million of them barely manage to survive:

“According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”⁵⁰

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax:

“The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”⁵¹

This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

As Chrétien admitted in 1985, the fabulous wealth of his family comes from his political work: “I owe to Canada all the privileges I have received.”⁵² And his family has certainly received many privileges over the decades from federal and provincial governments under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: In 1963 Jean Chrétien went to Ottawa with empty pockets, his father used to work in the lumber yards of Shawinigan, but when Chrétien retired from politics after many years his family had amassed a fortune worth more than $4–Billion dollars, and an international financial and media empire some say is worth upwards of $100–Billion.⁵³ Today, the family of Jean Chrétien is something like the 4th or 5th richest in Canada, and the richest in Québec, alongside Lino Saputo, according to Forbes Magazine.⁵⁴

In the history of Canada since Confederation, never were our rulers and their families so enriched, as under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, when Canada was ruled for nearly a half century by Québec Régimers, except for one year under Joe Clark, John Turner and Kim Campbell.⁵⁵ In other words, the many political and economic divisions created by the Québécocracy over the last half century have greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry in Canada, especially in the Heartland, but Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin and their families were themselves greatly enriched over the years:

“[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … [Jean Chrétien] cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”⁵⁶

According to the biography, Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais first “met in the late 1960’s through a mutual acquaintance, the lawyer Pierre Genest.”⁵⁷ Indeed, Jean Chrétien always maintained “cozy connections with the Power Corporation” over the decades.⁵⁸ The Power Corporation was even the backer of Chrétien’s first leadership campaign against John Turner.⁵⁹ Chrétien used to handle the “major negotiations” for the Desmarais family because of “his tight personal and professional relations with the Power Corporation.”⁶⁰ Chrétien probably first met Paul Desmarais through Paul Martin Senior, whom Chrétien ardently supported for the party leadership very early in his budding career back in 1958.⁶¹ Chrétien used to visit the family home of Paul Martin Senior in Windsor.⁶² Later on in his career Chrétien and Martin’s son, Paul Martin Junior, used to get together and hold meetings in the offices of the Power Corporaton “during the 1970s and 1980s.”⁶³

Jean Chrétien’s daughter, France Chrétien, is married to André Desmarais, son of the late Paul Desmarais, who now owns the Power Corporation (along with his brother Paul Desmarais Junior), and who was recently engaged in a bitter family dispute with the late Big Paul’s brother, the elderly Louis Desmarais, over the ownership of some 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation.⁶⁴ Old Louis made a deal with Big Paul back in the day, and in turn was promised a portion of shares in the Power Corporation. Big Paul did not uphold his end of the bargain. The elderly gentleman was making claims upon his rightful possession. The daughter of André and France Chrétien–Desmarais, the beautiful Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, is married to the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx.⁶⁵ Unfortunately, some of the newer generation have rebuffed the claim of old Louis Desmarais: The Chrétien–Desmarais family rivalry has become manifest. Evidently, nothing in the world will satiate the pathological greed of Jean Chrétien:

“Louis R. Desmarais the brother of the late multi–billionaire Paul Desmarais Senior is dead, and his $75–million lawsuit over an alleged promise made by Big Paul back in 1979 is now on hold.”⁶⁶

Family means nothing to the worshipers of modern political and economic satanism, the disciples of Machiavelli.

Under the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, in the name of fédéralisme asymétrique, the Lion’s Share of all federal infrastructure projects goes to Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc (as well as all federal equalization and employment), but the vast kickbacks and massive influence peddling requires the assistance of organized crime:

“The strategies of collusion and corruption as well as the infiltration activities of organized crime which the Charbonneau Commission has uncovered are not without grave consequences: The overcoming of the safeguards which protect public works in the construction industry and also protect the financial governance of political parties, combined with the infiltration of organized crime in the construction industry, has not only created economic burdens for the ensemble of Québec society, but has also undermined our most cherished democratic ideals and perverted the fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. The faith of Québéckers in their public institutions is deeply convulsed.”⁶⁷

Unfortunately, the organized crime of the Québécocracy has its hands on another highly profitable sector: The international drug trade. Together they constitute what is here named soft terrorism. Thus, Jean Chrétien, far from being a strong leader, was one of the weakest, most degenerate of all Canadian Prime Ministers. The biggest crime family in the history of Canada (Rizzuto), which caused the destruction of millions of Canadian and American youngsters and their families, was finally put down by PM Stephen Harper and the Western conservatives, after nearly a half century of political and economic satanism under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais:

“[Nicolò Rizzuto] the late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province … Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard–bearer of his father–in–law’s Sicilian Mafia clan … Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug–smuggling and money–laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid–2000s. Now it appears Nicolò Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolò Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and overinflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.”⁶⁸

Nicolò Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation of the political and economic corruption that begins with the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago and his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that is exposed in the Charbonneau Commission has been understated. This at least is the verdict of those whose mental power places them in the ranks of the superior ruling class. We know that the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc., is a criminal ruling class:

“It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first–round victory in the [leadership] race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.”⁶⁹

And who exactly, pray tell, is Senator Pietro Rizzuto?

“Liborio Milioto, Nicolò Rizzuto’s half–brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.”⁷⁰

We come to the end of the dialectical circle of Jean Chrétien’s political and economic life, inscribed within the notion of French Chauvinism and the world historical collapse of European modernity, as the rise of Global civilization and American Liberty. One last point must be squared away.

Without the collusion of the Montréal mafia there are no kickbacks from the $Billions in federal infrastructure and public works projects paid for with English Canadian taxes (some four million Québéckers are so poor they pay no income tax). Without organized crime in the construction industry therefore the Québec Régime and Empire of Paul Desmarais must collapse: For this reason the Québec Régime in Ottawa 1968–2006 is a criminal ruling class. For nearly a half century, under various guises, first starting with Trudeau, and then continuing with Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin, the Québécocracy had its filthy hands upon the Port of Montréal:

“Among the reappointments to Canada Ports Corp., was Québec business mogul Paul Desmarais, chairman and chief executive officer of Montréal’s Power Corp., the man who Ian MacDonald called ‘Mulroney’s mentor in the business world,’ his former boss, financial backer, and a frequent host to Mulroney at his Palm Beach home.”⁷¹

French Chauvinism, at least in the writings of the Québec Régimers and the Québécocentric media (Cité Libre, Canadian Press, La Presse and so forth) is therefore another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in Canada, namely Canadian Culture. French Chauvinism also has a history in La Communauté and La Francophonie as Bonapartism, especially in Europe but also in Africa, the Middle East and Asia: The last political and economic form of Bonapartism was forged by Charles de Gaulle, before it was finally submerged under the floodtide of Americanism in world history, as the European Union.

In the world of today, French Chauvinism, especially as found in the Kantian and Hegelian “free–thinking, anti–clerical, anti–establishment tradition of the nineteenth century,” is therefore nothing more than an inert idea: Liberalism and conservatism in modern European world history, which lead to Bonapartism, the political and economic result of the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right derived from Machiavelli, are nothing more than inert ideas.⁷² In the supremacy of the American superpower, modern European raison d’état is swept into the dustbin of history: Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism, thanks to the rational political economy of the American Idealists in Washington and on Wall Street.

The modern European political and economic struggles unchained by the Industrial and French revolutions ended in the 20th century with the rise of world civilization, the fountainhead of which is Americanism: The world historical clash between Global freedom, the rational conception of right found in The Magna Carta and The Constitution of the United States of America, versus the last vestiges of European modernity (unchained in the political and economic strife between the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right and the conception of right found in The Magna Carta and Industrial revolution), as the strife between superior and inferior ruling classes, begins in the New World with the victories of George Washington and Abraham Lincoln in the Civil Wars, as the rise of American Liberty in universal history and the collapse of the British Empire.

The bloodstained chapters of American Idealism in the Civil Wars are the birth pangs of Global freedom from out of the womb of world history,―as the sublation of modern freedom from out of the ashes of the Holy Roman Empire and the clash between old and new Christendom, in the strife of ruling classes unchained by the Industrial and French revolutions. The notion of the Global world, the highest conception of humanity, is therefore clothed in the immediacy of the flesh and blood of universal history: Henceforth the conception of universal freedom as the sublation of subjective and objective freedom in world history is no longer an abstraction: Absolute Liberty in the world of today is Americanism, the rise of Global rational political and economic order, as the supremacy of Washington in the 21st century.

In the realm of political and economic ideas, the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is advanced in the warfare between Kant and Hegel: This almighty clash between sophistry and philosophy plays out in the realm of modern European politics and economics in the power struggles between political parties, as the Left versus the Right. The world historical clash between Kantianism and Hegelianism in 20th century politics and economics separated modern Europeans into hostile camps. This clash of ideas, which exists even today in the mindset of European humanity, but without any Global historical political and economic significance whatsoever, is withering away under the floodtide of Americanism in the world: The substance of the conception vanishes as a stage of world history, and what remains is merely the empty husk, as the twilight of modernity. What exactly does this mean in the philosophy of American Idealism? The World Wars and collapse of European modernity is the result of the political and economic warfare between the Left and Right in the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom, as advanced in the Kantian and Hegelian clash between superior and inferior ruling classes:

“The philosophy of Globalism is the doctrine that there is a center of gravity in the world, a foundation of the universe, wherein all particular problems are especially resolved, such as the evils that plague humanity.”⁷³

In North America these political and economic movements follow a less intense path, especially in Canada and Mexico: The disintegration of the British Empire and collapse of modern Europe as the center of world power entails the decline of British and European influence in the New World. The historical struggle for world supremacy does not end in the ruins of Berlin, but continues into the Cold War: Therefore the last remnants of European modernity linger for another half century, until the collapse of Soviet Communism. In Canada and Mexico, the late 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is also advanced in the clash between Kant and Hegel: This almighty clash between sophistry and philosophy plays out in the realm of modern Canadian and Mexican politics and economics in the power struggles between political parties, as the Left versus the Right. In the New World, the 20th century world historical struggle between modern and Global freedom is therefore also advanced in the warfare of Kantians and Hegelians:

“Hegel was too much of a critical philosopher to want to undo Kant’s Copernican Revolution … the speculative theologians have never grasped the crucial significance of Kant in Hegel’s development.”⁷⁴

In Canada the 20th century modern European power struggles involve the political and economic strife between the Conservative and Liberal parties, which also means the strife between English and French Canada, which begins in earnest with the Government of Wilfrid Laurier and ends with the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Henceforth the financial, commercial and industrial development of Canada follows the path of Absolute freedom as Americanism, the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world, the supremacy of Washington in the 21st century.

The rational conception of Canada arises from the downfall of Canadian Liberalism and European modernity: The rise and fall of the Québec Régime in Ottawa as the birth of the Canadocentric Polity, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, is therefore of some interest with regards to the rise of Americanism in world history. Americanism is the world historical refutation of Wilfrid Laurier’s Political Liberalism, among other things, because Global rational political and economic order overcomes modern European Machiavellism in universal history.

The Canadosphere, as the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry in Canada, is rising upwards in the developmental unification of the coaxial integration of the American world.

American Idealism is the fountainhead of Global civilization. The teaching of the concept is the inescapable lesson of history: As the historical unfolding of the conceptual rationality of the notion of universal freedom, Americanism is rising upwards in the world of today.⁷⁵

CHAPTER 5: PAUL MARTIN, THE TAINTED–BLOOD SCANDAL AND CANADA STEAMSHIP LINES

The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy … my experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas. Paul Martin Junior¹

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is the tragic last act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.²

The triadic historical relationship is the tragic grande finale of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais? In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization. The Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior: Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Québec Régime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Québec Régime therefore signalizes the end of modern European raison d’État in Canada,―in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome. ³

The triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines is therefore the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notion of the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada: Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world. “As long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.”⁴ Actions can never equal conceptions? Wilfrid Laurier’s words ring hollow in the age of American Idealism and world civilization.

“The world historical conditions behind the demise of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais reside in the end of the Cold War and the supremacy of Americanism in the world: The end of the clash between capitalism and communism means the power struggles between English and French Canada, which have taken the political and economic form of the strife between Americanism and anti–Americanism, are undone. These power struggles are now sublated into the highest political and economic form of universal history: The rise of Global American rational political and economic order in the world.”⁵

The organ–grinder of world history thus cranks a heady tune:

“In 1981, the Liberal Government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] chose Paul Martin to be one of its four nominees to the board of the Canada Development Corporation (CDC). During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal. The Canadian Hemophilia Society estimates that through the 1980s, 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C … Paul Martin’s connection to this tragedy was through Connaught Laboratories, one of fifteen in the Canada Development Corporation’s stable of companies. The federal government [Québec Régime in Ottawa] established the Canada Development Corporation in 1971 as a holding company … The contaminated blood products that were linked to so much suffering and death were supplied by Connaught Laboratories to the Canadian Red Cross during the years that Paul Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁶

Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, and especially Paul Martin Junior’s watch at the Canada Development Corporation (and Connaught Laboratories), 1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the tainted–blood supply and thousands more contracted hepatitis C (even the lives of children and babies were destroyed): What benefits did Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of many thousands of Canadians, including even children and babies? ⁷

“During the six years Martin sat on the Canada Development Corporation board, a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest would play a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal … [Paul Martin Junior] maintained his rôle on the Canada Development Corporation board did not involve the details of Connaught’s operations and he had ‘no recollection’ of tainted–blood problems ever being mentioned.”⁸

According to Paul Martin Junior, the matter never even came up. ⁹

“Evaluations of the safety of U.S.–sourced blood supplies were sent to Connaught Laboratories but were never even read by its senior officials. Instead, Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹⁰

What benefits did Paul Martin Junior, his three sons and Canada Steamship Lines enjoy because Dad “looked the other way,” while HIV–contaminated blood from Russian cadavers destroyed the lives of Canadians, including even children and babies?

Paul Martin Junior was one of a select group of senior–most Québécocentric¹¹ board members of a major Canadian crown corporation (Canada Development Corporation), a holding company which had a controlling interest in a very important business enterprise (Connaught Laboratories), having a central rôle in the crown corporation’s business activities and profitability, especially involving transactions with the Canadian Red Cross: Yet as a senior–most Québéckocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned! If this is not utterly outrageous, considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, what is? Albert Speer, one of Adolf Hitler’s closest confidantes, took the same line when at his war crimes trial he stated that during the Second World War he had no idea the Holocaust was taking place.

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”¹²

Paul Martin Junior: “I was a director of the Canada Development Corporation … as I have already stated, I have no recollection of any discussions at the CDC board level on this matter.”¹³

Does Paul Martin Junior’s explanation sound like the modus operandi of an élite executive trained at an early age by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and then raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation for thirteen years?

“Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Junior] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president.”¹⁴

Paul Martin Junior: “I had finished law school and my dreams for the future had begun to gel …[Maurice Strong] invited me to join him as his executive assistant at Montréal–based Power Corporation, where he was chief executive … [Paul Desmarais] made a pitch for me to stay for a year. I did stay: for thirteen … some of the most important lessons I learned at Power early in my career were about corporate vision and corporate responsibility, and I learned them in significant part because of the example of Paul Desmarais … looking back over my business career, I realized how lucky I was to have such mentors as Maurice Strong, Paul Desmarais, and Bill Turner.”¹⁵

What about the dreams and ambitions of the many Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman?

“No one was more excited by the news that the Beatles were coming to town than Randy Conners, the son of a soldier from the nearby military base at Longueuil. The 8–year–old, like many other hemophiliacs, often turned to music to help pass the countless days he spent confined to bed … Randal Duane Conners was freed from the nightmare of AIDS through death … Randy Conners had been infected with HIV when he was transfused with blood products.”¹⁶

“Before Kama married her husband, Lyle, they talked about th risk of AIDS. He is a mild hemophiliac who used factor concentrate only because it allowed him to play hockey. Lyle was tested for the AIDS virus in early 1986, and assumed he was fine. The couple married and had two children. In 1991, the results of his positive HIV test were found in Lyle’s medical file, no one had called with the news.”¹⁷

“Kenneth Pittman, a 53–year–old manager at The Bay and self–described ‘best hardware man in Canada’ … had curtailed his smoking and drinking, but his heart problems had persisted. In September of 1984 he had gone under the knife … Mr. Pittman suffered a heart attack on the operating table … the next morning he was infused with cryoprecipitate … [Kenneth Pittman] was infected with the AIDS virus.”¹⁸

Do not the lives and ambitions of Canadians like Randy Conners, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman (the ‘best hardware man in Canada’) count in the Québéckocentric world of the Québec Régime? Yes, they do count very much, but first we must pass beyond the realm of fédéralisme asymétrique into the Candocentric world, and here is the reason why: The age of the Canadocentric Polity is at hand. Rational political and economic order in Canada is at hand. The Canadocentric Polity is the political and economic weapon of Canadians like Randy Connors, Kama and Lyle, and Kenneth Pittman, and every other Canadian whose life was wrecked by the mortal corruption of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. The political and economic dagger of Canadocentricism shall smite the rotten financial, commercial and industrial heart of the Québec Régime: The backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts, their end is at hand. The criminal ruling class is undone in the supremacy of Canadocentricism. Wherefore? In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power.

These words are merely the pipe–dreams of a disaffected and disillusioned philosophy? Look upon the horizon of world history, dear reader: There before your eyes is the downfall of modernity and the rise of Globalism. Modern political and economic order is undone in the rise of Americanism. For those of us whose eyes are not blinded by outdated conceptions, we know the ultimate meaning of rational political and economic order in Canada: In the political and economic world of today the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Thus the Tainted–Blood Scandal unfolded under the blind–eyes of Paul Martin Junior, the élite Québéckocentric executive, who was a University of Toronto Law School graduate, trained by Maurice Strong and Paul Desmarais, and who was very early raised to the upper–most echelons of the Power Corporation: Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québéckocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines.

As a senior–most Québéckocentric manager of the Canada Development Corporation for more than half a decade, Paul Martin Junior had no knowledge whatsoever of the operations of Connaught Laboratories (especially with the Canadian Red Cross) and he had ‘no recollection’ of a major problem like tainted–blood ever being mentioned!

Those of us whose intellects have not been profoundly damaged at the public schools, crushed under the thumbs of the ministries of education of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québécocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell.

Have you liberated your own mind from the outdated conceptions, backwards notions and corrupt ideas of our Québéckocentric media or are you another victim of old–fashioned ways? Perhaps you are lucky enough to have avoided altogether the political and economic insanity of the Québec Régime? Bravo! Most Canadians are the victims of the blood–stained claws of the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc in Canada: The political and economic corruption of the Québec Régime, especially in Ottawa, has greatly retarded finance, commerce and industry across Canada (mostly in Québec), and thereby greatly impoverished, and in some cases even destroyed, the lives of a great many Canadians over the decades.

What exactly do we mean by the Québéckocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture)?

“At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”¹⁹

What does this mean? “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”²⁰

Where does this lead? “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”²¹

What is the result? “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”²²

Freedom of the mind is the greatest fruit of world civilization: Those of us who have not been brainwashed over the years by the Québéckocentric media in Canada (so–called Canadian culture), we know exactly why Paul Martin Junior is not sitting in a jail cell, but rather sailing the high seas in very balmy climes with his treasure chest, surrounded by crates of champagne, tubs of caviar and fat slabs of filet mignon,―thanks to the abused and systematically deceived electorate: Most of whom are now trapped in Ontario and Québec, in a blizzard of unreason. Herein is proof that political and economic delusions are very dangerous things, and to be avoided at all cost. Is this not so, dear reader?

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. The Wall Street hipsters speak another lingo: There’s no free ride because in the end somebody always pays. The organ–grinder of world history cranks a heady tune: When the bloody cacophony ends this time around, who will be caught without a sofa–chair? The wheels of history are greased with magic sauce.

The delusions that swept–away the old order are themselves the victims of their own folly in the world of today: They are being consumed by the very institutions they have unleashed, which is to say, they are eating themselves. Under the eyes of Paul Martin Junior at the Canada Development Corporation, as one of a handful of senior–most Québéckocentric board members of the major Canadian crown corporation, unfolds one of the most tragic episodes in Canadian history, as “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.” Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“In June 1981, Desmarais called me into his office on the top floor of the CSL building, as he had done so many times before. He told me that he wanted me to sell another company: This time it was CSL. ‘Fine,’ I said, ‘except that I don’t want to sell it. I want to buy it.’ He pointed out that I didn’t have the money. However, recognizing that I was an important part of any sale because of my knowledge of the company, he said he was willing to give me a chance. ‘I’ll make you a deal,’ he said. ‘I don’t want you shopping the company around while you try to find a partner. So I’ll give you one shot at it and a few weeks to find a partner and a bank, but if it doesn’t work out, then I want you to sell the company to the best available buyer.’ I said, ‘Deal.’”²³

Back in 1981 Paul Martin is cutting multi–million dollar deals with Paul Desmarais at the Power Corporation, and getting very rich, but isn’t Junior supposed to be working for Canada and the Canadian People?

“Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation (CDC) from 1981–1987.”²⁴

Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were focused upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I didn’t have much money personally … the money―the lion’s share, in fact―would have to come from the bank, which would loan us money secured by CSL’s assets … I paid about $180 million for CSL: The largest leveraged buyout in Canadian history … the deal was a gamble.”²⁵

Why were Paul Martin Junior’s eyeballs so profoundly fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines?

“I didn’t have the money … I didn’t have much money personally.”²⁶

Paul Martin Junior looked the other way because his eyes were fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines:

“I was able to pursue my vision of taking CSL global. My goal was to see CSL become the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world which it eventually did.”²⁷

Paul Martin’s firm the Canada Steamship Lines was becoming the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world during the years Martin sat on a senior–most position of the Canada Development Corporation board, while a company in which the CDC held a controlling interest played a central rôle in Canada’s tainted–blood scandal, wherein “1,100 Canadians were infected with HIV through the blood supply: Hundreds died after subsequently developing AIDS, and thousands more contracted hepatitis C.”

In other words, Paul Martin Junior and his three sons were becoming multi–millionaires, thanks to his lucrative connexions to the Government of Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa (“I didn’t have the money”), at the same time that Canadians were being infected with HIV and hepatitis C under his watch. (Other senior board members likewise turned a blind–eye, but they were not the owners of a firm that was becoming the bigggest self–unloader operator in the world.)

Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation therefore did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada: Martin was very deeply fixated upon the Canada Steamship Lines: “My experience with CSL was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”²⁸ But monsieur, why was your experience at the Canada Development Corporation not also closely linked with your “political and economic ideas”? Paul Martin Junior’s view from the heights of the Canada Development Corporation did not perceive the tainted–blood on the main streets of Canada, otherwise he is not only grossly negligent but also a very evil man.

Why did Paul Martin Junior work at the Canada Development Corporation and other government jobs instead of his own firm, the Canada Steamship Lines?

“When you go to the market or to a lender and say, ‘We want to buy three ships, costing $200 million, and need to borrow $150 million,’ getting the money at a reasonable cost depends on your credibility.”²⁹

In other words, Paul Martin’s “experience with CSL was closely linked” with his “political and economic ideas.”

When Paul Martin was associated with the Government of Canada under the Québec Régime in Ottawa, his company the Canada Steamship Lines did very lucrative business with federal and provincial crown corporations and government agencies:

“Ladi Pathy approached me to see whether we were interested in forming a joint venture with Fednav, the government and Upper Lakes Shipping to build and operate an Arctic–class bulk carrier. I jumped at the chance … We built the MV Arctic, which at the time of its first operation was 51 per cent owned by the government of Canada and 49 per cent by the three shipping companies … after I entered politics, the company lost interest in the North somewhat … the government decided to sell its share of the ship … it has become part of Ladi’s fleet at his company, Fednav.”³⁰

Why is the triadic historical relationship between Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, the political and economic groundwork of the threefold historical distinction of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, as the world historical notion of the tragic grande finale of modern European raison d’État in Canada? The political and economic application of outdated conceptions in the world of today results in terrible tragedies like the Tainted-Blood Scandal: Politique fonctionelle, the modele Québécois, and fédéralisme asymétrique do not work. Wherefore? In the Empire of Paul Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become undone, and therefore their notion is become outdated in the rational development of Americanism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome. In the political and economic world of today, the historical ground of the Québec Régime in Ottawa is swept into the dustbin of history, in the rise of Americanism and Global civilization.

Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines constitute the tragic last political and economic act of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which begins with Pierre Trudeau and rises to a crescendo with Brian Mulroney and the NAFTA, and then slowly collapses under the scandals of Jean Chrétien, ending with the government of Paul Martin Junior and finally the death of Paul Desmarais.

Now that the Québec Régime has destroyed the finance, commerce and industry of the British Empire in Canada, their expansion ends, and thus begins their inevitable decline in the rise of Americanism and the Global rational political and economic order of world civilization. In their turn, therefore, as the old régimes before them, they are condemned to pass–away: In their turn therefore they shall rot upon the dunghill of history.

Henceforth the universal historical categories of modern European thought, namely the Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right, play no further political and economic rôle in our financial, commercial and industrial development, as the rational conception of Canada in the Global world.

In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere.

WORKS CITED

Introduction: World History and Canadian Polity

1. Paquerette Villeneuve, Mai 1968: Une Canadienne dans les rues de Paris pendant la revolte étudiante (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 149: “Ce que nous exprimons à travers la destruction de certaines institutions, et de certains modes de réflexion, c’est le besoin de les dépasser. En cela seulement, nous contestons. Nous voulons remettre continuellement en cause ce qui a été acquis, et introduire l’utopie au sein du monde existant.”

See: “Education in France [la France européenne] ignores that the student is a citizen of the future, and does not place enough emphasis on the objective and scientific explanation of economic and social facts, on the methodology of the critical spirit, which is the active, practical learning of freedom and responsibility: This education of young people is a fundamental activity of democratic government, and only public schools can fulfill such a task … Students are then faithful to Rimbaud, putting their poetry into action, and shining a light upon the human condition: They absolutely follow in the footsteps of Karl Marx, by truly bringing their Utopianism into line with reason.” Ibidem, 134–149.

2 X

3. St. Laurent/St–Laurent.

4 X

5 X

6 X

7 X

8 X

9. “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.”

Pierre–Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, 119.

See: “[Pierre–Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”

John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

10. John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, 1690.

11. See Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

12. See: “In France, the unjust social and political conditions of the time were criticized by a group of philosophers known as the philosophes. This group, which included Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire, greatly influenced the leaders of the French Revolution.”

William Thomas Jones, “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

See also: “[Martin Luther] symbolizes the split within Christianity between Protestants and Roman Catholics. This split has affected the political and cultural developments of every nation in Europe and North and South America.”

Jaroslav Pelican, “Martin Luther, 1483–1546,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 12, Chicago, 1971, 458–459.

See: “Some of the democratic ideas of the Puritans finally won a place for themselves after many years of oppression, persecution, a civil war, and a period of political and religious dictatorship.”

W.M. Southgate, “Puritan,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 15, Chicago, 1971, 803.

13. Frank Morgan & Henry William Carless Davis, French Policy Since 1871, London, 1914, 4.

14. William Thomas Jones, “Age of Reason,” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 1, Chicago, 1971, 130b.

15. Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v: “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme dont il porte le nom.”

16. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.” Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

17

18

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

Chapter 1: Philpot’s Argument and the Corrupt Legacy of Paul Desmarais

1. See: Robin Philpot, “Paul Desmarais: un bilan s’impose,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2013. See: Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008.

2. See: “Les éloges à l’endroit de Paul Desmarais convergent sur ce que l’homme d’affaires aurait donné au Québec. Mais peu s’attardent sur ce que le Québec et son État ont donné à M. Desmarais. Il y a une réponse courte à cette question: Tout!” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

3. “Sans le Québec, un Québec qui aspirait, selon les mots d’un contemporain célèbre, à devenir ‘non pas une province pas comme les autres, mais un pays comme les autres,’ l’avenir canadien de Paul Desmarais aurait été bouché. ‘Les Canadiens français qui se sentent menacés se sont toujours tournés vers le Québec, disait-il. Cela fait partie de leur conscience et cela fait partie de la mienne.’” Ibidem.

4. “Des journalistes d’affaires de l’establishment canadien, dont Peter Charles Newman et Diane Francis, ont d’ailleurs attribué son ascension rapide dans les années 1960 au fait qu’il était ‘French Canadian and politically correct,’ bref, un archi-fédéraliste canadien-français capable de protéger leurs intérêts et de faire obstacle à l’indépendance du Québec. Ce constat, qui n’enlève rien à Paul Desmarais, est pourtant accablant pour le Canada, qui se targue d’être le paradis de la diversité.” Ibidem.

5. “Bâtisseur? Peut-être, mais d’un empire financier construit par la recherche constante de liquidités permettant d’accroître sa fortune personnelle. Les liquidités de l’ampleur de son ambition ne pouvaient se trouver que dans le giron de l’État, principalement celui du Québec. C’est l’histoire de la prise de contrôle par Paul Desmarais de Gelco (Gatineau Electric), devenu Gesca, et de Power, qui disposaient d’importantes liquidités versées par l’État. Après la prise de contrôle de Power et de La Presse est apparue la notion de l’État Desmarais. C’est le jeune député libéral Yves Michaud qui a sonné l’alarme à l’Assemblée nationale en 1968. Trop peu l’ont entendue.” Ibidem.

6. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, Montréal, 2014, 13–14. See: “Through Gesca Ltee, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montreal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Quebec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.” Ross Marowits, “Canadian business giant Desmarais dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013. See also: “Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepherd, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … The whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais, when he and Michael Sabia, the president of the Québec Pension Plan, were seen together, as two love birds in a gilded cage, in that vast and luxurious palace of Sagard: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of Desmarais’ diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials, and our institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.” Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 13.

7. “Très tôt, Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis, à l’exception de René Lévesque et de Jacques Parizeau, lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

8. Jules Belanger, J.-Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspesien aux sommets des affaires, Saint-Laurent, 1996, 138. See also: “The Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Quebec. Jean-Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Quebec.” Ibidem, 166–167.

9. Yves Boisvert, “Paul Desmarais, l’empereur,” La Presse.ca, 10 octobre 2013. See also: “The house of Brian Mulroney in Westmount has recently been sold. The residence was bought by Paul Desmarais Junior’s son, Paul Desmarais III and his wife for $4.8 million … Paul Desmarais III has been the administrator of Power Corporation Financial since 2014 … He was named a board member of the Musée d’art contemporain de Montréal in March 2015 by the Council of Ministers in Quebec.” Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.

10. “On parle moins de la vraie fuite de capitaux du début des années 1990 dont il a été l’architecte, mais cette fois en douceur et sous le nez de son fidèle ami Robert Bourassa … Début 1989, dans la plus importante transaction financière de l’histoire du Canada, Desmarais vend à des Américains pour plus de 2,6 milliards de dollars la Consolidated-Bathurst, joyau de l’industrie papetière québécoise qui avait profité depuis des dizaines d’années des largesses du gouvernement du Québec.” Philpot, Ibidem, 2013.

11. “Un pactole de 3 milliards arrachés aux ressources naturelles et à la sueur des travailleurs et travailleuses du Québec.” Ibidem.

12. It follows that since Paul Desmarais was the most corrupt, or one of themost corrupt businessmen in Canadian history, that therefore he was also a very big crook.

13. “Paul Desmarais a choisi de demeurer à Montréal, et dans Charlevoix, et a fait en sorte que Power demeure une contribuable québécoise. Le comble de la mauvaise foi, dans ce texte? Essentiellement, M. Philpot lui reproche d’être, et de loin, le plus grand mécène québécois.” Marc Jussaume, “La Réplique: Paul Desmarais — L’argumentaire boiteux de Robin Philpot,” Le Devoir, 17 octobre 2013.

14. “Le problème est que la nationalisation de l’hydroélectricité fut amorcée en 1962–1963, et complétée en 1964–1965. Les actionnaires vendeurs de ces compagnies lui ont vendu essentiellement des comptes de banque, ils ne lui ont évidemment pas simplement donné ces liquidités. Paul Desmarais n’était pas donc pas partie dans les nationalisations.” Jussaume, Ibidem.

15. The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

16. “Après l’achat initial de Power en 1968, laquelle détenait 18% des actions de Consolidated-Bathurst, cette dernière se mit à subir des pertes opérationnelles dévastatrices; et Paul Desmarais, au lieu de tenter de vendre Consolidated-Bathurst, acheta plutôt d’autres actions, passant à 42%, et évidemment y installa son équipe. Puis il fit croître Consolidated-Bathurst. Sous sa gouverne, il y eut finalement des années de rentabilité.” Ibidem.

17. “Paul Desmarais a appris à cultiver des liens étroits avec les politiciens, de sorte que tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem.

18. “Tous les premiers ministres du Québec et du Canada depuis Maurice Duplessis … lui mangeaient dans la main.” Philpot, Ibidem. See also: “No businessman in Canadian history has ever had more intimate and more extended influence with Canadian prime ministers than Desmarais.” Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph for the two-party state: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

19. “Paul Desmarais senior and his two sons Paul and André have often been accused of ‘controlling’ Quebec, and of having unwarranted power in politics and over governments.” Jonathan Trudel, “Desmarais et les ficelles du pouvoir,” L’Actualité, 9 octobre 2013. Robin Philpot does not accuse Paul Desmarais of merely “controlling” Quebec or having “unwarranted power in politics and over governments.” Paul Desmarais, according to Robin Philpot, was probably the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history: “Desmarais ripped-off $3 billion in natural resources from the hard-working people of Quebec.”

20. See the sophistical refutation of Philpot’s argument by Richard Vigneault based upon the former’s anti-federalist political affiliations:

“According to Philpot, Paul Desmarais had corrupted the President of France as well as Daniel Johnson [fils], Jean Charest, Brian Mulroney and many other politicians … [and] everyone involved in the [Desmarais and Power Corporation] plot has conspired against the Quebec independence movement … when it comes to the political and economic development of Quebec, I prefer the services of Paul Desmarais over Robin Philpot.” Richard Vigneault, “Réplique à Robin Philpot: La France n’est pas le Québec,” Le Devoir, 5 février 2009.

Obviously the beneficiaries of Paul Desmarais and the Quebec Regime in Ottawa prefer the “services of Paul Desmarais over Robin Philpot.” Their families, along with Desmarais, were enriched beyond their wildest dreams. But this is no refutation of Philpot’s argument: Under Adolf Hitler many Germans greatly benefited from the Nazi regime; but this is no proof of Hitler’s political and economic prowess. That Robin Philpot advances anti-federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no proof that Desmarais is not the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and that therefore he was not a very big crook: That Robin Philpot is not a very good political philosopher does not mean that therefore he is an equally bad historian.

21. Robin Philpot, Derrière l’État Desmarais: Power, 2ième édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui-ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

“In the Empire of Desmarais, all modern Canadian political and economic distinctions between liberalism, conservatism and socialism are therefore become merely relative, and therefore the conception of modernity is become outdated in the rational development of Globalism in world history, and therefore the old political and economic conception of Canada is undone and yet also overcome in the period of the Quebec Regime in Ottawa, 1968–2006. Ottawa is now the first sphere of Americanism: The Quebec Regime therefore signalizes the end of modern European Raison d’État in Canada,―in the world historical sublation of Global civilisation. The selfsame political and economic rationality of Americanism is also evidenced in every other region of the 20th century, in the rise of the American world: In the Empire of Paul Desmarais the old conception of Canada is therefore undone, but within the world historical realm of Globalism is yet also overcome.” See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, archive.org, 2016.

Chapter 2: Trudeau Philology and Trudeauisme

1. Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 19–20: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur un objectif unique: La démocratie … je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.”

Pierre Trudeau’s rhetoric on Democracy and Liberty does not perseverate upon philosophical abstractions beyond the realm of 20th century Canadian history, but is the very motor behind his own self–interested actions:

“In 1956, Trudeau helped organize the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Assembly for National Independence). The group’s 600 members worked to explain democracy [Québec separatism] to the people of Québec and to persuade them to use it. Trudeau served as vice–president, then director, and finally president.”

Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, Chicago, 1971, 380b.

See: “[4] Careful investigation leads to the discovery of more and more French diplomats, politicians, and state officials active in the cause of Québec separatism during the past thirty–five years … [5] By 1967, when de Gaulle made his notorious fourth visit to Québec on 23–26 July, he had already worked out a general plan of attack … Having launched a cold war campaign in Québec, de Gaulle then turned his attention to the smaller French–speaking community of Acadians in the Maritime provinces … there was no mistaking his [General de Gaulle’s] hostility to the Canadian confederation … [6] the two world wars of this century had the strongest influence [7] on the Gaullist mind. But behind their impact lies the imperial tradition established by Napoléon, and followed by his nephew, Napoléon III who ruled the Second Empire … [11] Political movements for the independence, or sovereignty, of Québec can be traced back into the 1950s, but the first with any permanence and influence was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (RIN), established in September 1960. Its founders were Raymond Barbeau, who in 1957 had launched a similar but short–lived movement called the Alliance Laurentienne … they worked to spread the idea that Québec ought to become an independent republic, ‘free, French and democratic’ … [13] By 1960, when de Gaulle made his visit to Canada, the Lesage liberals, the RIN, and other nationalists were forming a neo–nationalist movement … [14] The neo–nationalist were typical of what has become known as the Quiet Revolution … in its narrowest meaning the term applies to a series of reforms carried out by the Lesage government … when Duplessis died, Québec was seized with an outburst of liberal and national sentiments that led to changes so profound that they may justly be described as revolutionary. Educated Frenchmen, such as Charles de Gaulle and his staff, were immediately at home amid the liberal and national aspirations of the Quiet Revolution in Québec. Every French republic, even the Fifth, is founded on liberal and nationalist ideas that are an ideological legacy of the French Revolution … [18] De Gaulle’s regime in France and Jean Lesage’s neo–nationalist government in Québec had a common desire to use the social revolution of their time to transform their societies … both were investing or planning — or hoping — to invest in regional development, new factories, electrical and nuclear power plants, airports and seaports, aircraft industries, railway and telephone systems, highways, mass housing projects … De Gaulle for his part saw collaboration as a means for promoting the power and influence of his country and expanding French civilization in the world … the ruling élites in France and Québec found it easy to collaborate in economic development because they were both prepared to act via powerful government leadership.”

John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 4–5–6–11–13–14–18.

2. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

3. Jean–François Lisée (La Presse, 30 June 2010) in Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 1. See: Max Nemni et Monique Nemni, Trudeau, fils du Québec, père du Canada: La formation d’un homme d’état, vol. 2, Montréal, Les Éditions de l’Homme, 2011.

See: “In 1977, the Parti Québécois government of Mr. Lévesque enacted Bill 101, which included a provision regarding language of signage. This provision was challenged and, ultimately, struck down by the Supreme Court of Canada. In response to this decision, Premier Bourassa enacted Bill 178 … When Bill 178 was introduced, Premier Bourassa invoked the notwithstanding clause, a pernicious provision of the 1982 Constitution accepted and introduced by Prime Minister Trudeau. This provision unique in constitutions of the world — has been branded as ‘evil’ and ‘iniquitous’ by scholars to the point that Mr. Trudeau himself has acknowledged his grave error in consenting to its inclusion in a document designed to protect individual rights and freedoms.”
Brian Mulroney in Peter Charles Newman, “Appendix 9,” The Canadian Revolution 1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, Viking, 1995, 448–457; 451.

4. Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, Simon & Schuster, 1994, 806–808.

5. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, Livres Baraka Inc., 2014, 14–15.

6. Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, Viking Canada, 1998, 164–189; 166–172–172.

7. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, Garamond Press, 2000, 131–132.

8. Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, Viking, 1995, 389.

9. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003, 11.

10. Peter Charles Newman, “Epitaph For the Two–Party State: Trust Canadians to Invent a New System of Government: Elected Dictatorship,” Maclean’s, 1 November 1993, 14.

11. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, Livres Baraka Inc., 2014, 11: “Cet empire [de Paul Desmarais] est reconnu pour être en mesure de faire et de défaire des gouvernements québécois et canadiens, et ce, depuis bientôt 40 ans.”

12. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, Fides, 1996, 138–166.

13. Jean Lesage (5 August 1958) in Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31; 26: “Je désire fermement que nous trouvions, au plus tôt, une formule qui nous permettra de combiner nos forces afin d’écraser à tout jamais la machine duplessiste.”

14. André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, Hurtig Publishers, 1985, 853.

15. Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1985, Back Cover: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

16. Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

17. Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc.”

18. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

19. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.

See: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography, ‘The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche Inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow–up to Choquette.’ On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star–chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled, ‘that it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’”
L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montréal/Kingston, McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2002, 286.

See also: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. The commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’”
Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, Seal Books, 1988, 41–42. [1987]

See finally: “Québec Liberal Leader Robert Bourassa seemed happy to have his provincial troops work for Mulroney federally.”
Charles Lynch, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, Toronto, Methuen, 1984, ix.

20. Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

21. Senator André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

22. France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, Québec, Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 2015, 73–80; 74–79–79.

23. Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

24. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

25. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

26. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

27. Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

28. David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

29. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 1.

30. Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 8–8–8–10–88.

See: “We have been associated with Pierre Elliott Trudeau for nearly twenty years, first as friends over a decade, then for another ten years buried in his personal papers and publications … [Pierre Trudeau] enthusiastically adopted the values of Québec’s clerical–nationalist milieu. During World War II, he rejected all war news as ‘English’ propaganda and came out strongly against conscription for service overseas … His intellectual mentors rejected democracy and liberalism, shared the ideas of the French far right, and approved the regimes of Pétain, Mussolini, and Franco. Trudeau himself had the greatest admiration for Charles Maurras. Despite Canadian war censorship, student newspapers such as Le Quartier Latin, to which he regularly contributed, never hesitated to ridicule the war and federal government policies … Trudeau won the riding of Mount Royal, as a Liberal member of Parliament. By now he was a passionate defender of federalism and liberal democracy … What happened between 1944 and 1965? When and how did he make this 180–degree turn? … Unlike many Cité Libre collaborators, including Gérard Pelletier, Trudeau never shared Emmanuel Mounier’s sympathy with the French Communist Party … According to Hegel, the State — and more specifically the Prussian State — represented the most complete form of individual freedom.”
Max Nemni and Monique Nemni, Trudeau Transformed: The Shaping of a Statesman, 1944–1965, George Tombs, translator, vol. 2, Toronto, McClelland & Stewart, 2011, 2–7–7–7–8–88–92.

31. Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Roger Rolland et Gérard Pelletier (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Mounier disparaît,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37: “Emmanuel Mounier disparu. Il n’est plus temps, deux mois après sa mort, de dire la consternation où ce départ nous laisse. Le plus distrait de nos lecteurs peut vérifier dans chaque page de Cité Libre, non seulement l’influence qu’a exercée sur chacun de nous la revue Esprit mais encore un certain souci de lucidité, que nous voulons de plus en plus profond, et dont le désir nous vient en ligne droite d’Emmanuel Mounier. Les instigateurs de Cité Libre avaient décidé, dès leurs premières rencontres, de faire tenir au directeur d’Esprit la première copie de la revue qui sortirait des presses. C’est assez dire que Cité Libre est née sous le signe d’Esprit, eu fidélité aux mêmes valeurs pour lesquelles Mounier s’est battu jusqu’au dernier jour. … Mort, Mounier restera présent dans toute l’aventure que nous tentons aujourd’hui.”

What was a very powerful base of the success of Pierre Trudeau and the Québécocracy in their destruction of the old British imperialistic ruling classes across Canada, — municipally, provincially and federally? In France the Québécocracy has had the support of the French Bonapartists, while in Britain it has had the support of the British Bonapartists. Today in Europe the Québécocracy has the support of the European Bonapartist faction in Brussels. This support cost the taxpayers of the Heartland enormously over the years, and is now being paid for by the very fools (“we were young and foolish”) who first brought the Québécocracy into power, as they themselves are now being shuffled into the boneyard of history: The healthcare systems across Canada have become the political and economic cogwheels of the Québécocracy, in its endeavor to cut costs. The Québécocracy must protect its backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trust with government handouts, especially from the federal treasury, in order to sustain itself as a dominant ruling class during and after the reorganization of the American world: This is the phantasm, at least, behind the self–destructive behavior of our mortally corrupt élites. The vast increase of public debt will therefore lead to a far greater increase in repayment costs and taxation, which will dampen economic growth and prosperity in some parts of the country, and impoverish many Canadians: This will increase powerful social tensions, mainly aimed against the Québécocracy. The last remnants of the Québécocracy, especially in Ottawa, are therefore turning their back upon the soixante–huitards: The sick, the elderly and pensioners in Canada, who have paid their high tax bills and contributions over the years, are therefore the new victims of the political and economic irrationalism of the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class in its thirst for naked power. Under the White Gold ruling class, what good is a fat pension for those Canadians who will never live long enough to enjoy the fruits of their labors, because they will never get the proper medical attention they deserve when needed the most? Their cash belongs in the coffers of rational political and economic order, but never indirectly or directly in the bloated belly of the Hydro–Québec ruling class …

32. John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1999, 18.

33. Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968, 99–113; 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.”
Robert Bourassa, Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

See finally: “The image of Robert Bourassa which was thus created is that of a ‘self–made man’ of the bourgeoisie … this image, which was created by the same group of specialists [Power Corporation] who had two years earlier marketed Pierre Elliott Trudeau, is that of a good young man, almost a member of the family, who had risen to the highest levers of economics and politics … The group of specialists, who had popularized Pierre Elliott Trudeau among the Canadian electorate in three months, said that in Québec (which is smaller and above all more homogeneous), they could sell Robert Bourassa as a ‘commodity’ in one month.”
Pierre O’Neill et Jacques Benjamin, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, Montréal, Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1978, 171: “L’image qu’on a créée Robert Bourassa est celle du ‘self–made man’ d’une certaine classe moyenne … l’image ainsi créée par le groupe de spécialistes [Power Corporation] qui, deux ans plus tôt, avait ainsi mis en marché Pierre–E. Trudeau, c’est celle du jeune homme bien, presque un membre de la famille, qui s’est hissé aux plus haut leviers de l’économie et de la politique … Ce groupe de spécialistes, qui avait fait connaître en trois mois Pierre–E. Trudeau à l’électorat canadien, s’est dit qu’au Québec, plus petit et surtout plus homogène, on pourrait en un mois vendre ainsi le ‘produit’ Robert Bourassa.”

The aim of Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, a book by Pierre O’Neill and Jacques Benjamin, is to make the mortal corruption of the Québécocracy in Canada appear as normal by drawing a false parallel between the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class and the American polity (Washington): The world historical distinction between superior and inferior ruling classes is thus ignored, as is the rational conception of the American superpower. The outdated Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right of the Québécocracy, under the Québec régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, is not the rational conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America. Of course the Québécocracy in its advancement of such propaganda espouses the lost cause of modern European political and economic irrationalism, which it has empowered in America over the decades, through its support of anti–Americanism via its export of cheap Canadian taxpayer subsidized paper and newsprint to anti–American publishers and media outlets, such as the New York intellectuals (Black Rose Publishers, and so forth). The White Gold ruling class has also corrupted élites of the New York establishment with cheap Canadian taxpayer subsidized electricity, which has resulted in the wreckage of American finance, commerce and industry, especially in upstate New York. Similar anti–American political and economic degeneration is found in the narco–élites of Mexico and their corrupt influence upon the ruling class of California. In effect, both the Québécocracy and the élites of narcoland are the purveyors of Banana republicanism, which is another name for modern European political and economic irrationalism in the New World, which was implanted in Mexico by modern France in the 19th century: America stamped–out this abomination in the South during the Civil War. Bananaism is passing–away in the 21st century because the last of the bananiers are dying–out under the hammer blows of the superior ruling classes.

34. Mario Bunge, “Courrier des Lecteurs: Cherchons projet politique novateur,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(été, 2000): 12: “D’où viendront les idées neuves? Des départements de science politique? C’est peu probable, car les chercheurs [québécois et québécoises] préfèrent écrire plutôt que de participer à la vie politique, et encore, lorsque leurs cerveaux n’ont pas été irrémédiablement endommagés par des philosophies obscurantistes du genre herméneutique, constructivisme–relativisme, paléo–marxisme.”

35. Thomas Malcolm Knox, translator, “The Philosophy of Right,” Great Books of the Western World: Hegel, vol. 46, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel; Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, §340, 110: “Die Prinzipien der Volksgeister sind um ihrer Besonderheit willen, in der sie als existierende Individuen ihre objektive Wirklichkeit und ihr Selbstbewußtsein haben, überhaupt beschränkte, und ihre Schicksale und Taten in ihrem Verhältnisse zueinander sind die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit dieser Geister, aus welcher der allgemeine Geist, der Geist der Welt, als unbeschränkt ebenso sich hervorbringt, als er es ist, der sein Recht, — und sein Recht ist das allerhöchste, — an ihnen in der Weltgeschichte, als dem Weltgerichte, ausübt.”
Hegel, Ibidem, 1821, §340, 342–343. See finally: Hegel, Ibidem, 1911, §340, 270–271.

36. Harold Joseph Laski (1893–1950), “The Crisis in the Theory of the State,” A Grammar of Politics, 5th edition, New Delhi, S. Chand & Company Ltd., nd, i–xxvii; iii–iv–v–v.

See finally: “In England nobody was more punctilious about equality than Harold Laski, nor more fearless to fight in Her name. His door was always open to those who were hungry and thirsty for justice, and he received with the same simplicity, heads of state and lowly students. It was this generosity and affection that Laski sought to capture in his political theory. Laski’s immense work, written and lived, was only a continuous search for the city of freedom, where men could live in tolerance, and eventually find love: This is why both the capitalists and Stalinists were his mortal enemies … Laski sometimes lacked consistency.”
Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Faites vos jeux: Blum et Laski,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37–38: “Il n’y avait en Angleterre personne de plus pointilleux sur l’équité que Laski, ni de plus intrépide à combattre pour elle. Sa porte était toujours ouverte à ceux qui avaient faim et soif de la justice, et il recevait avec une égale simplicité les chefs d’États et les pauvres étudiants. C’est cette générosité toute faite d’affection qu’il tentait d’universaliser dans les systèmes politiques. Son oeuvre immense, écrite et vécue, n’a été qu’une recherche continue de la cité libre, où des hommes pourraient vivre dans la tolérance, et éventuellement dans l’amour. C’est en quoi les capitalistes et les staliniens furent ses ennemis jurés … Laski manqua parfois de cohérence.”

Remark: National independence in the Cité Libre of the late 1950s means Québec separatism and sovereignty, which is strongly associated with French–Canadian democracy, and is usually depicted as a direct descendant of modern European republicanism inspired by nineteenth century France, and issued from the tradition of Immanuel Kant and the French Revolution (critical and revolutionary): In practical political and economic policy “national independence” is therefore very strongly inspired by the ideology of the post–war French imperialism and anti–Americanism of the Gaullist élites in France, which constitutes the historical form of late 20th century French Bonapartism, namely autocracy founded upon popular consent (H.A.L. Fisher), and which, when eventually applied in Canada by the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais (1968–2006), under the tensions of world history, results in the concept of the Québécocracy as the White Gold (Hydro–Québec) ruling class, whether as “gaullisme de gauche” or “gaullisme de droite.”

Of course, the pseudo–Hegelians and anti–Hegelians, the modern irrationalists, will especially reject the above analysis based upon their own historical “facts,” the arrangement and interpretation of which very much depends upon their specious Kantio–Hegelian distinction between genuine Hegelianism and pseudo–Hegelianism: We have discussed this controversy in our writings upon American Idealism, and outlined in some detail the nature of our argument.

37. Lenin (Vladimir Ilitch Oulianov, 1870–1924), State and Revolution, New York, International Publishers, 1932, 7–20.

38. Karl Marx in Bertrand Russell, German Social Democracy: Six Lectures, With an Appendix on Social Democracy and the Woman Question in Germany by Alys Russell, London and New York, Longmans, Green and Company, 1896, 4–5. [Italics added]

39. Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 19–20: “La dialectique de l’action nous impose impérieusement de concentrer nos effectifs sur un objectif unique: La démocratie … je crois à la nécessité d’un dirigisme pour maximiser la liberté.” [Italics added]

40. Charles Margrave Taylor, as an editor (rédacteur) of Cité Libre, sat on the Editorial Board (Comité de rédaction) of the magazine from August 1964 until February 1966, alongside Blain, Tremblay and others, under the directorship of Jean Pellerin: Charles Taylor was therefore an influential figure at Cité Libre during the rise of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and the birth of the Québécocracy, especially in Ottawa.

See: “A spectre haunts Charles Taylor’s conception of the self — the spectre of Marxism … there has been little written about Taylor’s relationship to Marx … [Charles Taylor] was one of the founders of the New Left in Britain, and began the journey of rethinking and re–evaluating [popularizing] Marxism … From the late 1950s onwards, he wrote a number of articles and chapters, which explicitly engaged with Marxism in one form or another.”
Ian Fraser, Dialectics of the Self: Transcending Charles Taylor, Exeter, Imprint Academic, 2007, 1–2.

See finally: “[Charles Taylor] subscribes to the same view of Hegel’s theory of contradictions as the logical positivists do, for whom such metaphysical propositions are neither true nor false but ‘literally nonsense,’ an expression of the believer’s convictions but utterly lacking any rational or epistemic validity.”
Steven B. Smith, Hegel’s Critique of Liberalism: Rights in Context, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1989, 200.

Remark: Charles Taylor’s Kantio–Hegelianism, and other “social versus speculative readings of Hegel’s Phenomenology,” (Guyora Binder and Robert Weisberg, Literary Criticisms of Law, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 2000, 422), as a basis for the rational interpretation of Hegelianism in world history, flounder upon the distinction between pure and impure Hegelianism, especially since the Civil War and the spiritual evolution of American Liberty in the Global world.

Chapter 3: Brian Mulroney Versus American Protectionism

1. Jean Lesage, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, Québec, 1962, 169–180.

Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, By Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.”
Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

2. See: “Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’”
Anonymous, “Brian Mulroney honoré par la France,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité Politique, 17 novembre 2016.

3. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible.” Ibidem.

4. “Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale.” Ibidem.

See: “L’ancien premier ministre canadien Brian Mulroney recevra, le 6 décembre prochain, la Légion d’honneur de France à l’occasion d’une cérémonie officielle qui se tiendra à Ottawa. M. Mulroney deviendra le ‘premier chef de gouvernement’ canadien à recevoir les insignes de Commandeur dans l’Ordre national de la Légion d’honneur. ‘Cette prestigieuse distinction vient honorer un engagement indéfectible pour le développement des relations entre la France et le Canada, ainsi que pour le rayonnement de la francophonie internationale,’ a écrit dans une déclaration écrite un porte–parole de l’Ambassade de France au Canada, Éric Navel. Créée par Napoléon Bonaparte en 1802, il s’agit de la plus haute distinction française, récompensant ‘les mérites éminents acquis au service de la France.’” Ibidem.

5. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 1.

See: “In 1914, he [Louis St. Laurent] became a professor of law at Laval University … St. Laurent ranked as one of the top Canadian authorities on constitutional law. From 1937 to 1939, he served as senior counsel of the Royal Commission on Federalism.”
Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis S. St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada, 1948–1957,” The World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1971, 36a.

See finally: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Remark: Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the geographical and historical division between old England and continental Europe; this is his version of the influential geographical and historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called classic liberalism and modern socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between constitutional monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France.

Wilfrid Laurier, with his distinction, thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve capitalism (modern society) from revolutionism and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. But Napoléon III, who is no political and economic friend of classic liberty, also opposes the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany. Does Wilfrid Laurier therefore really and truly belong in the camp of the classic liberalism and modern capitalism of the industrial revolution, otherwise, does he belong in the camp of financial, commercial and industrial retardation and degeneration, like Napoléon III?

Karl Marx the most dangerous revolutionary of the age lived out his days in England. Wilfrid Laurier ignores this historical fact, evident even in his own time, during the last half of the 19th century: In the rising revolt of the masses there are very famous anarchists and revolutionists in Great Britain and the English–speaking world, whose influence is working to destroy modern society, and who are themselves the “most dangerous of men,” otherwise at least as dangerous as the modern revolutionists of France, Italy and Germany. Even in 1877 these men and women are making their presence felt in the very bowels of the great powers of the Western world, in London, Berlin, Vienna and Moscow. Thus Laurier’s political and economic conception of modern liberty, his proof of his so–called Whig Liberalism, based on the geographical and historical distinction between the “classic land of liberty” and the “nations of continental Europe” is specious and therefore merely verbal, because it does not rule out Bonapartism and Imperial Liberalism, which is certainly not classical liberalism, but is “autocracy founded on popular consent” (H.A.L. Fisher), which we point out is not contradictory to the 20th century autocracy found in the dictatorship of the proletariat, namely the power of the people and tyranny of the masses.

Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal its conceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Either Wilfrid Laurier is in the camp of dangerous men, otherwise he is in the camp of Bonapartism: Thus instead of the side of the industrial revolution, he ends on the side of the French revolution, unless Locke, Leibniz, Hume and Kant are the philosophical progenitors of rational political and economic order in modern European history: The political and economic history of the British Empire and the rise of Globalism tells a different tale. Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

We know the true political and economic colors of Wilfrid Laurier: When faced with the stark choice of preserving modern society and old England, convulsed under the powers of irrationalism and revolutionism, Laurier sided in the end with those men like Louis Riel whose “principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”

Wilfrid Laurier is therefore no Cartesian but rather a Kantian: “Man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body … its actions can never equal its conceptions.” After a half–century of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, modern European political and economic irrationalism is no longer alien to many English–speaking Canadians. But in the world of today, modernity is replaced by Americanism, which is the refutation of modern unreason in the world historical realm of Global politics and economics.

The modern irrationalists are passing–away.

6. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 47–48. The delegates: Murray G. Ballantyne, Jean–Jacques Bertrand, Marcel Chaput, Douglas Fisher, Eugene Forsey, Edmund Davie Fulton, Maurice Lamontagne, André Laurendeau, Jean Lesage, René Lévesque, James R. Mallory, Michael Oliver, Gérard Pelletier and Mason Wade.

See: “A movement was taking shape in the province that favoured an end to the federal pact and the creation of an independent Québec …The most credible of the new groups was the Rassemblement pour l’Indépendence Nationale (Coalition for National Independence), headed by a federal civil servant with the Defense Research Board, Dr. Marcel Chaput … the organizers succeeded in staging the conference and assembled an impressive cast: Lesage, Wade, Laurendeau, Chaput, provincial Natural Resource Minister René Lévesque.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 47–51.

7. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant–propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6: “Les delegués de langue anglaise ont été plongés dans un milieu qui temoigne activement de la révolution intellectuelle qui agite le Canada français … ils ont du prendre conscience, parfois brutalement, des difficulties auxquelles les Canadiens, anglais ou francais, ont a faire face, dans le systeme confédératif, et de la tendance separatiste qui apparait, a certains Canadiens français, comme une solution plus realiste que la Confédération … il n’est pas possible de determiner quelle influence le Congres des Affaires canadiennes peut avoir sur l’évolution des relations anglo–françaises au Canada mais nous savons mieux, maintenant, qu’un dialogue franc et ouvert permet d’attendre beaucoup de l’avenir.”

8. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 45–47.

9. Mason Wade, editor, “Avant–propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Québec, 1962, 6.

10. Ibidem, 49–50.

Remark: What about the deep and abiding sense of insult that Canadians feel with regards to the stolen $Billions from the treasury of Canada, thanks to the Rizzuto crime family’s fifty year reign of terror in the construction industry, which Laval is the centerpiece, and the Port of Montréal drug traffic, one of the main lynch–pins of Québec Regime power? Brian Mulroney protected corrupt politicians and organized crime: “Brian Mulroney, in order to protect his master and the emerging ‘Desmarais System,’ refused to uproot massive political corruption at the highest level, and he threatened to wreck the Cliche Commission unless he got his own way.” Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Brian Mulroney: Right Hand Man of Paul Desmarais, Medium, 2017.

See: “As the commission investigated the labour situation in the construction trades, the web of corruption it unraveled extended beyond inter–union rivalry, beyond the labour movement, even beyond the construction industry, and led into the offices of provincial Liberal cabinet ministers. Through months of public hearings in late 1974 and early 1975 and the testimony of almost three hundred witnesses, a spectacular story of violence, intimidation, loan–sharking, government corruption, payoffs by companies to avoid strikes, and almost every form of criminal activity emerged … the commission stopped just short of calling Premier Bourassa himself.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 79–80.

See also: “As reported in Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, my 1984 biography,

The question of whether the Premier of Quebec could, or should, be summoned before the Cliche inquiry had precipitated a major crisis within the commission. In an argument that went on for several evenings, Mulroney made it perfectly clear to his colleagues that if they insisted on issuing a subpoena to the premier, that he, Mulroney, would quit. This set him on a collision course with his close friend Bouchard, by now the commission’s chief council. ‘My plan was to put Bourassa in the box,’ Bouchard acknowledged. ‘It was the logical follow–up to Choquette.’

On both philosophical and political grounds, Mulroney was having none of it. He thought it inappropriate to put the elected head of the government in a star–chamber setting before an inquiry that Bourassa had himself appointed. And for the sake of appearances, he thought the premier deserved better than to be compared with a union reign of terror. ‘I just said absolutely, no,’ Mulroney recalled ‘That it was an excess of the jurisdiction of the commission, and that I had no intention of going along with the request under any circumstances.’”
L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, Montreal/Kingston, 2002, 286.

See also: “According to MacDonald, the larger issue was a dispute on the commission itself about whether to subpoena the premier. Commission counsel, Lucian Bouchard, wanted to call Bourassa. Mulroney said no and threatened to quit if they did because it was ‘in excess of the jurisdiction of the commission.’ What MacDonald didn’t report in his account is that late one night before Choquette’s testimony, Bourassa called Mulroney over to his house in Maplewood. Cliche was snowed in at his home in Beauce, and the other commissioner, Guy Chevrette, was unavailable. According to the notes written at the time by journalist Gillian Cosgrove, who lived with MacDonald then and was close to the Mulroneys, ‘Brian felt he had needed a witness, so he called on Paul Desmarais. The chairman of the Power Corp. sat at one end of the table, said nothing, and merely took notes like a dutiful stenographer. Bourassa convinced them both that Choquette was going around the bend, was on the verge of crashing, was crazy. The commission decided to call Choquette anyway — he was actually waiting at home to testify — and he fingered top officials in Bourassa’s office.’”
Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 41–42.

See finally: “Quebec Liberal Leader Robert Bourassa seemed happy to have his provincial troops work for Mulroney federally.”
Charles Lynch, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, Toronto, 1984, ix.

11. Brian Mulroney in Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 50.

12. Rae Murphy, Ibidem, 51.

See: “Inside the Conservative party, the anti–Diefenbaker element saw themselves as ‘progressives,’ and their goal, at least in the beginning, was not so much ousting Diefenbaker as changing the face of the party. First and foremost, this meant creating a responsiveness within the party to the demands of the new Quebec [Québécocentricism]. As a Tory student leader at Laval, Brian Mulroney was one of the ‘progressives.’”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1984, 85.

See finally: “In September, 1959, Premier Duplessis flew to the iron ore port of Sept–Îles, 150 kilometres downriver from Baie–Comeau, and then north to the iron–mining company town of Schefferville on the Labrador border. There he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and died four days later in the Iron Ore Company of Canada guest house … William Bennett, the president of the Iron Ore Company of Canada, a former executive assistant to C.D. Howe and head of a number of Howe’s crown corporations, became a patron of the young lawyer [Brian Mulroney]. Bennett introduced him around town and surprised him one Christmas with a huge television set. He eventually groomed Mulroney to be his successor at Iron Ore.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 43–61.

13. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Ibidem, 45: “Laval graduates were, in Mason Wade’s words, ‘the true makers of the Quiet Revolution.’”

14. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 16: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”

See: “[Paul Desmarais] was very much at the centre of Québec’s Quiet Revolution.”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 48.

See finally: “I was very aware of my francophone roots. I had been educated in French and had grown up with francophone friends … The Quiet Revolution resonated deeply within me … Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’ … this is especially true of Québec, with its unique challenge as a province with a majority French — speaking population in the midst of English — speaking North America … I grew up in the middling space between the ‘two nations,’ speaking English at home but being educated in French as a boy because of the depth of my father’s feelings about his francophone roots.”
Paul Martin, Ibidem, 39–167.

Remark: Paul Martin Jr., who has spent his political life in Québec (LaSalle–Émard) in the service of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc., is a Québéckocentrist and not a Canadocentrist: As a Québec Régimer, the mind of Paul Martin Jr. is therefore deeply infected with modern European political and economic irrationalism. The political and economic satanism of Paul Martin Jr. is proved by the Tainted–Blood Scandal, the Sponsorship Scandal and the 1995 Cuts. Paul Martin Jr. is another political and economic degenerate of the Québec Regime: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy,” (Martin, Ibidem, 19). The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics,” (Ibidem, 18).

That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot advance anti–federalism as the best solution to the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais is no proof that Desmarais is not the most corrupt businessman in Canadian history, and that therefore he was not the biggest crook of them all: That Richard Le Hir and Robin Philpot are not very good political philosophers does not mean that therefore they are equally bad Québec Régime historians. Insofar as they have opened the road to a higher conception of Canada and the Canadian people in world history, they are important historiographers like Peter Charles Newman and Conrad Black. The passage forward was first discovered and fully exploited by the late Dave Greber of Calgary, a son of Holocaust survivors, the greatest pioneer of the exact historiography of the Québec Regime in the 20th century, the fountainhead of the rational conception of Canada in the world of today. Dave Greber of Alberta was no stranger to the political and economic satanism of modern European raison d’Etat:

“Sometimes it was everyone and everything they lost. So I was not David Greber, but my father’s brothers Romek and Moishe and Adamek, and his father David; my brother wasn’t Harvey, but Herschel, my mother’s beloved brother, or Aharon, her father; my sisters were named for our grandmothers and aunts Sarah and Leah and Bella and Molly, loved ones our parents last saw when they were eighteen and were being separated for transportation to camps from which they never emerged. Representing six million dead is a grave responsibility, and a terrible burden for a child to carry.”
Dave Greber in Natan P.F. Kellermann, Holocaust Trauma: Psychological Effects and Treatment, New York, 2009, 73.

15. Kelsey Johnson, “The Sprout: Mulroney Issues Warning on American Protectionism,” iPolitics, 3 February 2017.

See: “What we can’t do is stick our heads in the sand … and hope the protectionist measures down in Washington will abate on their own, and we can hide off somewhere. It’s not going to happen.”
Brian Mulroney in Gordon Kent, “Canadians Shouldn’t Ignore Trade Danger From American Protectionism, Brian Mulroney Warns,” Edmonton Journal, 2 February 2017.

16. Brian Mulroney in Ethan Lou, “Former PM Brian Mulroney Slams Trump’s Plan to Scrap NAFTA, Predicts His Defeat,” BNN, 6 September 2016.

17. Brian Mulroney in John Ibbitson, “NAFTA Will Survive Threat From Donald Trump, Brian Mulroney Says,” The Globe and Mail, 4 September 2016.

18. See: “[Modernity] will invariably corrode the power of traditional elites, particularly that of the clergy … Modernity is a powerful revolutionary force … America has long presented a vision of the future, albeit a blurred one, to the intellectuals of the world … This study explores the intellectual history of Canadian–American relations … it does not focus on specific events … this thematic method avoids some of the pitfalls of more biographical or event-based methods of intellectual history.”
Damien–Claude Bélanger, “Introduction,” Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945, Toronto, 2011.

Remark: The weak mind of Damien–Claude Bélanger suffers from the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, which causes him to see a blurred vision of America: Bélanger will never accept that what he names “modernity” is surpassed in universal history, in the birth of Globalism and world civilization. Wherefore? Bélanger will never abandon modern European Raison d’État, which is why he avoids world history altogether. Damien–Claude Bélanger is a Québec Régime idéologue who wants to replace the rational conception of Americanism in Canada with Bonapartism: He cannot therefore understand that since the formation of the Continental United States, revolutionism is anathema in Washington, especially since the American Civil War, unless the revolution is in far–away lands, in the midst of anti–American ruling classes. Damien–Claude Bélanger’s modern conception of Canada is therefore outdated in the world of today. Indeed, Bélanger maintains that his ideas “explore” intellectual history, but his own thematic method is not beyond the realm of world history and the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The republican system … is without doubt the very best, because unlike the hereditary one, it cannot bring forth rulers and pontiffs who are ignorant, vulgar and even criminals.”
Jean–Baptiste Rouilliard, Annexion conférence: L’Union continentale, Montréal, 1893, 13: “Le système républicain appliqué en religion comme en politique, possède une supériorité indéniable, indiscutable, car il ne pourrait, comme l’hérédité, donner des chefs ou des pontifes ignorants, vulgaires, criminels même, comme le furent certains Czars de Russie, des sultans de Turquie et même quelques rois d’Angleterre.”

Remark: Napoléon Bonaparte, the republican Emperor of France, was not a criminal? His many victims in Europe, Russia and Egypt have disagreed: Certainly he spent his last years incarcerated in prison. In other words, Napoléon Bonaparte was an intelligent and refined criminal, but he was a diabolical ruler all the same. Of course, the science of world history draws the rational distinction between modern European and American ruling classes, in the rise of Globalism and collapse of modernity. Wherefore? Washington is the American superpower.

19. Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Brède et de Montesquieu 1689–1755, Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains, et de leur décadence, nouvelle édition, Lyon, 1805, 102–103: “Il n’y a rien au monde de si contradictoire que le plan des Romains et celui des Barbares; et pour n’en dire qu’un mot, le premier étoit l’ouvrage de la force, l’autre de la foiblesse; dans l’un, la sujétion étoit extreme; dans l’autre, l’indépendance: Dans les pays conquis par les nations Germaniques, le pouvoir étoit dans les mains des vassaux, le droit seulement dans la main du prince: C’étoit tout le contraire chez les Romains.”

See also: “La vraie est une union d’harmonie, qui fait que toutes les parties quelque, opposées qu’elles nous paroissent, concourent au bien général de la société, comme des dissonnances dans la musique concourent à l’accord total. Il peut y avoir de l’union dans un état où l’on ne croit voir que du trouble; c’est–à–dire une harmonie d’où résulte le bonheur qui seul est la vraie paix. Il en est comme des parties de cet Univers, éternellement liées par l’action des unes et la réaction des autres. Mais dans l’accord du despotisme Asiatique, c’est–à–dire de tout gouvernement qui n’est pas modéré, il y a toujours une division réelle; le laboureur, l’homme de guerre, le négociant, le magistrat, le noble ne sont joints que parce que les uns oppriment les autres sans résistance: Et si l’on y voit de l’union, ce ne sont pas des citoyens qui sont unis, mais des corps morts ensevelis les uns auprès des autres.”
Ibidem, 132.

Décadence is mortal corruption, according to Montesquieu, the disintegration of Western civilization, which is the result of barbarism, is the work of inferior ruling classes, namely, despotisme Asiatique. In the first editions of the great works of his lifetime, Hegel also conceives of the struggle between superior and inferior ruling classes and the disintegration of Western civilization (like Montesquieu) in terms of unity and opposition, albeit in Pure Hegelian fashion:

“Their deeds and destinies in their reciprocal relations to one another are the dialectic of the finitude [die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit] of these minds, and out of it arises the universal mind, the mind of the world, free from all restriction, producing itself as that which exercises its right — and its right is the highest right of all — over these finite minds in the ‘history of the world which is the world’s court of judgement … The declining nation [aus jenes Volk] has lost the interest of the absolute; it may indeed absorb the higher principle positively and begin building its life on it, but the principle is only like an adopted child, not like a relative to whom its ties are immanently vital and vigorous. Perhaps it loses its autonomy, or it may still exist, or drag out its existence, as a particular state or a group of states and involve itself without rhyme or reason in manifold enterprises at home and battles abroad.”
Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, §§340–347A, 342–347: “Die Prinzipien der Volksgeister sind um ihrer Besonderheit willen, in der sie als existierende Individuen ihre objektive Wirklichkeit und ihr Selbstbewußtsein haben, überhaupt beschränkte, und ihre Schicksale und Taten in ihrem Verhältnisse zueinander sind die erscheinende Dialektik der Endlichkeit dieser Geister, aus welcher der allgemeine Geist, der Geist der Welt, als unbeschränkt ebenso sich hervorbringt, als er es ist, der sein Recht, — und sein Recht ist das allerhöchste, — an ihnen in der Weltgeschichte, als dem Weltgerichte, ausübt … Eine Periode, von welcher aus jenes Volk das absolute Interesse verloren hat, das höhere Prinzip zwar dann auch positiv in sich aufnimmt und sich hineinbildet, aber darin als in einem Empfangenen nicht mit immanenter Lebendigkeit und Frische sich verhält, — vielleicht seine Selbständigkeit verliert, vielleicht auch sich als besonderer Staat oder ein Kreis von Staaten fortsetzt oder fortschleppt und in mannigfaltigen inneren Versuchen und äußeren Kämpfen nach Zufall herumschlägt.”

20. Anonymous, “Karl Rosenkranz: The Life of Hegel,” The Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review, 20.4(October, 1848): 575–586.

21. See: “That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for this doctrine in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand, namely, as the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic: ‘Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe … Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European Raison d’État. One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism … In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history. From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?’”
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Stronghold of Hegel: Modern Enemies of Plato and Hegel, GOOGLE+ 2016–2017.

22. Hegel, Grundlinien der Philosophie des Rechts. Naturrecht und Staatswissenschaft im Grundrisse. Zum Gebrauch für seine Vorlesungen, Berlin, 1821, Vorrede: “Dies, was der Begriff lehrt, zeigt notwendig ebenso die Geschichte, daß erst in der Reife der Wirklichkeit das ideale dem Realen gegenüber erscheint und jenes sich dieselbe Welt, in ihrer Substanz erfaßt, in Gestalt eines intellektuellen Reichs erbaut.”

23. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 134.

24. “Hydro–Québec est le navire amiral de l’économie québécoise.”
René Lévesque in Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 19.

See: “Hydroelectricity has been the uninterrupted current of Québec politics since the Quiet Revolution.”
Konrad Yakabuski, “Opinion: Did Hydro–Québec Miscalculate? Ask TransCanada,” The Globe and Mail, 3 January 2008.

See: “Today, Hydro–Québec is Canada’s largest electricity company. It produces, transports and distributes electricity. It supplies approximately 3.6 million customers and its sales reach approximately 200 Twh. It has an installed capacity of 36.8 GW which mainly consists of hydro, with 34.5 GW of hydroelectricity. Eleven distributors are active in the market: Hydro–Québec, nine municipal distributors and one regional company. The transport grid system is operated by TransEnergie, a subsidiary of Hydro–Québec.”
Anonymous, Enerdata: Canada Energy Report (Latest Update: November 2011), www. enerdata. net, November 2011, 8

See: “‘Probably very few people would know Canada produces the second most hydro in the world’ … Hydroelectricity accounts for the majority of renewable electricity, with 60 per cent of all electricity in Canada coming from hydro.”
Mia Rabson, “Two Thirds of Electricity in Canada Now Comes From Renewable Energy,” Calgary Herald, 3 May 2017.

See: “Hydro–Quebec, a provincial Crown Corporation, is Canada’s largest electric utility and, judged by assets ($25 billion in 1983), Canada’s largest corporation. More than 95% of its production is from renewable hydroelectricity. First created as a legal entity in 1944, Hydro–Québec did not become a major force until the early 1960s. René Lévesque then resources minister to the Liberal government of Jean Lesage, oversaw the nationalization of the province’s larger private electrical utilities. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, Parti Québécois governments led by Lévesque further reorganized Hydro–Québec. The utility enjoys formidable economic advantages: Once dams are in place, operating costs are very low; furthermore, it has a contract to buy power from the Churchill Falls project in Labrador at 1969 prices until the year 2041. Hydro–Québec can thus underbid Ontario Hydro in the US export market, provide cheap power within Québec and still pay a dividend to the provincial government.”
André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 853.

See finally: “The main drawbacks of conventional, large–scale hydroelectric power are the initial high capital cost, the long construction period and the environmental effects of flooding.”
Edward W. Humphrys, “Hydroelectricity,” Ibidem, 853–854.

25. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 15: “Power Corporation, la société que controle Paul Desmarais, était parvenue à s’immiscer aux niveaux les plus élevés de l’appareil décisionnel du Québec, au point meme d’etre représentée au conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec … Michel Plessis–Bélair, le vice–president du conseil d’administration de Power Corporation, siege en effet à celui d’Hydro–Québec.”

See: “The aim of this meeting concerns the question of the transportation of electrical energy over long distances between the provinces. From our vantage point, this question is a purely provincial matter … The province of Québec, though determined to use its natural resources for its own development, welcomes mutually beneficial inter–provincial agreements, but in this matter Québec will not be subjected to any federal authority whatsoever [la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral].”

Jean Lesage (1962) in Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 31: “Cette conférence aurait pour objet une discussion sur le transport à longue distance de l’énergie électrique entre les provinces. Nous considérons cette question de jurisdiction provinciale … La province de Québec, tout en étant déterminée à utiliser ses richesses naturelles pour favoriser son développement économique, est bien disposée à faire avec ses provinces soeurs des arrangements d’interêt mutuel mais elle n’entend pas accepter de le faire sous la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral.”

By the phrase, “la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral,” Jean Lesage means the Canadian statecraft of the British Imperialistic ruling class of the generation of Lester Pearson as well as the Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker: The political and economic power struggle between ruling classes in Canada is also the clash between the owners of White and Black Gold. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the ultimate bastion of Québec Regime power: Its tentacles are the lifeblood of the Québec Inc.

See finally: “The division of power under Canadian federalism [Québec Regime in Ottawa], whereby provinces control the development of natural resources and the federal government controls their export, has reduced the possibility of formulating national electrical policies. The federal Department of Natural Resources Canada and Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982, asserts that trade in electricity and the installation of international transmission lines is subject to the prevalence of federal jurisdiction (with concurrent federal and provincial powers over inter provincial trade), whereas the planning, development, and distribution of hydroelectric resources within the provinces is the responsibility of each province.”
Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 51.

26. “Hydro–Québec possedait une expertise inegalée en centrales hydroelectriques.” Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

27. “[Maurice Strong] qui avait prepare le terrain chez Power Corporation dans les annees 1960 avant que Paul Desmarais n’en prenne le controle, a dirige les destinees d’Ontario Hydro de 1992 a 1995 … le 6 octobre [1993], a Beijing, Paul Desmarais et Maurice Strong ont annonce la creation du consortium Asia Power Group inc., reunissant un fonds de depart de 100 millions de dollars.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 113.

28. Stevie Cameron, On the Take: Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years, Toronto, 1994, 482–483.

29. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 112: “La Caisse a ainsi investi beaucoup d’argent a long terme pour permettre a Power Corporation de lancer sa tres important filiale financiere. Depuis avril 1984, bon an mal an, la Caisse a non seulement maintenu cet investissement a long terme, mais elle l’a fait passer parfois a plus de 370 millions de dollars. Et au 31 decembre 2007, la Caisse detenait des actions de la Financiere Power d’une valeur de pres de 213 millions de dollars.”

See: “Both the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the Quebec pension fund manager, and Paul Desmarais’ Power Corp. expressed an interest in buying CP.”
Dianne Maley, “CP Must Stay in Canadian Hands,” Winnipeg Free Press, 1 August 1989, 22.

See also: “Quebec’s $14–billion pension fund is ‘negotiating’ to buy Place Bonaventure, a major downtown Montreal commercial property worth about $100 million. A spokesman for the fund, the Caisse de depot et placement du Quebec, confirmed yesterday that the Caisse is negotiating but that both parties ‘have agreed to not to make details public.’ Place Bonaventure is owned by Great–West Life Assurance Co. of Winnipeg, one of the companies controlled by Montreal financier Paul Desmarais through his Power Corp. of Canada. The Caisse, which administers Quebecers’ contributions to the province’s pension plan, has Canada’s biggest single stock portfolio. But it said in its last annual report that it wants to increase its real–estate holdings.”
Anonymous, “NewsLine,” Winnipeg Free Press, 3 June 1982, 39.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] also arranged an option to buy another 4 million shares, or 5.6 per cent, of Canadian Pacific for $216 million from the Caisse de Depot et Placement du Quebec, the provincial pension fund manager.”
Andrew H. Malcolm, “Power Play for CP Still in Cards,” Winnipeg Free Press, 10 September 1981, 64.

See also: “The Quebec government a couple of weeks ago placed $100 million of its bonds with the Quebec Pension Plan … The $100 million placement was more or less bracketed by the sale of two blocks of equity ―$5.7 million worth of Loeb common shares to Provigo and, more recently, $25.7 million worth of Power Corp. common and prefered shares to Paul Desmarais.”
John Meyer, “Economic Comment: Que. Relying More on Pension Plan for Funds,” Winnipeg Free Press: Business and Finance, 20 July 1977, 43.

See also: “At the time, the government of René Lévesque held large economic summits in order to integrate the big players of the Québec economy: The first of these massive summits was held at the Richelieu Manor, at La Malbaie, in the Charlevoix region of Québec, from the 24th until the 27th of May 1977, and gathered around the same table such high–flyers as Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau and Brian Mulroney, to name but a few. The second of these mega–summits would be held nearly two years later at Montebello, Québec, from the 14th to the 16th of March 1979.”
Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc., ; le second doit se tenir a Montebello, du 14 au 16 mars 1979.”

See also: “Desmarais purchased 2.8 million shares, about 2.1 million class A common shares and 700,000 second preferred shares. He said he bought all the Power shares held by the Caisse de Depot du Quebec, amounting to 2,001,300 common shares and 333,000 preferred, with the rest coming from Peter Nesbitt Thomson, deputy chairman of Power and ‘other persons associated with him.’ The shares were bought by an unspecified private holding company belonging to Desmarais.”
Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

See also: “Premier Pierre Marc Johnson yesterday unveiled a blue–ribbon task force of top business leaders that will study ways to help set up young people in business, then denied it was an election ploy. At a news conference, Johnson said the seven-man group ― led by Power Corp. Ltd., chairman Paul Desmarais― will report by Christmas on the specifics of a youth investment corporation that would front risk capital for new businesses’ launched by Quebecers … ‘Paul Desmarais doesn’t have the reputation of being PQ,’ said Quebecor president Pierre Peladeau, another task force member … ‘If people take it (as an election ploy), it’s their mistake,’ added Power Corp. financial adviser Roland Giroux, a former Hydro–Quebec president, who represented the reclusive Desmarais … Also on the task force are Bombardier Inc. chairman Laurent Beaudoin, Lavalin Inc. president Bernard Lamarre, Alcan vice–president Pierre Laurin.”
Anonymous, “PQ Unveils Business Task Force,” Winnipeg Free Press, 22 October 1985, 10.

See finally: “During my time there at the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (CDPQ), namely, the Québec Pension Plan, we became very big players in the economy of Québec, resultant from the millions in contributions from Québéckers. That is when I perceived that political influence, especially after 1978, played an increasingly important role at the Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan: Our investments were then very much determined by political considerations … The Caisse and the Québec Pension Plan secretly followed in the footsteps of Paul Desmarais, and we utterly failed the Québec taxpayers. Sadly enough, the losers are not these wealthy investors, but rather Québéckers themselves are impoverished.”
Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, L’Étincelle, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

30. Michel Morin, “Ventes aux États–Unis: Hydro–Québec vend son électricité au rabais,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité, 13 mai 2013: “La société d’État a des surplus énergétiques, au moment où le prix de l’électricité est en chute aux États–Unis … L’exploitation agressive du gaz de schiste aux États–Unis force Hydro–Québec à vendre son électricité au rabais et en grande quantité aux Américains pour payer ses nouveaux barrages. Les surplus engrangés par la société d’État, combinés à la chute du prix à l’exportation, risquent d’être le premier casse–tête du nouveau président du conseil d’administration d’Hydro–Québec, Pierre–Karl Péladeau … ‘On assiste à un véritable dumping par Hydro–Québec de l’électricité sur les marchés d’exportation. C’est 10% à 15% de toute l’énergie consommée au Québec qui se retrouve sur le marché spot, du jamais vu!’ … ‘On doit vendre aujourd’hui des quantités phénoménales d’énergie pour payer les barrages et les centrales qu’on a construits en fonction des marchés d’exportation’ … Pierre–Karl Péladeau est aussi vice–président du conseil d’administration de Québecor Média, la maison mère de Sun Media, qui possède Le Journal de Montréal et Le Journal de Québec.”

31. Anonyme, “Éric Martel devient pdg d’Hydro–Québec,” Les Affaires, 3 juin 2015: “Moins de deux semaines après avoir quitté son poste de haut dirigeant chez Bombardier, Éric Martel a été nommé mercredi président–directeur général d’Hydro–Québec … En 2014, la société d’État a engrangé des profits records de 3,38 milliards $, ce qui lui a permis de verser un dividende de 2,53 milliards $ ―le plus important de son histoire ― au gouvernement du Québec.”

32. Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, Paris, 2012, 23–26–29.

See: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds.”
Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

See finally: “Bombardier Inc. has gone to great lengths to suppress the release of information about the government funding it receives, heading to court 10 times in nine years, often citing competitive concerns … how that money was spent, and how or even if it was paid back is difficult to discern from the documents released. While Bombardier says the information must be withheld for competitive reasons, the company has made this argument far more frequently than its industry peers … Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans … because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions ―and repayment of those contributions ―met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced … The company said it is simply protecting its legal right to withhold information on competitive grounds … Bombardier’s legal strategy appears to be working, as it has successfully challenged several requests for information in the courts.”
Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

33. See: “If Québec’s taxation rates remain unchanged and the historical trends of actual per capita program spending are maintained, the Québec government is headed for deep fiscal trouble. The Conference Board estimates that by the end of fiscal 2030–2031, the Québec government would post an annual deficit of $45 billion ― this, despite an assumed continued increase in federal transfer payments … The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats suggested by our base case scenario with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails … This disturbing trend toward a deepening deficit ― as outlined in our base case scenario ― is due to modest economic growth and the related effect on revenue growth, which will lag far behind growth in overall expenditures. Specifically, the Conference Board forecasts that Québec’s real economic growth will average 1.6 per cent per year for the 2009–2010 to 2030–2031 period as a whole, but will actually fall below 1.5 per cent per year in the final 10 years. This tepid performance will be due to weak population growth, which will average only 0.7 per cent per year over the next 20 years, and will in fact drop to just 0.5 per cent per year over the final four years of the forecast. In this demographic and economic context, the Québec government’s revenue growth will be limited to 3.5 per cent per year over the final five fiscal years of the forecast period, and to an average of 4 per cent per year over the entire forecast period. At the same time, expenditures will increase at an average annual rate of 5.1 per cent. The main reason for this substantial rise in expenditures will be the rapid increase in health care expenditures. The Conference Board forecasts that the Québec government’s spending on health–care will grow at an average annual rate of 5.9 per cent over the entire forecast period. Of this increase, 2.5 percentage points will be attributable to inflation, 1.7 percentage points to real per capita increases in health–care spending (for technological upgrades, improved accessibility, etc.) and 1.8 percentage points to demographic factors (1.1 percentage points due to the aging population and 0.7 percentage points because of population growth). The other spending category that will pose a problem for the Québec government in this scenario will be debt servicing, which will post average annual growth of 8.2 per cent between 2009–2010 and 2030–2031. This will be caused by an increase in the Québec government’s indebtedness during the forecast period, in tandem with the rapidly rising deficit. Nonetheless, in absolute terms, health–care spending will rise the most ― and thus contribute the most to the government’s deficit during the forecast period. Specifically, health–care spending will rise from $27 billion in 2009–2010 to $90.2 billion in 2030–2031, for a net increase of approximately $63 billion. In fact, health–care spending as a percentage of total revenues will rise from 43.1 per cent in 2009–2010 to 63.4 per cent in 2030–2031. In comparison, debt–service expenditures will rise from $6.2 billion in 2009–2010 to $32.1 billion in 2030–2031, to constitute 22.5 per cent of total revenues at the end of the forecast horizon … While The Conference Board of Canada has no interest in telling the Québec government what to do, it does feel duty–bound to warn Québécers that their government’s financial situation is shaky ― and that maintaining the status quo is not an option.”
Mario Lefebvre, Québec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded, Ottawa, 2010, 2–3.

The Québec government will respond to the fiscal threats with new initiatives aimed at preventing the province’s fiscal situation from going off the rails: It does appear therefore, at first sight, that the new Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, controlled by the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive bailout scheme for the government of Québec, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes: “Who could stand a father who had been a cabinet minister and was now chairman of a prospering capitalist enterprise, the Lafarge cement company? … Justin is most like Pierre. He sees no shades of gray, only black and white.”
Margaret Trudeau, Beyond Reason, New York, 1979, 14–225.

See also: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actualy taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”
David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax. This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

See also: “According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”
Léo — Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See finally: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

34. See: “We know there are about two tons of dynamite that have been stolen in Québec … presumably they [the FLQ] are in control of them. There are more than 100 rifles that have been stolen from a ship, a Japanese ship, in Montréal and other guns which have been stolen elsewhere. So how much arms they have we don’t know but we know very well that they have enough dynamite to blow up the heart of Montréal! …[there] might be something between 1,000 and 3,000 [FLQ members]. Now, all the members of the FLQ are not terrorists. But there are enough to create a lot of trouble and a lot of killing and this is what we have tried to prevent … It is not the individual action we are worried about now. It’s the vast organization supported by other bona fide organizations who are supporting, indirectly at least, the FLQ … I think the municipal elections in Montréal on Sunday will show that we were right.”
Jean Marchand in Jack Webster, Webster! An Autobiography by Jack Webster, Vancouver, 1990, 131.

Separatism and the FLQ crisis has greatly advanced the cause of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais (namely, the Québéckocentric ruling class) over the years, especially during municipal, provincial and federal elections: Federalism and anti–federalism in Québec is the political and economic weapon of the Québec Inc. Such political and economic irrationalism is very bad for Canadian unity, and a fortiori weakens finance, commerce and industry in Canada: Modern unreason is therefore the death–knell of the criminal ruling class.

See also: “Jean–Louis Lévesque, the Montréal financier from far-away Gaspé, ‘knew first–hand the difficulties that awaited a French Canadian in business, and therefore he took the young Paul Desmarais under his wing, and led him into the realm of French Canadian high finance … the Lévesque which most Canadians have heard about is the great orator, René, the Minister of Natural Resources of the Province of Québec. Jean–Louis Lévesque is his wealthy distant cousin, who owns the largest financial empire in Québec.’”
Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: “Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, ‘savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.’”

See finally: “Trans–Canada was owned by both Paul Desmarais and Jean–Louis Lévesque, but Paul had control of the shares. Their business association did not last very long. In my opinion they could not work together. They each had very different philosophies: Paul Desmarais was an administrator who had very long term views, while Jean–Louis Lévesque was more of a speculator. Paul Desmarais bought out Jean–Louis Lévesque, and his problem was solved.”
Wilbrod Bherer in Marie Lise Gingras, Wilbrod Bherer: Un grand Québécois, 1905–1998, Sillery, Québec, 2001, 211: “Trans–Canada était la propriété de Paul Desmarais et Jean–Louis Lévesque, toutefois Paul avait le contrôle des actions. Mais cette association ne dura pas longtemps. À mon avis, c’était deux gars qui ne pouvaient pas travailler ensemble. Ils n’avaient pas du tout la même philosophie. Desmarais était un administrateur qui avait des idées à perte de vue. Lévesque, lui, était plus un spéculateur. Paul a reglé le problème en achetant les parts de Lévesque.”

See finally: “How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”
Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, 1985, dos: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

35. David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 132–133.

36. Brian Mulroney in David Jay Bercuson, et alia, Ibidem, 265.

37. See: “Canada, the United States, and Mexico agreed on August 12, 1992, to establish a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). NAFTA would create a free trade zone containing more than 370 million people, the largest in the world, and build on the Canada–United States free trade agreement of 1989.”
David Morice Leigh Farr 1922–2016, “Canada,” The 1993 World Book Year Book, A Review of the Events of 1992: The Annual Supplement to the World Book Encyclopedia, Chicago, 1993, 123.

See also: “Thanks to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and especially to the Tokyo round of talks in 1979, some 85 percent of Canadian manufactured goods going south already entered or would soon enter the United States free of duty. In other words, Canada would make relatively few additional gains in a treaty with the United States … On the other hand, only between 60 and 65 percent of American manufactures came into Canada without duty … American access to Canadian markets was certain to increase in the event of free trade … Provincial cooperation was essential to reduce non–tariff barriers … Ontario, as the province with the most to gain by the freeing of trade within Canada, was in favour of removing non–tariff barriers.”
David Jay Bercuson, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, Toronto, 1986, 269–273.

See also: “Washington’s primary goal had always been a major multilateral negotiation to lower tariff barriers, to tackle the problem of non–tariff barriers, and to cover services.” Ibidem, 276.

See finally: “Québec expressed serious reservations about the fate of their manufacturing and agricultural industries under a new trade regime … Québec would swell the ranks of doubters.” Ibidem, 266–277.

What, then, are the Québéckocentric benefits of free trade and NAFTA (and non–tariff barriers between the provinces) under Brian Mulroney, and under the Québec Regime in Ottawa? The answer: (1) Free trade with the United States as an election issue will help Brian Mulroney get his second mandate and thereby help the Québéckocentric faction of the Progressive Conservative Party stay in power, (2) Free trade and then NAFTA will negate much of the threat of American protectionism and the buy American movement in Washington, (3) Free trade and then NAFTA, negotiated by Québec Regimers, will protect the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc. After nearly three decades of free trade and NAFTA we must conclude that all three conditions have been met to a very large degree. In Canada, the financial, commercial and industrial backers of the old enemies of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and the Empire of Paul Desmarais, the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc, are indeed silenced: Even Ontario is now a have–not province.

38. Gary Mason and Keith Baldrey, Fantasyland: Inside the Reign of Bill Vander Zalm, Toronto, 1989, 140.

39. Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein, and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

See: Brian Mulroney, like Trudeau, Chrétien and Martin, was always a Québec Regime crook: “In 1981, the Mulroney’s sold the family house at 68 Belvedere Road to Iron Ore Company of Canada, where Mulroney was president from 1977 until he entered―and last month won―the campaign for the Tory leadership. The records only say the price was $1 plus ‘good and valuable consideration’ … The records show that on October 15, 1976, Mila Pivnicki, (Mrs. Mulroney’s maiden name, although they were married in 1973) bought the Westmount house from Arthur Sanft, a local dress manufacturer. But―again―the records only say the price was $1 and ‘good and valuable consideration,’”
Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.

40. Anonymous, “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

See: “[Jean Chrétien] gave his niece a job in the PMO and appointed his nephew Raymond as ambassador to Washington … His son–in–law, André Desmarais (married to Chrétien’s daughter, France), was awarded a billion–dollar contract to operate a satellite–TV network over the objections of federal regulators … While in Opposition, Chrétien had mounted devastating attacks on such Mulroney policies as the GST, free trade, NAFTA, CBC budget cuts and reductions in transfer payments to the provinces, yet once in office he reversed not one of these initiatives. Instead he cut welfare and social service payments to 1950s levels and reneged on his election promises to increase immigration, support cultural sovereignty or allow more free votes in the Commons.”
Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 389.

See also: “It was Jean Chrétien’s opposition to Meech Lake that ultimately secured his first–round victory in the race … Chrétien organizer Senator Pietro Rizzuto delivered the 800 Québec votes he had promised.”
Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto, 2010, 8–195.

See also: “Liborio Milioto, Nicolo Rizzuto’s half–brother, had a daughter, named Maria in keeping with the tradition. She in turn married Filippo Rizzuto, a brother of future senator Pietro Rizzuto.”
André Cédilot and André Noël, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.

See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.”
Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti Libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui–là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5 % en pots–de–vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”

See finally: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montréal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5% of the value of all the corrupt contracts in Montréal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so–called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.”
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex–ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5% de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”

41. See: “In Winnepeg the Minister of Finance Bill Morneau confirmed on Thursday that the Trudeau government will bring back in the 2016–2017 budget, the tax credits for contributions to organizations in Québec such as the Québec Federation of Labour Solidarity Fund and the CSN Fondaction Fund. The two aforementioned funds have received over the decades a 15% federal and 15% provincial tax credit. The conservative government decided to diminish this federal tax credit to 10% in 2015, and then to 5% in 2016, and then to completely abolish it in 2017.”
Anonyme, “Ottawa confirme le retour des crédits d’impôt pour les fonds de travailleurs,” Radio–Canada: Économie, 14 janvier 2016: “À Winnipeg, le ministre des Finances Bill Morneau a confirmé jeudi que son gouvernement va restaurer, dès le budget 2016–2017, les crédits d’impôt pour les cotisations aux fonds de travailleurs. Le crédit d’impôt pour contribution à des fonds comme le Fonds de solidarité FTQ ou le Fondaction CSN était depuis des années de 15% au provincial et de 15% au fédéral. Le gouvernement conservateur a néanmoins décidé de diminuer la part fédérale à 10% en 2015, puis à 5% en 2016, avant de l’abolir en 2017.”

See also: “The Trudeau government is keeping its promise to bring back the 15% tax credit for investments in the Québec Federation of Labour Solidarity Fund and the CSN Fondaction Fund. Investors in these funds will receive a 15% federal and 15% provincial tax credit: They will also receive a 15% federal tax credit rather 5% which was the case since January 1st, 2016.The Conservatives announced the gradual elimination of this credit in their 2013 budget … ‘This tax credit for investors is an excellent way to bring capital to needy Québec businesses,’ said Yves–Thomas Dorval, president and general director of the Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ).”
Carl Renaud, “Le crédit pour fonds de travailleurs rétabli,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 22 mars 2016: “Le gouvernement Trudeau honore sa promesse de rétablir à 15% le crédit d’impôt pour les fonds de travailleurs. Les conservateurs avaient annoncé l’élimination graduelle du crédit, dans le budget fédéral de 2013. Pour l’année d’imposition 2016, les épargnants qui investissent dans ces fonds, comme le Fonds de solidarité FTQ et le fonds Fondaction CSN, vont recevoir un crédit de 15% plutôt que de 5%, comme c’était le cas depuis le 1er janvier … ‘Le crédit d’impôt offert aux investisseurs est un excellent moyen pour amener des capitaux dans les entreprises, qui en ont besoin,’ a commenté Yves–Thomas Dorval, président directeur–général du Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ), en marge de la présentation du budget du ministre Bill Morneau à Ottawa. La décision des Libéraux va coûter 115 millions $ au trésor public pour l’exercice financier 2016–2017 et 160 millions $ pour 2017–2018. Normalement, l’État ne devait plus accorder d’allègement fiscal aux actionnaires des fonds de travailleurs, à compter de l’année prochaine. Le gouvernement Harper avait annoncé en 2013 son intention d’éliminer graduellement le crédit d’impôt. Il a été abaissé à 10% l’an dernier, à 5% en début d’année et devait disparaître en 2017. Le Québec offre aussi un crédit d’impôt de 15% aux investisseurs qui achètent des parts dans les fonds de travailleurs. Le gouvernement québécois n’a jamais voulu emboîter le pas à Ottawa en réduisant également son crédit.”

See also: “The Québec government says it wants to make sure one of the province’s top venture capital funds is properly managing the billions of dollars in assets in which more than 600,000 Québécers have invested. The Québec Federation of Labour (FTQ) Solidarity Fund has been under fire in the last few weeks after the province’s anti–corruption inquiry heard allegations of conflict of interest and organized crime involvement.”
Anonymous, “Québec Government Probes Top Officials at FTQ Solidarity Fund: The National Assembly Holds Hearings Into How Solidarity Fund Leaders Make Investment Decisions,” CBC News: Montreal, 5 November 2013.

See also: “A star witness at Québec’s Charbonneau Inquiry, Ken Pereira, has detailed how the Hell’s Angels and Montréal’s Mafia infiltrated one of Québec’s most powerful labour groups, the Québec Federation of Labour (FTQ). Yesterday, in his second day of testimony, the former employee of the FTQ’s construction wing described how he stole documents from the union’s office which showed its executive director, Jocelyn Dupuis, was running up ‘astronomical’ expenses … He said the federation’s top brass tried to buy his silence, offering him $300,000 … Pereira also testified that organized criminals fixed the 2008 election for the union’s executive.”
Anonymous, “Hell’s Angels, Mob Ran FTQ Construction Wing, Witness Says: Ken Pereira Testifies He Turned Police Informant After Discovering His Life Was in Danger,” CBC News: Montréal, 2 October 2013.

See also: “The late patriarch of one of the world’s most powerful Mafia clans was a municipal contractor 50 years before the authorities decided to investigate whether organized crime had a hold on the construction industry and public contracts in the province, The Gazette has discovered through an examination of municipal archives, and business and real–estate records from half a century ago. Rizzuto’s resume included in his company’s bidding documents at the time claims he even participated in the construction of Montréal’s cherished Expo 67, the Universal and International Exposition of 1967 that put the city on the world map … Rizzuto’s career in the construction sector starting almost immediately after he arrived in Canada from Sicily in the 1950s to be the standard–bearer of his father–in–law’s Sicilian Mafia clan, and ebbing around the time that he reportedly withdrew to Venezuela during a war with Calabrian rival Paolo Violi in the 1970s. Rizzuto returned to Montréal and seized control of the underworld after the 1978 assassination of Violi, who had succeeded Montréal Mob boss Vic Cotroni … Rizzuto, who had an independent streak, had formed his own crew within the Cotroni organization during his early years in Montréal with the help of his extended family … Rizzuto also hooked up with the Caruanas and Cuntreras, who were based in Montréal before relocating to Venezuela and who went on to build an international drug–smuggling and money–laundering empire … Testimony at the Charbonneau Commission over the past 16 months has presented the phenomenon of a cartel of companies rigging the outcome of public tender bids and paying a cut of their inflated contract prices to political organizers and the Mafia as something that took hold in the mid–2000s. Now it appears Nicolo Rizzuto himself was part of the foundation, so to speak, more than half a century ago … Project Colisée and the Charbonneau Commission have depicted Nicolo Rizzuto’s role in the construction industry as merely being on the receiving end of the Mafia’s share of kickbacks from rigged and over–inflated public contracts. Yet just as Rizzuto’s role in the underworld was underestimated in official accounts decades ago, it appears his role in the underside of the construction industry and public contracts that’s now being exposed has been understated.”
Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montréal Gazette, 30 January 2014.

See also: “Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”
Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

See finally: “Everything in Québec is so corrupt … everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec … I don’t know how to put all the pieces of this puzzle together … I just don’t know why Québec is so corrupt. Maybe you can tell me why we Québéckers are so corrupt?”
André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

42. “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [le code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme [Napoléon Bonaparte] dont il porte le nom.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v.

See: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, 9 février 1879, 119: “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.” Compare this political and economic doctrine to Locke’s version of constitutional, as opposed to absolute, monarchy forged in the modern European warfare between Gallicanism and Ultramontanism (unleashed by Luther and the revolt of Protestantism), and especially the revolutionary struggle between William of Orange and King James II.

As with the modern Europeans, the world historical contagion of subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism in the realm of politics and economics is deeply rooted among French Canadians like Pierre–Basile Mignault. From whence comes this disease of modern unreason in contemporary world history? “All things that exist being particulars … every man’s reasoning and knowledge is only about the ideas existing in his own mind.” Thus, the world does not exist according to John Locke, while the universe is appearance and delusion. This is the very opposite of the teaching of Cartesius: “Ego cogito, ergo sum, sive existo … ea enim est natura nostrae mentis, ut generales propostiones ex particularium cognitione efformet.”

(“The noumenon is not the concept of an object, but only a problem … my existence cannot, as Descartes supposed, be considered as derived from the proposition, I think … the so–called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.” Immanuel Kant. See: “In Descartes’ method of establishing the subjectivity of sense–perception, we have extreme idealism on the one hand and a vague sensationalism on the other … He who would know the philosophy of our times must first well learn the philosophy of Kant.”
John Paul Ashley, Apriorism from Descartes to Kant, Boston, 1894, 21–73)

See finally: “[Pierre–Basile Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”
John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

43. See: “An expert on Napoléon Bonaparte, Desmarais is in many ways himself a driven man who cannot stop looking for new ways to expand his power.”
Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston and Montréal, 1982, 157.

See also: “It is the soldier who founds a republic and it is the soldier who maintains it.”
Napoléon Bonaparte in Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 33–34.

See finally: “The history of France between the fall of Robespierre and the rise of Napoleon is full of instruction for those who believe in representative democracy as a universal panacea for the political distempers of mankind.”
Walter Alison Phillips, “Preface,” After Robespierre: The Thermidorian Reaction, By Albert Mathiez, Cathrine Alison Phillips, translator, New York, 1965, vii.

44. See: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.” Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See also: “At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”
Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

See finally: “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

45. See: “Until very recently it would have been a somewhat sensational thing for one to say of the French that they were a reasonable people, with a settled government and a history worthy of emulation. There is a widespread impression that the French are a distinctly inferior race. The nation is said to be in decline. The people are said to be effeminate, trivial, excitable, unreasoning, irreligious, immoral when not unmoral, with an impure literature and art, an unstable and tottering government and a diminishing birth–rate. These charges are confirmed by many observers … Nations, like individuals, have reputations, and they are for the most part in the keeping of their enemies or rivals … A glance at the product of the French Parliament since 1879 shows that France today, as well as England, is a land where ‘freedom slowly broadens down,’ if not from precedent to precedent, at least from statute to statute. To be sure freedom is a larger thing than acts of legislatures, but it is also larger than decisions of judges. Reforms of abuses which the state can prevent constitute merely those definite stages in the advance of freedom which the historian can register as indices of the nation’s purpose. Yet here the work of the Parliament of the Third Republic will bear comparison with that complex and often hidden line of progress to be traced in England through law courts, local government and Parliament.”
James Thomson Shotwell, “The Political Capacity of the French,” Political Science Quarterly, 24(1 March 1909): 115–120.

The complex and often hidden line of progress also constitutes the world historical rise of Globalism and the collapse of modernity …

Chapter 4: Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism

1. Giosuè Carducci (1835–1907), “On the Death of Eugène Napoléon,” A Selection From the Poems of Giosuè Carducci: Translated and Annotated With a Biographical Introduction, Emily A. Tribe, editor and translator, London, 1921, 92:

“Ma di dicembre, ma di brumaio
Cruento è il fango, la nebbia è perfida:
Non crescono arbusti a quell’ aure,
O dan frutti di cenere e Tòsco.” [Italics added]

See: Giosuè Carducci, Odi barbare, Bologna, Zanichelli Editore, “Collezione Elzeviriana,” 1877.

See also: “I have always regarded Immanuel Kant not only as a very powerful thinker, but as the metaphysical father of the philosophy of positivism … undoubtedly the greatest and most positive advance that I have made following in the footsteps of Kant is the discovery of the evolution of human ideas according to the law of three stages, namely the theological, metaphysical and scientific phases: The Kantian philosophy in my opinion is the very basis of the three stages of positivism.”
Auguste Comte (10 December 1824) in Friedrich Maximilian Müller, translator, “Translator’s Preface,” Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason: A Commemoration of the Centenary of Its First Publication, Immanuel Kant, vol. 1, London, 1881, xxi: “J’avais toujours regardé Kant non–seulement comme une très–forte tête, mais comme le métaphysicien le plus rapproché de la philosophie positive … le pas le plus positif et le plus distinct que j’ai fait après lui, me semble seulement d’avoir découverte la loi du passage des idées humaines par les trois états théologique, métaphysique, et scientifique, loi qui me semble être la base dont Kant a conseillé l’exécution.”

See also: “‘J’ai lu et relu avec un plaisir infini le petit traité de Kant (Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht, 1784); il est prodigieux pour I’époque, et même, si je I’avais connu six ou sept ans plus tot, il m’aurait épargné de la peine. Je suis charmé que vous I’ayez traduit, il peut très–efficacement contribuer à préparer les esprits à la philosophie positive. La conception générale ou au moins la méthode y est encore métaphysique, mais les détails montrent à chaque instant I’esprit positif. J’avais toujours regardé Kant non–seulement comme une très–forte tête, mais comme le métaphysicien le plus rapproché de la philosophie positive … Pour moi, je ne me trouve jusqu’à present, après cette lecture, d’autre valeur que celle d’avoir systématisé et arrêté la conception ébauchée par Kant à mon insu, ce que je dois surtout à I’éducation scientifique; et même le pas le plus positif et le plus distinct que j’ai fait après lui, me semble seulement d’avoir découverte la loi du passage des idées humaines par les trois états théologique, métaphysique, et scientifique, loi qui me semble être la base dont Kant à conseillé l’exécution. Je rends grâce aujourd’hui à mon défaut d’érudition; car si mon travail, tel qu’il est maintenant, avait été précédé chez moi par I’étude du traité de Kant, il aurait, à mes propres yeux, beaucoup perdu de sa valeur.’ See Auguste Comte, par É. Littré, Paris, 1864, p. 154; Lettre de Comte à M. d’Eichthal, 10 Déc. 1824.”
Auguste Comte (10 December 1824) in Friedrich Maximilian Müller, Ibidem.

See finally: “French Canada is in dire need of a positivist philosophy of action … the [positivist] notion of autonomy is the very basis of our French Canadian politics.”
Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 21 & Ibidem, “Politique fonctionnelle II,” Cité Libre, 1.2(février, 1951): 27: “Ce qui manque le plus au Canada français, c’est une philosophie positive de l’action … l’autonomie [positiviste] devient une notion essentielle pour la politique de notre pays.” [Italics added]

2. Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1986, 213. [Italics added]

3. Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, New York, 1994, 806–808.

See: “We know that the culture of France, at once Cartesian and Racinian, is a beacon of Western civilization. The historical prestige of French culture is found in the Bastille, Napoléon Bonaparte and ‘Free France.’ The political élites of Québec recognize the superiority of French culture, and desire to remain faithful to its noble and democratic ideals, as advanced by the vanguard of the world famous University of Paris.”
Patrick Straram, “Les français parlent aux français ou pourquoi Duplessis a raison,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45: “On le sait, la culture française, à la fois cartésienne et racinienne, sert de modèle à l’occident. À cette culture il faut ajouter quelques prestiges historiques: Prise de la Bastille, Napoléon 1er et ‘France libre.’ Si un autre peuple reconnaît le rayonnement de la culture française et veut rester fidèle à l’enseignement, à la fois noble et démocratique, dont l’Université de Paris est un fleuron célébré universellement, c’est bien la province de Québec.”

4. See: “Mr. Lafontaine had accepted the system established in 1841; when Mr. Papineau returned from exile he attacked the new order of things with his great eloquence and all the elevation of his thought. I will not here introduce a comparison between the respective legal ideas of these two great men. Both loved their country ardently, and passionately; both devoted their lives to it; both, by different means had no other end in view than to serve it; both were disinterested and honest. Let us remain contented and satisfied with these memories and seek not to find out who was right or who was wrong.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 20.

According to Wilfrid Laurier, Louis–Joseph Papineau, the leader of the Great Terror (la Grande terreur) of 1837, who “attacked the new order of things” when he returned from exile, (1) possessed great eloquence and elevated thought; (2) he was a great man with legal ideas; (3) he loved his country ardently and passionately; (4) he devoted his life to his country; (5) he had no other end in view than to serve his country; (6) he was disinterested and honest. Wilfrid Laurier, the father of Canadian Liberalism, defends the leader of the mass murderers and terrorists of 1837!

We will find that Canadian Culture, as defined by the Québécocracy, especially under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, defends the actions of Papineau and his henchman in the name of democracy, and even equates them with the patriots of the American revolution: Unlike the American patriots, however, the so–called democratic revolution of Papineau and his followers was a failure because unlike the American revolution against the British Empire, which was not directed against the world historical foundations of the Industrial Revolution, their revolt was directed against the conception of right found in the Magna Carta, and therefore also against the Constitution of the United States of America, namely the notion of universal freedom, albeit in embryonic form. Papineau and his followers uphold the Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, which is profoundly inspired by Machiavellism, and which is the basis of Bonapartism in modern European political and economic history.

5. Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Jean–Paul Lefebvre, Ottawa/Montréal, 1968, 112: “On sait, d’après le dernier discours du budget, que le Québec recevra pendant l’exercice en cours $362,740,000.00 sous divers titres de péréquation, comparativement à 66 millions qu’il touchait en 1962. Sur le plan fiscal, le Québec n’est donc plus perdant.”

See: “The rising power of Québec in the last few years is a truly amazing story in the history of French–Canada. We must control this movement and not hinder our progress: We must avoid a dead–end; we must follow the right road; and we must lay the rational foundations for the upcoming power struggles based on profound knowledge of the facts of the situation.”
Robert Bourassa, Ibidem, 99: “L’Élan qui anime le Québec depuis quelques années est incontestablement l’un des faits les plus marquants dans l’histoire du Canada français, et il ne faudrait aucunement le ralentir mais plutôt l’orienter, le canaliser de façon qu’il ne suive pas un mouvement aveugle mais qu’il devienne une conscience éclairée et qu’il prépare une décision prise en pleine connaissance des données de la situation.”

6. See: “The Quiet Revolution resonated deeply within me … Our federation is ‘asymmetrical.’”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 39–167.

See also: “Just after he graduated from University of Toronto Law School in 1966 at age twenty–eight, he [Paul Martin Jr.] joined Power Corporation of Québec. Martin was hired by Maurice Strong, former assistant to Paul Desmarais Sr., … Paul Desmarais began running the company the next year, and within three years he had appointed Martin vice–president … Paul Martin will be the fourth politician this Québec billionaire has groomed for or financially assisted into being prime minister.”
Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 11.

See finally: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy … my experience with CSL [Canada Steamship Lines] was closely linked with my political and economic ideas.”
Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 18–19–61.

7. Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1985, 72.

8. Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, Toronto, 1985, 11–17–22–23.

9. Jean Lapierre in Hélène Buzzetti, “Ce Liberal fondateur du Bloc Québecois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016: “Il ne fait aucun doute dans mon esprit que, sans vos [Jean Chrétien’s] basses et tortueuses manoeuvres, nous aurions le 23 juin proclamé le retour du Québec dans la grande famille canadienne. Aujourd’hui, comme tous les Québécois, je suis déçu, je me sens humilié et je sais que vous [Jean Chrétien] nous avez trahis.”

See also: “When the Meech Lake accord was torpedoed, with the help of several prominent Liberals, he [Jean Lapierre] questioned the direction of his party. At the 1990 Liberal convention, Lapierre campaigned against Meech Lake opponent Jean Chrétien, openly calling him a ‘sell–out’ and wearing a black arm–band to mark the accord’s failure.”
Jonathan Montpetit, “Jean Lapierre, Québec Political Commentator, Dead at 59: Lapierre’s Opinion on Québec Politics Heard Daily by Thousands,” CBC News, 29 March 2016.

See also: “[Jean Lapierre] left the Liberals because the new leader, Jean Chrétien, opposed the Meech Lake constitutional accord. As a Québécker he felt ‘sad, humiliated and betrayed,’ he said as he left the Liberal caucus and sat as an independent in June, 1990.”
Les Perreaux, Tu Thanh Ha and Daniel Leblanc, “Obituary: Jean Lapierre Made Friends Across Broad Ideological Spectrum,” The Globe and Mail, 29 March 2016.

See finally: “Jean Chrétien had campaigned against the Meech Lake Accord, and received the support of the masses.”
Jean–Francois Lisée, “L’Énjoleur: Chrétien, Jean,” Le Petit Tricheur: Robert Bourassa derriere le masque, Montréal, 2012: “Chrétien avait fait campagne en critiquant Meech, récoltant les vivats de la foule.”

10. Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

11. Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Montréal, 1989, 149: “On est alors a l’époque des grands sommets économiques, que le gouvernement Lévesque a décidé de convoquer pour assurer une concertation entre les divers agents économiques. Le premier a eu lieu au Manoir Richelieu, du 24 au 27 mai 1977, et a rassemblé autour d’une même table Louis Laberge, Paul Desmarais, Yvon Charbonneau, Brian Mulroney, etc.”

See: “How did the Québec independence movement which flourished before René Lévesque, end–up in its present state of decline? Ever since 1968, René Lévesque has told his followers in the Québec independence movement that he will not fight for Québec’s independence. Then why did they so loyally support him? … By using the Parti Québécois to climb the rungs of the social ladder in order to dominate Québec, has not this class of newcomers instead replaced the goal of Québec independence with the aim of their own self–aggrandizement?”
Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? Montréal, 1985, dos du livre: “Comment l’indépendantisme, qui croissait avant Lévesque, a–t–il été étouffé pour aboutir à la confusion cacophonique actuelle? Des 1968, René Lévesque a averti les indépendantistes que ce n’etait pas l’indépendance qu’il allait réaliser. Pourquoi l’ont–ils suivi aussi fidèlement? … En se servant du PQ pour grimper dans l’échelle sociale jusqu’à la dominance, cette nouvelle classe de parvenus n’a–t–elle pas fait passer ses intérêts égoïstes avant ceux de la libération nationale?”

12. Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? Montréal, 1993, 12–14: “J’ai eu l’occasion d’observer l’importance grandissante de la Caisse dans l’économie du Québec grâce aux millions qui y ont afflué. J’ai pu constater aussi que le pouvoir politique, surtout à partir de 1978, y avait une emprise importante et que les décisions d’investissement devenaient colorées par la politique … On veut inconsciemment imiter Paul Desmarais et on y reussit très mal. Malheureusement, celui qui y perd n’est pas un actionnaire privé et fortuné, mais plutôt la collectivite québécoise qui s’en trouve ainsi appauvrie.”

13. Martin Blais, Philosophie du Pouvoir (Cahiers de Cité Libre), vol. 20.1, Ottawa/Montréal, 1970, 53–145: “Kant et bien d’autres nous en fournissent la raison … Toute société établit un ordre. La mafia comme l’Église.”

See: “Kant’s doctrines are destructively opposed to Catholicism. His teaching has been condemned by Popes Leo XIII and Pius X. His great work, ‘The Critique of Pure Reason’ was placed on the Index, 11th June, 1827. Inconsistent with Catholic teaching are (1) Kant’s Metaphysical Agnosticism, which declares his ignorance of all things as they really are; (2) his Moral Dogmatism which declares the supremacy of will over reason, thereby making blind will without the guidance of reason the rule of action; (3) his giving to religious dogma merely a symbolic signification; (4) diametrically opposed to scholastic teaching and the common sense of mankind is Kant’s theory of knowledge which makes mind and thought the measure of reality rather than making reality the measure of mind and thought. Kant maintains that things are so because we must think them so, not that we must think them so because they are really so independently of our thinking them. The reversal of the order of thought and reality, Kant calls his ‘Copernican Revolution’ in his theory of knowledge.”
Michael J. Mahony, History of Modern Thought, New York, 1933, 166.

14. Immanuel Kant, “The Critique of Pure Reason,” Great Books of the Western World: Kant, John Miller Dow Meiklejohn, translator & Robert Maynard Hutchins, editor in chief, Chicago, 1960, 106–106–127.

See: “The concept of the noumenon is problematical … the concept of the noumenon is not therefore the concept of an object, but only a problem … the so–called syllogism of Cartesius, cogito, ergo sum, is in reality tautological.”
Immanuel Kant, Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason: A Commemoration of the Centenary of Its First Publication, vol. 2, Friedrich Maximilian Müller, translator, London, 1881, 249–250–308.

15. Alison Stone, editor, “Introduction: Philosophy in the Nineteenth–Century,” The Edinburgh Critical History of Nineteenth–Century Philosophy, Howard Caygill & David Webb, general editors, Edinburgh, 2011, 1.

16. Immanuel Kant in Kant’s Principles of Politics Including His Essay on Perpetual Peace: A Contribution to Political Science, William Hastie, editor & translator, Edinburgh, 1891, 89–116. [Kant, Zum ewigen Frieden, 1795]

17. Immanuel Kant, Ibidem, 91–92.

The Kantian sophistical distinction between republicanism and democracy is profoundly corrupted by modern European subjectivism, relativism and irrationalism, and is therefore merely transcendental and phenomenal: The European followers of Kant oppose the American revolution to the French revolution, as the dictatorship of the proletariat, while his American followers connect the American revolution with the French revolution, as the power of the people. The modern European political and economic irrationalism of Immanuel Kant is no friend of American democracy and the rise of Global rational political and economic order in the world.

18. Charles Philippe Théodore Andler (1866–1933), “Préface: Hegel,” Le pangermanisme philosophique: 1800 à 1914, textes traduits de l’Allemand par M. Aboucaya [Claude Aboucaya], G. Bianquis [Geneviève Bianquis, 1886–1972], M. Bloch [Gustave Bloch, 1848–1923], L. Brevet, J. Dessert, M. Dresch [Joseph Dresch, 1871–1958], A. Fabri, A. Giacomelli, B. Lehoc, G. Lenoir, L. Marchand [Louis Marchand, 1875–1948], R. Serreau [René Serreau], A. Thomas [Albert Thomas, 1878–1932], J. Wehrlin, Paris, 1917, xliii: “L’ère nouvelle qui s’annonce, c’est–à–dire le ‘royaume de l’esprit réalisé,’ est celle, non seulement de Kant, mais de la Révolution française. Un vouloir libre, tout formel, dont le contenu se crée à mesure qu’il touche au réel, c’est là le principe kantien et c’est, non moins, le principe de la Révolution française. Ce principe donne des résultats pratiques dans la Révolution d’abord. La raison kantienne légifère pour le vouloir collectif comme pour le vouloir individuel … La Révolution fit cette tentative audacieuse de commencer par les vouloirs individuels, par les atomes du vouloir. C’est le vouloir collectif, l’Ancien Régime, que la philosophie révolutionnaire incrimine pour ses privilèges abusifs.”

See: “Hegel’s Lectures on the Philosophy of History demonstrate … that during the period of national sovereignty, a nation has rights conferred upon its people in virtue of their rôle as the ‘support of the universal spirit.’ With regards to this rôle, ‘the souls of all other people are diminished by right and they no longer count in world history.’ Hegel predicts for them a total moral absorption, a fate far worse than physical annihilation.”
Charles Philippe Théodore Andler, Ibidem, xxxvi: “La Philosophie de l’histoire démontrent … que, durant le déroulement de la période où il est souverain, un peuple a tous les droits que lui confère son rôle de ‘support de l’esprit universel.’ Au regard de ce rôle, ‘les âmes de tous les autres peuples sont diminuées de droit et elles ne comptent plus dans l’histoire.’ Hegel leur pronostique une destinée pire que la destruction physique, une totale absorption morale.”

Twentieth century pseudo–Hegelians and anti–Hegelians like Charles Andler reject the genuine Hegelian notion of universal freedom found in the authoritative works of Hegel, based upon their Kantio–Hegelian interpretations of citations from the non–authoritative editions: The Hegelian notion of universal freedom is sophistry, according to the Kantio–Hegelian delusions of modern irrationalists like Charles Andler, because for the inferior ruling classes of world history, “Hegel predicts for them a total moral absorption, a fate far worse than physical annihilation” (Hegel leur pronostique une destinée pire que la destruction physique, une totale absorption morale).

That I have laid out some of the philosophical reasons for the doctrine of American Idealism in the third edition of another writing of mine, an outline of sorts, named Americanism, is of slight importance: That the teaching therein involves the sciences of economics and politics is of some interest, however, and therefore has a bearing upon the subject at hand, namely, as the developmental unification and coaxial integration of the American world. In that work I flatter myself as the first Hegelian philosopher ever to apply the Dialectic of Hegel to the Hegelian Dialectic: “Modern irrationalism, in order to validate pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism, squares the Lecture Notes and the great works published by Hegel in his lifetime. Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism thus squares both Kant and Hegel in order to prove the speculative logical and dialectical system of the genuine Hegel’s philosophical science of Absolute Idealism is flawed. Irrationalism thus perverts the history of philosophy and modern Europe … Pseudo–Hegelianism and anti–Hegelianism is therefore the political and economic mask of modern European raison d’état. One drawback will never be remedied in Hegel philology: The Lecture Notes are not authoritative and are therefore useless in the exact determination of the ultimate worth of genuine Hegelianism … In the 20th century upwards of 500 million human beings were slaughtered in the contagion of modern political and economic satanism, more than in all the periods of history combined: Many hundreds of millions more were utterly ruined and destroyed by the most barbaric slavery ever recorded in the world. This is the ultimate verdict of exact historiography and universal history. From whence comes the disease of modern unreason?”
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, Archive.org, 2016, 6–9.

19. Anonymous [Pierre Trudeau?] and Guy Cormier, “Faites vos jeux” et “Fleches de tout bois,” Cité Libre, 1.1(Juin, 1950), 37–45: “[Emmanuel] Mounier restera present dans toute l’aventure que nous tentons aujourd’hui … Vive quand même la République!”

20. Emmanuel Mounier, Existentialist Philosophies: An Introduction, Eric Blow, translator, London, 1948, 20. [1947]

21. Emmanuel Mounier, Personalism, Philip Mairet, translator, London, 1952, xvi. [1950]

22. Simone de Beauvoir in Madeleine Gobeil, “Entrevue avec Simone de Beauvoir,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16(15).69(août–septembre, 1964): 30–31: “Nous avons toujours dit, Sartre et moi, que ce n’est pas parce qu’il y a désir d’être, que ce désir corresponde à une réalité quelconque. C’est comme Kant le disait, sur le plan intellectuel. Ce n’est pas une raison parce qu’on croit à des causalités pour qu’il y ait une cause suprême. Ce n’est pas parce qu’il y a chez l’homme un désir d’être pour qu’il puisse jamais atteindre l’être, ou même que l’être soit une notion possible, l’être en tout cas qui soit réflexion et en même temps existence. II y a une synthèse existence et être qui est impossible. Nous l’avons répété toute notre vie, Sartre et moi, et c’est le fond de notre pensée, il y a un creux dans l’homme et même ses réalisations ont ce creux en elles.”

23. The philosophy of Jean Chrétien in Laurence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 377.

24. Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” Québec, 1877, 10–11. [Italics added]

25. Brian Mulroney in Peter Charles Newman, “Appendix 9,” The Canadian Revolution 1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 451.

See: “The division of power under Canadian federalism [Québec Regime fédéralisme asymétrique], whereby provinces control the development of natural resources and the federal government controls their export, has reduced the possibility of formulating national electrical policies. The federal Department of Natural Resources Canada and Section 92A of the Constitution Act, 1982, asserts that trade in electricity and the installation of international transmission lines is subject to the prevalence of federal jurisdiction (with concurrent federal and provincial powers over inter provincial trade), whereas the planning, development, and distribution of hydroelectric resources within the provinces is the responsibility of each province.”
Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 51.

26. Michael Meighen in Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 62.

See: “In 1972, Desmarais hired Mulroney as negotiator during a labour dispute at his paper La Presse. In apparent appreciation of Mulroney’s work, Desmarais became Mulroney’s biggest financial backer, starting with his leadership bid in 1976. Mulroney confirmed the relationship after becoming Prime Minister. In September 1990, Mulroney appointed John Sylvain, Desmarais’s brother–in–law to the Senate, one of eight controversial appointments that ensured the passage of the Goods and Services Tax. In June 1993, Mulroney appointed Desmarais’s brother, Jean Noël Desmarais, to the Senate as part of a flurry of patronage appointments. Now Mulroney has returned to work for Power Corporation’s long–time law firm, Ogilvy Renault.”
Robert A. Hackett, Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, Aurora, Ontario, 2000, 131–132.

27. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 179. [Italics added]

28. Lawrence Martin, Ibidem, 379. [Italics added]

29. General de Gaulle (1964–1965) in John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 34–35.

30. John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, Montréal/Kingston, 1999, 4–5–6–11–13–14–18.

31. Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, Chicago, 1971, 380b.

See: “Trudeau and his group established the magazine Cité Libre (Community of the Free) [la Francophonie & Communauté]. In it Trudeau wrote: ‘In our relations with the state, we are fairly immoral: We corrupt civil servants, we use blackmail on M.P.’s, we put we put pressure on the courts, we defraud the treasury, we obligingly look the other way when it concerns our interests.’”
Paul Douglas Stevens, Ibidem.

See finally: “[Pierre Trudeau] was a separatist like the others were, like the élite was … he really carried things as far as he could, he became one of the leaders in that sort of thing.”
Monique Nemni in Anonymous, “New Book Traces Trudeau’s Separatist to Nationalist Shift,” CTV News, 13 November 2011.

32. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2e édition, Montréal, 2014, 14–15: “Claude Frenette, adjoint de Paul Desmarais … a été élu président de l’aile québécoise du Parti libéral fédéral en vue du congrès au leadership et, dans les bureaux mêmes de Power Corporation, avec Pierre Trudeau, il a établi le plan qui mènerait celui–ci à la direction du Parti libéral et au poste de premier ministre du Canada.”

33. See: “[36a] Louis became keenly interested in politics. His political hero was Wilfrid Laurier … St. Laurent attended St. Charles Seminary in Sherbrooke, Qué., and received a bachelor’s degree in 1902. He then studied law at Laval University in Québec and earned his law degree in 1905. St. Laurent refused the offer of a Rhodes Scholarship to Oxford University … In 1914, he became a professor of law at Laval University … St. Laurent ranked as one of the top Canadian authorities on constitutional law. From 1937 to 1939, he served as senior counsel to the Royal Commission on federalism … In November, 1941, minister of justice Ernest Lapointe died … [36b] [St. Laurent] took office as minister of justice on Dec. 10, 1941 … In 1958, St. Laurent returned to the practice of law in Québec. He also lectured on law at Laval University and served on the boards of several large Canadian corporations. St. Laurent did not withdraw completely from political life.”
Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis Stephen St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada 1948–1957,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, Chicago, 1971, 36a–36b. [Italics added]

See also: “Laval graduates were, in Mason Wade’s words, ‘the true makers of the Quiet Revolution.’”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1984, 45.

See also: “The aim of this meeting concerns the question of the transportation of electrical energy over long distances between the provinces. From our vantage point, this question is a purely provincial matter … The province of Québec, though determined to use its natural resources for its own development, welcomes mutually beneficial inter–provincial agreements, but in this matter Québec will not be subjected to any federal authority whatsoever [la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral].”
Jean Lesage (1962) in Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, Vancouver, 2011, 31: “Cette conférence aurait pour objet une discussion sur le transport à longue distance de l’énergie électrique entre les provinces. Nous considérons cette question de jurisdiction provinciale … La province de Québec, tout en étant déterminée à utiliser ses richesses naturelles pour favoriser son développement économique, est bien disposée à faire avec ses provinces soeurs des arrangements d’interêt mutuel mais elle n’entend pas accepter de le faire sous la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral.”

By the phrase, “la tutelle du gouvernement fédéral,” Jean Lesage means the Canadian statecraft of the British Imperialistic ruling class of the generation of Lester Pearson as well as the Canadocentric ruling class of John Diefenbaker: The political and economic power struggle between ruling classes in Canada is also the clash between the owners of White and Black Gold. For this reason the Hydro–Québec is the ultimate bastion of Québec Regime power: Its tentacles are the lifeblood of the Québec Inc.

See also: “[René Lévesque] became a popular hero, the point man of the Quiet Revolution, architect of the nationalization of private companies to form Hydro–Québec … [Lévesque] became a separatist in 1963. By then, the government of Jean Lesage was constantly at war with the new federal government of Lester Pearson. The battleground was jurisdiction. Both, quintessentially, were activist governments: Walter Gordon functioning as Ottawa’s answer to Lévesque, and just as staunchly nationalist as he.”
Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn (editor), The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians, Toronto, 1980, 239.

See also: “The economy of Québec must not be isolated, but open to the whole world, for then it will find new markets.”
Pierre Elliott Trudeau in Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 57.

See also: “Evening after evening, Lévesque would come to Pelletier’s house, to meet with a group that included Marchand, Trudeau, and Laurendeau, to test out his scheme to nationalize the private power companies, and to secure them as allies. Each and every one of Lévesque’s points, Trudeau would rebut … Time and time again, writes Desbarats, ‘the professor would casually skim a barbed epigram at Lévesque, puncturing him in full flight and bringing him down to earth in a temper.’ (Years later, Lévesque must have smiled when he read that Trudeau had created Petro–Canada.)”
Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 239.

Whatever philosophical differences with René Lévesque that Trudeau would refute, he always followed, exactly like Lévesque, the road of Québec nationalism in the Belle Province, but also in Ottawa: Pierre Elliott Trudeau always did everything in his power to advance the cause of the Quiet Revolution, which over the years greatly empowered the Québécocracy.

See finally: “I started work on this book late in November 1979 … I began work much earlier, gathering material and insights from three different perspectives: From 1968 to 1970, as executive assistant to the Hon. Eric Kierans; from 1970 to 1973, as a civil servant with a long–winded title; and from 1973, as a columnists for the Toronto Star … The book is neither a definitive biography nor a work of historical scholarship … Trudeau is without intellectual equal among Canadian politicians, today or in the past, and there are few in the world who can challenge him.”
Richard Gwyn in Richard Gwyn and Sandra Gwyn, Ibidem, 9–9–9–58.

The Northern Magus: Pierre Trudeau and Canadians, the book by Richard and Sandra Gwyn, is a work of hagiography. That this book was ever published in the first place, is proof of the profound mental flabbiness that afflicts our intelligentsia, the most ambitious of whom have long cultivated the habit of relocating to the United States of America, rather than suffer at the hands of the Québécocracy, a policy which has empowered Americanism over the years, and thereby greatly weakened the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, which in turn has uplifted Canada and the Canadian people.
Merci Richard and Sandra!

34. Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, 1998, 166–172–172.

35. Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, Saint–Laurent, 1996, 138–166: Le financier Lévesque, venu à Montréal de sa lointaine Gaspésie, “savait par expérience quelles difficultés attendaient un Canadian français [sic] désirant se lancer en affaires et il pris en quelque sorte le jeune et fougueux Desmarais sous as tutelle en lui ouvrant les portes des cercles financiers francophones du Québec … le Lévesque dont la plupart des Canadiens ont entendu parler est le volubile orateur, René, le ministre des Resources naturelles du Québec. Le riche, c’est Jean–Louis, un lointain cousin qui contrôle le plus grand empire financier du Québec.”

36. Sheila McLeod Arnopoulos, Voices from French Ontario, Kingston/Montreal, 1982, 157.

37. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 48.

38. Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 16: “Les Québécois ont connu la Révolution tranquille. L’Empire Desmarais leur mijote la Dépossession tranquille.”

See: “Paul Desmarais is not a builder, he is but an animal, a rapist, a wolf in sheep’s clothing: Over the years Desmarais has learned that it is much easier to hoodwink the Good Shepherd, and to thereby prey upon the flock, rather than struggle constantly against the powers that be … the whole of Québec discovered the truly vile and depraved character of Paul Desmarais when he and Michael Sabia, (the president of the Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, the Québec Pension Plan), were seen together as two love birds in a gilded–cage, at the palatial Manoir Desmarais, on the vast and luxurious estate of Sagard in the Saguenay: At that instant the scales fell from our eyes, and we understood the nature of his diabolism, and we perceived how our National Assembly, the ministers of our parliament, our highest officials and institutions of government, had all become the puppets of Paul Desmarais.”
Richard Le Hir, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, Montréal, 2012, 13: “Paul Desmarais n’est pas un bâtisseur. C’est un prédateur, un loup qui a compris qu’il est beaucoup plus facile de convaincre le berger de lui ouvrir toutes grandes les portes de la bergerie que de chercher continuellement à déjouer sa surveillance … Le séjour en famille de Michael Sabia, président de la Caisse de dépôt, au somptueux palais de Paul Desmarais à Sagard aura permis à tous les Québécois de découvrir le caractère totalement anormal et inacceptable des pratiques de l’empire Desmarais dans ses rapports avec le gouvernement du Québec, ses ministères et les entreprises et organismes qu’il contrôle.”

39. Henri de Kerillis, I Accuse de Gaulle, New York, 1946, xii–259–260.

40. Herbert Albert Laurens Fisher, Bonapartism: Six Lectures Delivered in the University of London, Oxford, 1908, 7–22–39–87–120.

41. Frank Morgan and Henry William Carless Davis, French Policy Since 1871, London, 1914, 4.

42. Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Introduction doctrinale et historique,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux: Contenant une introduction doctrinale et historique, le titre préliminaire du code civil et les titres de la jouissance et de la privation des droits civils, des actes de l’état civil, du domicile, des absents et du mariage, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, 2: “Le droit n’est pas l’oeuvre des hommes: Les législateurs humains ne le créent point. C’est un principe antérieur et préexistant, général, absolu, imprescriptible et invariable, parce qu’il tire sa source de la nature même de l’homme, qui ne change jamais. On le définit: Le fondement ou la raison première de la justice, le principe dirigeant des actions humaines, au point de vue du juste et de l’injuste. Cette définition, pour être complète et indiquer d’une manière exacte ce que c’est que le droit, aurait elle–même besoin d’être définie: Il faudrait, en effet, préciser ce principe dirigeant des actions humaines, cette raison première de toute justice. Mais la solution de ce problème est étrangère à l’objet de nos études, elle appartient aux philosophes plutôt qu’aux jurisconsultes. Suivant M. Cousin, la raison première de la justice consiste dans le respect de la liberté de l’homme.”

See also: “Nations are individuals: I will always maintain this analogy.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, L’Administration de la justice sous la domination française: Conférence faite devant l’Union Catholique, le 9 février 1879, Montréal, 1879, 119: “J’ai comparé les nations aux individus, je vais continuer à le faire.”

See finally: “France has the greatest laws and jurisprudence in the world … regardless of its perversity, the Napoléonic Code is actually the most beautiful and grandiose achievement of the almighty Napoléon Bonaparte … Napoléon Bonaparte, who uplifted himself, by which means no one has ever determined, to the heights of conceptual power in his knowledge of the greatest problems of jurisprudence and legislation, often participated in the deliberations of the Judicial Council. Napoléon’s great genius, his profound method and penetrating insight, always astonished the members of the judiciary.”
Pierre–Basile Mignault, Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux: Contenant une introduction doctrinale et historique, le titre préliminaire du code civil et les titres de la jouissance et de la privation des droits civils, des actes de l’état civil, du domicile, des absents et du mariage, Tome 1, Montréal, 1895, v–v–36: “Aucun pays ne possède une littérature légale comparable à celle de la France … Ce code [Code Napoléon], malgré ses défauts, est aujourd’hui le plus beau titre de gloire du grand homme [Napoléon Bonaparte] dont il porte le nom … Napoléon, qui s’est élevé, on ne sait comment, jusqu’à l’intelligence des problèmes les plus ardus du droit et de la législation, pris souvent part aux discussions du Conseil. Il y déploya toujours une clarté, une méthode, et quelquefois une profondeur de vues, qui furent pour tout le monde un sujet d’étonnement.”

See: “[Mignault] is now chiefly remembered for his monumental treatise Le droit civil canadien which is still cited as an authority in Québec courts … Many of his judgements, written in French and English, are considered authoritative statements on the civil law in Canada.”
John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, Edmonton, 1985, 1130–1131.

43. Louis Couzinet, “Le Prince” de Machiavel et la théorie de l’absolutisme, Paris, 1910, xix–xxi–xxvii–136–349–352: “Nous nous proposons un rapprochement, une comparaison, entre la doctrine de Machiavel, telle qu’elle ressort du Prince, et la doctrine de l’absolutisme, que nous essayerons de dégager, non pas de tel ou tel des théoriciens qui en furent les champions; mais de l’ensemble de ces théoriciens … les doctrines absolutistes, dans leur application, conduisent les princes aux mêmes résultats que les doctrines de Machiavel … Machiavélisme et absolutisme sont issus de situations historiques analogues. C’est là un premier point essentiel de notre parallèle. Cette situation inspire à Machiavel l’idée de la légitimité de tous les moyens destinés à atteindre un but d’intérêt public et à réaliser le salut de l’État … Tous ceux qui ont pu étudier Napoléon l de près, nous disent qu’il y avait en lui le Napoléon homme d’État, qui voyait dans le sang des hommes répandu un des grands remèdes de la médecine politique … Le Prince de Machiavel et les doctrines de l’absolutisme sont nés d’un même sentiment profond de patriotisme, à des époques et dans des pays où un souverain puissant était nécessaire pour faire cesser, sous sa domination, les désordres et la désunion, causes de la détresse nationale … Machiavel nous apparaît comme un patriote sans scrupule lorsqu’il s’agit de sauver l’État. Dans sa conception du gouvernement il se révèle à nous comme un politique soucieux du bonheur du peuple et respectueux de sa liberté.”

See: Abbé Aimé Guillon de Montléon (1758–1842), Machiavel commenté par Napoléon Bonaparte, manuscrit trouvé dans la carrosse de Bonaparte, après la bataille de Mont–Saint–Jean, le 15 février 1815, Paris,1816.

44. Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, The Prince, Luigi Ricci, translator, Oxford, 1921, 71.

45. Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’État and Its Place in Modern History, Douglas Scott, translator, Werner Stark, introduction, New Haven, 1962, 345.

See: “In our history of the idea of raison d’état, Machiavelli, Frederick the Great and Hegel stand out as the three most prominent figures … on glancing at Kant … one sees that the really permanent German ideas on the subject of the State had remained thoroughly un–Machiavellian.”
Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavellism: The Doctrine of Raison d’État and Its Place in Modern History, Douglas Scott, translator, Werner Stark, introduction, New Haven, 1962, 366–393–393.

In the 20th century, Kantianism and Hegelianism come together in the greatest clash of reason and unreason, as the outdated political and economic notion of the world is overcome in the Dialectic of Finitude, as the collapse of modern European irrationalism and the rise of Global freedom. Friedrich Meinecke and the sophistry (empiricism) of modern European irrationalism are therefore inseparable:

“[Heinrich Brüning] found Meinecke’s lectures more stimulating and soon won permission to enter his seminar on Prussian history. Meinecke taught his Strasbourg students that Frederick the Great had developed Prussia into a Great Power by championing religious toleration and the impartial administration of the laws, but that his state could make no further progress because of its reliance on blind obedience. Baron Karl vom Stein [Heinrich Friedrich Karl Reichsfreiherr vom und zum Stein, 1757–1831], who became chancellor in 1807 after Prussia’s catastrophic defeat by Napoléon, was the greatest of Prussian statesmen because he understood that further development required active participation in government by the citizens. To educate the citizenry in the virtues of patriotism, self–discipline, and service to the community, Stein [and the Royalists] abolished serfdom, created municipal self–government, and opened military careers to talent. He laid the foundation for Prussia’s resurrection by ‘reuniting state, nation, and individual’ in the spirit of Rousseau and the French Revolution, but with greater realism and ‘a more highly developed ethical sense’ [Kant]. Meinecke praised Stein in particular for understanding that Prussia’s mission did not end with its own borders, that it must teach all of Germany to create a healthy [Kantian] political community, and this was the lesson that Brüning always remembered most vividly. Meinecke acknowledged that Stein had suffered painful defeats by reactionary aristocrats but argued that his work had been vindicated by Prussia’s triumphs in the Wars of Liberation, which revealed a glowing new patriotism in the younger generation. Bismarck and the Reichstag had recently avenged many of Stein’s defeats, Meinecke suggested, and healthy progress was being made toward parliamentary democracy. To understand Brüning’s statements later in life praising Bismarck’s constitution, it is important to note that Meinecke taught his students to adopt a remarkably optimistic view of it. Brüning later echoed Meinecke, for example, when he asserted that the Imperial Reichstag would have gained the same influence as the British House of Commons if only the kaiser had been persuaded before 1918 to recruit his cabinet ministers from its ranks.”
William L. Patch, Jr., Heinrich Brüning and the Dissolution of the Weimar Republic, Cambridge, 1998, 17.

On glancing at Kant, one sees that the really permanent German ideas on the subject of the State had remained thoroughly un–Machiavellian: Frederick the Great had developed Prussia into a Great Power by championing religious toleration and the impartial administration of the laws, but his state could make no further progress because of its reliance on blind obedience. Baron Karl vom Stein, who became chancellor in 1807 after Prussia’s catastrophic defeat by Napoléon, was the greatest of Prussian statesmen because he understood that further development required active participation in government by the citizens. To educate the citizenry in the virtues of patriotism, self–discipline, and service to the community, Stein (and the Royalists) abolished serfdom, created municipal self–government, and opened military careers to talent. Stein, laid the foundation for Prussia’s resurrection by “reuniting state, nation, and individual” in the spirit of Rousseau and the French Revolution, but with greater realism and “a more highly developed ethical sense” (Kant). Prussia’s mission did not end with its own borders, that it must teach all of Germany to create a healthy (Kantian) political community. Baron vom Stein had suffered painful defeats by reactionary aristocrats but his work had been vindicated by Prussia’s triumphs in the Wars of Liberation, which revealed a glowing new patriotism in the younger generation. Indeed, Bismarck and the Reichstag had recently avenged many of Baron vom Stein’s defeats, and healthy progress was being made toward parliamentary democracy.

See also: “At the summit of his philosophy, Hegel now conceived of the State in general as an ‘individual totality,’ which developed in a quite concrete manner in accordance with its own special and peculiar vital laws, and which was thereby both permitted and obliged to set aside ruthlessly even the universal moral commands. By doing so, it did not (as his words show) behave immorally, but rather according to the spirit of a higher morality which was superior to the universal and customary morality … ‘The morality of the State is not the moral’ … ‘It is solely through the State that Man has any value, or any spiritual and intellectual reality’ … Hegel was also, as one knows, very strongly under the influence of Napoléon, and rejected any moralizing in the face of the great conqueror–personalities of world history. Thereby he certainly paved the way for a freer and more open–minded interpretation of the personalities of world history, but also for a laxer treatment of the problem of political ethics. He did not take the trouble to limit in any way the completeness of the grandiose powers which he granted to the interest–policy of States in their dealings with one another — apart of course from those reservations he made against the uncleanliness of Machiavelli’s methods, which he stated were only permissible in Machiavelli’s contemporary historical situation, and were not to be considered permanent and universally applicable. This only offered a flimsy kind of barrier against the excesses of a modern Machiavellism, which in the future would also be capable of justifying itself with some new and special contemporary situation, when it made use of its new and frightful methods which were basically perhaps just as immoral.”
Friedrich Meinecke, Ibidem, 361–361–365–369.

See also: “Hegel’s own course notes and those of his students should be used with caution to clarify and illustrate the meaning of the texts he published during his lifetime … In general, the student notes written during or after Hegel’s classes should be used with caution … What has been said about the student notes must also be applied to the so–called Zusatze (additions), added by ‘the friends’ to the third edition of the Encyclopedia (1830) and the book on Rechtsphilosophie … Some commentators, however, seem to prefer the Zusatze over Hegel’s own writings; additions are sometimes even quoted as the only textual evidence for the interpretation of highly controversial issues. For scholarly use, however, we should use them only as applications, confirmations, or concretizations of Hegel’s theory. Only in cases where authentic texts are unavailable may they be accepted as indications of Hegel’s answers to questions that are not treated in his handwritten or published work. If they contradict the explicit theory of the authorized texts, we can presume that the student is wrong, unless we can show that it is plausible that they express a change in the evolution of Hegel’s thought … According to Leopold von Henning’s preface (pp. vi–vii) in his edition (1839) of the Encyclopädie of 1830, the editors of the Encyclopedia sometimes changed or completed the sentences in which the students had rendered Hegel’s classes.”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy (Studies in German Idealism), Reinier Munk, series editor, Dordrecht, 2001, xvi–27–28–29–29.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse ― Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Erste Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1840, v–viii.

See also: Leopold Dorotheus von Henning, Hrsg., “Vorwort des Herausgebers,” Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Encyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften im Grundrisse ― Die Logik: Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s Werke, Vollständige Ausgabe durch einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten: D. Ph. Marheineke, D. J. Schulze, D. Ed. Gans, D. Lp. v. Henning, D. H. Hotho, D. K. Michelet, D. F. Förster, Erster Theil, Zweite Auflage, Sechster (6) Band, Berlin, 1843, v–viii.

See also: “The transcripts known today for all the Berlin lecture series are consistently, even surprisingly, reliable testimonies … It may indeed be disconcerting that only today do we doubt ― and not everyone does ― that Hegel’s lectures … are actually reproduced authentically in the published [Berlin] edition … that did not become full–blown for more than a hundred and fifty years. We can hardly examine here all the reasons for this circumstance.”
Annemarie Gethmann–Siefert, “Introduction: The Shape and Influence of Hegel’s Aesthetics,” Lectures on the Philosophy of Art: The Hotho Transcript of the 1823 Berlin Lectures, Robert F. Brown, editor and translator, Oxford, 2014, 32–46.

See finally: “Meinecke also publicly supported the Third Reich, especially its antisemitic laws, although he became unpopular with the Nazis in 1935.”
William E. Conklin, Hegel’s Laws, Stanford, California, 2008, 356.

46. Niccolò Machiavelli, Ibidem, 99–100.

47. Machiavelli, 102.

48. Machiavelli, 44–44–101–105.

49. See: “If this problem is not corrected by a very serious inquiry on the part of elected officials, in accordance with the laws of our National Assembly, the Desmarais oligarchy will threaten the power of our Parliament: Does the dangerous nature of this situation require even further proof? Will not this oligarchy eventually usurp the sovereign will of our representatives, and even our Prime Minister? … At this very moment, the Gelco–Trans–Canada Group (controlled by Paul Desmarais) is seeking to further acquire Le Soleil Newspaper, the readership of which is more than 175,000 people, as well as the daily newspaper Le Droit in Ottawa, which has a readership of some 45,000 people.”
Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14: “En faut–il davantage pour marquer le caractère grave d’une situation qui, si elle n’est pas l’objet d’un examen détaillé, scrupuleux et attentif―tel que le permettent nos règlements―de la part des élus du peuple et des responsables de l’État, risque d’abandonner dans les mains d’une oligarchie financière, une puissance plus grande que celle de l’État, une force éventuellement capable de contrecarrer les volontés des élus du peuple et de l’exécutif? … Le groupe Gelco–Trans–Canada [dirigé par Paul Desmarais] tente d’acquérir à l’heure actuelle, au moment où je vous parle, le journal Le Soleil, dont le tirage est de plus de 175 000 exemplaires et le quotidien Le Droit d’Ottawa, qui a un tirage de 45 000 exemplaires.”

See also: “Through Gesca Ltée, Desmarais controls several daily newspapers, including La Presse, Montréal’s prestigious broadsheet, and Québec City’s Le Soleil … Power Corporation, through its Square Victoria Communications Group subsidiary, and together with the corporate parent companies of the Toronto Star and Globe and Mail newspapers owns The Canadian Press.”
Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

See also: “[Paul Desmarais] had gained control of four of Québec’s eight French–language daily newspapers (La Presse, La Tribune of Sherbrooke, Le Nouvelliste of Trois–Rivieres and La Voix de l’Est of Granby), seventeen weeklies (including the three largest weeklies in the Montréal area), and ten radio and television stations (including Montréal’s CKAC, the largest French–language radio station in Canada). These acquisitions raised the spectre of a virtual information monopoly.”
Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

See finally: “It has taken some 30 years, but in November 2000 the Desmarais family finally gained control of the newspapers Le Soleil and Le Droit, along with Le Quotidien of Chicoutimi: The Desmarais family controls 70% of the written press in Québec … Canadians are outraged to learn that 66% of all their daily newspapers were owned by media conglomerates in 1970 and that this number had increased to 88% in 1995, and then increased to 95% in 1999. In Québec, all of our daily newspapers, except Le Devoir, are owned by media conglomerates: One conglomerate alone owns 70% of all our daily newspapers.”
Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008, 15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soleil et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaînes de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaînes, et une seule chaîne en possède 70%.”

50. Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

51. David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

52. Chrétien, Ibidem, 214.

53. See: “The assets he [Paul Desmarais] controls add up to $100 billion.”
Peter Charles Newman, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, Toronto, 1998, 165.

Newman does not draw the historically exact political and economic inference from this statement because he does not have at his disposal the reports and vast public archives of the Gomery (2005), Bastarache (2010) and Charbonneau Commissions (2011). He does however intimate the notion of the Québec Regime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais as the political and economic arm of the Québec Inc when he states:

“Among titans, Desmarais is in a class of his own. He is the only major establishment figure whose hold on power has bridged all of my books, having been featured in my first volume, published nearly a quarter of a century ago, just as prominently as he is in this one.”
Peter Charles Newman, Ibidem, 166.

See also: “The RCMP announced Friday that charges have been laid against a businessman who was described as the ‘central figure’ in the federal sponsorship scandal and was a close associate of ex–prime minister Jean Chrétien. Jacques Corriveau, a longtime federal Liberal organizer, is facing charges of fraud against the government, forgery and laundering proceeds of crime. He is to appear in court on January 10. The charges come after a wide–ranging investigation that was triggered nearly 11 years ago and is still underway. Police say, however, they are finished with the now 80–year–old Corriveau. The Mounties allege that Corriveau set up a kickback system on contracts awarded during the sponsorship program, using his Pluri Design Canada Inc. to defraud the federal government.”
Anonymous, “Charges Laid Against Chrétien–Friend Jacques Corriveau Stemming From Québec Sponsorship Scandal,” National Post, 13 December 2013.

See finally: “The Gomery commission’s report had laid bare the scheming and self–enriching [that] Liberals had engaged in with taxpayer funds.”
Jason Markusoff, “That Time the RCMP Dropped a Mid–Election Bombshell,” Maclean’s, 28 October 2016.

54. See: “For the second year in a row, André [husband of France Chrétien Desmarais, the daughter of Jean Chrétien] and Paul Desmarais Jr. are off the Forbes list of multi–billionaires in the world, because their wealth has been reorganized. This situation is surprising, considering the names of other Canadians on the Forbes list of multi–billionaires. According to Forbes Magazine, the personal fortunes of André and Paul Desmarais Jr. are now less than a $Billion. ‘André and Paul Desmarais Jr. were not on the Forbes list of multi–billionaires last year either. So far as we understand, they share the possession of Power Corporation shares with their entire family―with their mother and two associates (Michel Plessis–Bélair and Guy Fortin). In official documents, their shares of the Power Corporation are thus categorized as a Special Trust in the hands of the Desmarais family,’ according to Crystal Kwok, a porte–parole from Forbes … According to our calculations, the value of their Power shares held in the Special Desmarais Family Trust is actually $3.1–Billions.”
Jean–François Cloutier, “Comment les Desmarais ont évité le classement Forbes,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 25 mars 2017: “André et Paul Desmarais Jr. évitent pour une deuxième année consécutive de faire partie du classement des gens les plus riches du monde de la revue américaine Forbes en raison de la redistribution de la richesse entre les membres de la famille. Cette situation détonne par rapport aux autres grandes fortunes canadiennes qui apparaissent dans le classement Forbes. Selon les explications du magazine, cela est dû au fait que leur fortune personnelle individuelle se situe actuellement sous la barre du milliard de dollars. ‘André et Paul Desmarais Jr. n’étaient pas sur la liste des milliardaires de Forbes l’an dernier non plus. Tel que nous le comprenons, ils partagent la propriété des actions de Power Corporation avec toute leur famille―leur mère et deux proches (Michel Plessis–Bélair et Guy Fortin). Le propriétaire d’actions de Power est donné comme la Fiducie familiale résiduaire Desmarais dans les documents réglementaires,’ nous a écrit une porte–parole de Forbes, Crystal Kwok … Selon nos calculs, la valeur des actions de Power détenues dans la fiducie est actuellement de 3,1 milliards $.”

55. See: “John Napier Turner served as prime minister of Canada for 2½ months in 1984.”
Christina McCall, “John Napier Turner,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 19, Chicago, 1992, 516.

See also: “Becoming PM on June 30, Turner dissolved parliament on July 9.”
Robert Bothwell, “John Napier Turner,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, 1st edition, vol. 3, James Harley Marsh, editor, Edmonton, 1985, 1860.

56. Peter Charles Newman, The Canadian Revolution,1985–1995: From Deference to Defiance, Toronto, 1995, 389.

57. Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, Toronto, 1995, 326.

58. Ibidem, 323.

59. Ibidem, 332.

60. Ibidem, 369.

61. Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, 56. [2007]

See: “[Jean Chrétien] is a genuinely good man.”
Bill Clinton in Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, Toronto, 2008, back–cover. [2007]

62. Ibidem.

63. Ibidem, 57.

64. See: “Louis Desmarais has launched a lawsuit against the family of his late brother Paul Desmarais for $75–million. The elderly gentleman is now 92 years old, and he testifies that his late brother Paul Desmarais never returned to him, as he was promised, his 60,000 shares in the Power Corporation. The family of Paul Desmarais refutes this charge, and affirms that Paul Desmarais made no such promise to his brother Louis Desmarais … Louis Desmarais testified in court by video: He affirms that he came into the possession of 60,000 shares of the Power Corporation in 1975, which he gave to his brother Paul in 1979, at the latter’s request. Louis Desmarais testifies that at the time he received a verbal promise from Paul Desmarais, to the effect that one day he would regain his shares, otherwise he would be paid their equivalent market value. Paul Desmarais never kept his word affirms Louis Desmarais, who however has no documentation of the transaction.”
Geneviève Garon et Marc Verreault, “Un procès au civil déchire les Desmarais, de Power Corporation,” Radio Canada Économie, 12 Janvier 2017: “Louis Desmarais poursuit en justice la succession de son frère Paul pour 75 millions de dollars. L’homme de 92 ans allègue que son défunt frère ne lui a jamais rendu, comme promis, 60 000 actions de Power Corporation. Mais la succession de Paul Desmarais affirme que cette promesse n’a jamais été faite … Louis Desmarais a fait une déclaration vidéo enregistrée pour expliquer sa requête. Il affirme être entré en possession de 60 000 titres de Power Corporation en 1975, des actions qu’il aurait remises à son frère Paul en 1979, à la demande ce dernier, dit–il. Louis Desmarais dit avoir alors reçu, de son frère, la promesse verbale qu’il récupérerait un jour ces actions, ou la valeur correspondante. Cette promesse a été rompue, affirme Louis Desmarais, qui ne possède aucun document pour appuyer ses prétentions … l’avocat de la succession de Paul Desmarais, Guy Fortin, affirme que le défunt documentait et archivait la moindre de ses actions. Me Fortin, qui a été l’avocat principal de Paul Desmarais de son vivant, soutient que ce dernier faisait régulièrement de généreux dons aux membres de sa famille. Au fil des ans, Louis Desmarais lui–même a reçu 11 millions de dollars de son frère Paul. Il s’agissait de dons, allègue Me Fortin. C’était plutôt une redevance, affirme pour sa part le nonagénaire.”

65. See: “A huge, high–profile wedding in Montreal today involving the granddaughter of a billionaire and a former prime minister. The granddaughter of Paul Desmarais and Jean Chrétien is marrying a Belgian prince this afternoon. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is marrying Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx … 750 guests are expected, among them former French president Nicolas Sarkozy, described as a close friend of the Desmarais family. Chrétien’s daughter is married [to] a member of the Desmarais family.”
Luciano Pipia, “Huge Montreal Wedding Today,” CJAD 800 News, 7 September 2013.

See also: “This last Saturday at Mary–Queen–of–the–World Cathedral, there was a Royal Wedding, — which is very unusual in Canada. The granddaughter of Jean Chrétien and Paul Desmarais married the Belgian prince Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 years of age, is the daughter of André Desmarais, the president of Power Corporation and president of Power Financial Corporation. The mother of Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais is none other than France Chrétien–Desmarais, the daughter of Jean and Aline Chrétien: ‘It was such a beautiful ceremony,’ said Michaëlle Jean [Paul Martin’s Governor General of Canada and erstwhile Québec Separatist], ‘marriage is such a joyful occasion.’”
Annabelle Blais, “Un Faste Royale au Mariage de Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 September 2013: “La cathédrale Marie–Reine–du–Monde a accueilli, samedi, un mariage princier comme on en voit peu au Canada. Devant quelque 750 invités, la petite–fille de l’homme d’affaires Paul Desmarais et de l’ancien premier ministre Jean Chrétien a épousé le prince belge Hadrien de Croÿ–Roeulx. Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais, 23 ans, est la fille d’André Desmarais, président et co–chef de direction de Power Corporation (propriétaire de La Presse) et président délégué du conseil de Corporation financière Power. Sa mère, France Chrétien–Desmarais, est la fille de Jean et Aline Chrétien … ‘C’était une belle cérémonie,’ a indiqué Michaëlle Jean, ‘un mariage est un grand moment de joie.’”

66. “Le frère du milliardaire Paul Desmarais Sr est décédé, alors que sa poursuite de 75 millions $ autour d’une prétendue promesse remontant à 1979 n’est toujours pas réglée. Louis R. Desmarais, 94 ans, est décédé à son domicile de Saint–Lambert la semaine passée, indique un avis de décès du Centre funéraire Côte–des–Neiges. Le défunt, qui a notamment été député fédéral, était engagé depuis 2014 dans une bataille judiciaire contre la succession de son frère Paul Desmarais Sr. Dans sa poursuite civile, Louis R. Desmarais Sr allègue avoir vendu 60 000 actions de Power Corporation à son frère, à condition de les récupérer un jour. Or, personne n’a parlé de ce prétendu accord pendant 34 ans. Et Paul Desmarais Sr. est décédé en 2013, avant que quiconque ait pu vérifier la véracité des allégations­­. Il n’existerait en plus aucune­­ trace de ce contrat verbal … Le procès s’était déroulé en janvier dernier et les parties attendent, depuis, le jugement. Aucune date n’a été annoncée quant à la décision. La magistrature a fait savoir que le dossier était toujours en délibéré, mais la mort de Louis R. Desmarais Sr pourrait changer la donne. ‘Le décès de M. [Louis R.] Desmarais cause la suspension du dossier jusqu’à ce que la succession de celui–ci décide si elle va continuer,’ a fait savoir l’avocat du défunt, Me Karim Renno. Notons que Louis R. Desmarais a laissé dans le deuil ses six enfants et neuf petits–enfants … Au cours du procès, le codirigeant actuel de Power Corporation avait affirmé qu’après des recherches, aucune trace de l’accord allégué n’avait été trouvée. Paul Desmarais Sr avait d’ailleurs ajouté avoir été surpris par la soi–disant existence d’une telle promesse, d’autant plus que son père était un homme très généreux envers ses frères et sœur. Le témoin avait ainsi donné en exemple un dîner où chaque invité a eu la surprise de recevoir un chèque d’un million $, caché sous les assiettes à table. ‘Il était tellement heureux qu’il l’a refait­­ l’année d’après,’ avait dit le fils du défunt au tribunal. Le frère de Paul Desmarais Jr., André, avait pour sa part ajouté que son père avait pris soin de bien organiser sa succession afin d’éviter tout problème et ainsi garder une famille ‘unie, égale et heureuse.’ En plus d’avoir été député au fédéral de 1979 à 1983 et maire adjoint de Sudbury de 1963 à 1965, Louis R. Desmarais a aussi occupé des postes importants au sein de Power Corporation, Canada Steamship Lines et Voyageur Bus Lines.”
Michael Nguyen, “Succession de Paul Desmarais Sr: Louis R. Desmarais est décédé: Il réclamait 75 millions $ à la succession de son frère,” Journal de Montréal: Actualité: Faits Divers, 3 avril 2017.

67. Justice France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, Québec, 2015, 74: “Les stratagèmes de collusion et de corruption ainsi que les activités d’infiltration du crime organisé que la Commission a mis au jour ne sont pas sans conséquence. Le détournement des processus de passation des marchés publics dans l’industrie de la construction et des règles de financement des partis politiques, et l’infiltration du crime organisé dans cette industrie, ont non seulement engendré des coûts économiques pour l’ensemble de la société québécoise, mais ils ont aussi miné ses fondements démocratiques, porté atteinte au principe de la primauté du droit et ébranlé la confiance des citoyens dans les institutions publiques.”

68. Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.

See also: “Elio Pagliarulo, an old friend and close associate of businessman Paolo Catania, of Frank Catania and Partners, affirmed this Monday before the Charbonneau Commission that the Rizzuto crime family controlled the construction contracts in Montreal. Paolo Catania, according to Monsieur Pagliarulo, told him that the mafia pocketed 5 per cent of the value of the corrupt contracts in Montreal. The contracts were organized by Rocco Sollecito, through the mediation of Nicolo Milioto. The Catania people belong to the organized crime family controlled by the so–called Godfather Vito Rizzuto, according to Elio Pagliarulo.”
Anonyme, “Commission Charbonneau: Elio Pagliarulo, un ancien partenaire d’affaires de Paolo Catania à la barre,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 29 octobre 2012: “Un ex–ami et confident de l’homme d’affaires Paolo Catania de Frank Catania et associés, Elio Pagliarulo, a affirmé lundi à la commission Charbonneau que le clan mafieux Rizzuto organisait des contrats de construction à Montréal. Il soutient que Paolo Catania lui a déjà dit que la mafia empochait 5% de la valeur des contrats truqués à Montréal. Les contrats étaient organisés par Rocco Sollecito, avec l’aide d’un intermédiaire, Nicolo Milioto. Les Catania appartenaient au clan du présumé parrain de la mafia Vito Rizzuto, affirme M. Pagliarulo.”

69. Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto, 2010, 8–195.

70. André Cédilot and André Noel, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, Toronto, 2012, 53.

See also: “Mélina Rizzuto is the president of Rizzuto Investments, a family owned company. She has signed legal documents for the company. Ms. Rizzuto is the daughter of the late Pietro Rizzuto, a senior official in the Liberal Party of Canada who was a longtime senator in Ottawa. Giuseppe Zambito, the father of Lino Zambito, is one of the members of the board of Rizzuto Investments: The latter affirms that Gilles Vaillancourt the mayor of Laval received 2.5 per cent of the value of every contract awarded by the City of Laval in a kickback scheme.”
Andrew McIntosh, “Une revente très profitable pour les Rizzuto,” TVA Nouvelles, 22 octobre 2012: “Mélina Rizzuto est présidente des Placements Rizzuto, une société de portefeuille familiale. Elle a signé les actes notariés pour la société. Mme Rizzuto est la fille de Pietro Rizzuto, un organisateur du Parti libéral qui est décédé en 1997 et qui avait longtemps occupé un siège de sénateur. Parmi les membres du conseil d’administration de Placements Rizzuto, on retrouve Giuseppe Zambito, le père et associé en affaires de Lino Zambito (son fils), celui–là même qui a avancé que le maire de Laval, Gilles Vaillancourt, percevrait 2,5% en pots–de–vin sur chacun des contrats qu’accorde la Ville de Laval.”

71. Claire Hoy, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, Toronto, 1988, 279.

72. See: “Admirers of Hegel are accustomed to refer to the first edition [Encyclopaedia of the Philosophical Sciences in Outline], as having most of the author’s freshness and power … in America, no one can look back a few years, without observing that the whole tone of our public men has changed, and that the phrases, ‘progress,’ ‘necessary development,’ and ‘God in history,’ occur with marked frequency.”
Anonymous, “Karl Rosenkranz: The Life of Hegel,” The Biblical Repertory and Princeton Review, 20.4(October, 1848): 575–586. [Italics added]

See also: “[29] No writer has carried personification of the faculties to a greater length than has Kant. ‘Pure reason,’ he says, ‘leaves every thing to the understanding which refers immediately to the objects of the intuition, or rather to their synthesis in the imagination.’ Here the mind disappears altogether, and certain imaginary entities take its place … [102] Consciousness does not affirm that the mind creates space: It affirms that the mind cognizes it. It is not, then, a creation of the mind, a subjective state, as is held by Kant … [107] we know that duration is. Like space, it is neither a material nor a spiritual existence. It is not a creation of the mind or form of our cognitions, as is asserted by Kant and others―whatever that phrase may mean … [219] The absolute perfection of God is revealed to us.”
Joseph Alden, Elements of Intellectual Philosophy, New York, 1866, 29–102–107–219.

See finally: “[Hegel’s] legacy was quickly dispersed into … the service of orthodox Protestant theology.”
George Di Giovanni, “The New Spinozism,” The Edinburgh Critical History of Nineteenth–Century Philosophy, Alison Stone, editor and Howard Caygill and David Webb, general editors, Edinburgh, 2011, 27.

73. Charles Margrave Taylor, “La révolution futile ou les avatars de la pensée globale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 10: “Ce que j’appelle une pensée globaliste, c’est une pensée qui définit la réalité par rapport à un seul facteur, qui groupe non seulement l’ensemble mais une totalité de problèmes, tous les maux dont souffre un peuple, pour y trouver une seule et unique solution.” [Italics added]

74. Henry Silton Harris, “The Hegel Renaissance in the Anglo–Saxon World Since 1945,” The Owl of Minerva, 15.1(Fall, 1983): 78–84.

75. See: “The problem as to whether or not and to what extent Hegel succeeded in overcoming Kant’s ‘thing–in–itself’ is a separate question. At any rate, this was his aim. In a metaphysics of the Absolute Spirit, realities beyond the realm of knowledge, in so far as the ‘thing–in–itself’ represents such realities, cannot exist.”
Richard Hoenigswald, “Philosophy of Hegelianism,” Twentieth Century Philosophy: Living Schools of Thought, Dagobert David Runes, editor, New York, 1947, 270.

See finally: “Hegel’s presence in twentieth–century philosophy is overwhelming … Was Hegel too complicated, or too much of a Janus, to be understood in a non–unilateral, dialectical, rational way?”
Adriaan Theodoor Basilius Peperzak, “Introduction,” Modern Freedom: Hegel’s Legal, Moral, and Political Philosophy (Studies in German Idealism), Reinier Munk, series editor, Dordrecht, 2001, 1–49.

Chapter 5: Paul Martin, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines

1. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 18–19–61.

The twisted and demonic face of Paul Martin Junior and the Québécocracy is no Janus head, but the mask of smiles, the mask of frowns, and the poker–faced mask, which is the most dangerous mask of them all.

2. This writing is dedicated to the memory of the many Canadians and their families whose lives were wrecked under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais, and who endured great suffering and hardship in the face of overwhelming opposition in their search for justice: May their struggles not be in vain.

The cause of Canada and the Canadian People is well–worth fighting for, as the highest sacrifices of our ancestors in all the battlefields of the earth prove, in the liberation of humanity from the chains of oppression and the yoke of barbarism in the 20th century, and which are the eternal witnesses of the glory of our great and almighty civilization in the heart of the American world.

The catalog of the monstrous political and economic crimes of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais cannot be summarized with complete certainty until the Government of Canada makes the archives of Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin known to the public. But it is very important that we should form a provisional judgement of the historical nature of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais from such material as is available. For this step is a necessary phase in the renovation of our political and economic institutions and the aggrandizement of Canada and the Canadian People: Only by this insight into the political and economic necessity of such a recovery can our beloved civilization be rescued from the shameful financial, commercial and industrial decay in which we are immersed at the present time.

3. See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism: The New Hegelian Orthodoxy, 3rd edition, GOOGLE+ 2017.

4. Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 11.

See: “For those who are educated, our French training naturally leads us to the study of modern liberty, not in the classic land of liberty, not in the History of old England, but amongst the nations of continental Europe, amongst the nations that are allied to us in blood or in religion. And, unfortunately, the history of liberty is written there in characters of blood, in the most heart–rending pages of the history of the human race … Our souls are immortal, but our means are limited. We unceasingly approach toward an ideal which we never reach. We dream of the highest good, but secure only the better. Hardly have we reached the limits we have yearned after, when we discover new horizons, which we have never dreamed of. We rush towards them, and when they have been reached in their turn, we find others which lead us on further and further. Thus shall it be as long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions. He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced … It is true that there exists, in Europe, in France, in Italy and in Germany, a class of men who call themselves liberals, but who are liberal but in name, and who are the most dangerous of men. They are not Liberals they are Revolutionists. Their principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”
Wilfrid Laurier, Lectures on Political Liberalism, Québec, 1877, 6–11–16.

Remark: Wilfrid Laurier draws his political and economic distinction between classic Liberalism and revolutionism based upon the historical division between old England and continental Europe, this is his version of the influential historiographical distinction between the Industrial revolution and the French revolution, which is also the world historical groundwork of the clash between so–called modern liberalism and socialism, namely the struggle at various stages between monarchism and republicanism in the political and economic realm of modern European history. The Iron Duke did indeed crush the Emperor of France. Wilfrid Laurier thus places himself in the camp of those leaders who seek to preserve modern society from revolution and the “most dangerous of men” of France, Italy and Germany.

Karl Marx the most dangerous revolutionary of the age lived out his days in England. Wilfrid Laurier ignores this historical fact, evident even in his own time, during the last half of the 19th century: In the rising revolt of the masses there are very famous anarchists and revolutionists in Great Britain and the English–speaking world, whose influence is working to destroy modern society, and who are themselves the “most dangerous of men,” otherwise at least as dangerous as the modern revolutionists of France, Italy and Germany. Even in 1877 these men and women are making their presence felt in the very bowels of the great powers of the Western world, in London, Berlin, Vienna and Moscow. Thus Laurier’s political and economic distinctions are merely verbal.

Yet Laurier bases his own specious distinctions on the modern irrationalism of the dangerous revolutionaries that he condemns: “As long as man is what he is, as long as the immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, so long shall its desires be beyond its means, its actions can never equal its conceptions.” Which “it” does Laurier mean, the immortal soul versus the mortal body or both the immortal soul and the mortal body? Insofar as its actions can never equal its conceptions, the result is the same: Actions can never equal conceptions. And in the fashion of the modern irrationalists, Laurier advances no rational argument in favor of his doctrine, but reverts to mythology and poetry: “He is the true Sysiphus of the fable, its completed work has ever to be recommenced.” Thus Laurier’s distinctions are not only verbal, but also sophistical.

We know the true political and economic colors of Wilfrid Laurier: When faced with the stark choice of preserving modern society and old England, convulsed under the powers of irrationalism and revolutionism, Laurier sided in the end with those men like Louis Riel whose “principles carry them so far that they aspire to nothing less than the destruction of modern society.”

5. Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Canadocentric Politics, Vancouver, 2016.

See: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, The Canadocentric Polity, Vancouver, 2014.

6. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

Remark: Paul Martin Junior contradicts some of this in his memoirs: “I realized my position on the board was hopeless and that to stay any longer would be a betrayal of everything we had done at CDIC during my four–year tenure, so I resigned.” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 76.

See: “Paul Martin was on the board of the Canadian Development Corporation (CDC) from 1981–1987.” Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Remark: Paul Martin Junior in his political memoirs devotes less than a half page to his “four–year tenure” at CDIC (Canadian Development and Investment Corporation), and he makes no mention of the Tainted–Blood Scandal and the Krever Commission Report. Considering the tragic dimensions of the Tainted–Blood Scandal, one of the biggest in Canadian history, this is very surprising, and is the first indication a fortiori that Paul Martin Junior is hiding something. We shall soon discover exactly what this is: The easiest place to hide is always in plain sight.

See also: “Au moment du discours de Paul Martin sur la vaccination contre la polio, en 1956, la production du vaccin Salk est à la veille d’atteindre son maximum. Le laboratoire de virologie de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal est inauguré le 23 avril 1956, en présence de Paul Martin, du premier ministre du Québec, Maurice Duplessis, et du maire de Montréal, Jean Drapeau … Les gouvernements investissent d’importantes sommes dans la recherche et la production du vaccin Salk. La construction des laboratoires de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène de l’Université de Montréal coûte un million de dollars, dont 650 000 $ proviennent du gouvernement du Québec. L’Institut reçoit également 250 000 $ du gouvernement fédéral dans le cadre de l’entente fédérale–provinciale sur les subventions nationales à l’hygiène … Paul Martin accorde une subvention aux laboratoires Connaught en 1953. Il s’engage également auprès de Maurice Duplessis à payer les coûts de production du vaccin Salk, alors que le gouvernement du Québec absorbe les coûts du la construction de l’Institut de microbiologie et d’hygiène dirigé par Armand Frappier.”
Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

See finally: “ … Martin was an unshakable Grit, who inherited a strong Liberal partisan identity rooted in the reform traditions of the ‘clear grits’ of pre–Confederation Ontario. The nickname referred to the fine sand valued by Upper Canadian masons — ‘all sand sand no dirt, clear grit all the way through.’ It was echoed in the American ‘true grit,’ conveying pluck and determination. Martin embodied both meanings. He resolutely practiced a tolerant and civil politics that sought to unite Canadians in their shared struggle for a more just and equitable social order [Québécocentricism].”
Greg Donaghy, “Preface,” Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, Vancouver/Toronto, 2015, xiii–xiv.

Remark: Greg Donaghy’s Liberal hagiography, backed by famous sycophants of the Québec Regime, namely John English and company, is the result of not seeing Canada whole: Donaghy conveniently ignores and neglects Paul Martin’s longstanding and substantial political and economic links to the Empire of Paul Desmarais and the Québécocracy in Ottawa. Greg Donaghy’s book is therefore based upon a partial view of Canada and Canadian history, as his slim bibliography, and gross omission of franco–Canadian and Québec sources, proves. This ignorance, of course, is not entirely the fault of the author, since the Government of Canada archives of the past half–century are mostly sealed: There are, however, abundant sources and studies on the Québécocracy available in the French language.

So–called history and biography, like that produced by Greg Donaghy, which does not inscribe Québécocrats like Paul Martin in the rise and fall of the Québec Regime in Ottawa 1968–2006, are devoid of the conception of Québécocratic power, and therefore lack the notion of world historical scientivity. The reason for this omission is evident: The last Québécocrats in Ottawa are still working away destroying the remaining foundations of Québécocratic power, under the guidance of their delusions it is true. But these necessary illusions are not phantasies in themselves, but rather delusions in virtue of the mental flabbiness of the degenerate ruling classes in the face of Global American civilization: Their inability to perceive the whole is the result of their political and economic inferiority, their Machiavellism and Bonapartism, which is ultimately the basis of their self–destructive behavior.

They cannot perceive that the weakness of Western Canadian finance, commerce and industry places a much greater taxation burden upon South Central Ontario, which means that public debts must increase dramatically in the coming years: This means services must be cut as in 1995. This result entails the destruction of the last remnants of the soixante–huitard ruling class which brought the Québec Regime into power. In Canada the strife between Bonapartism (enshrined as Eurocracy) and American Idealism is passing–away. Americanism prevails.

7. See: “Former pediatric cardiac patients who had received multiple transfusions … 17 of the 1,783 children were infected with the AIDS virus.” André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, Toronto, 1995, 152–153.

See: “Perhaps they [Paul Martin and company] had never heard about the RCMP investigation that resulted in Continental Pharma pleading guilty in 1980 for falsely labeling blood as coming from Swedish donors when it had actually been extracted from Russian cadavers.” Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 31

8. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 26–27.

9. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

10. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

11. See: “Our federation is ‘asymmetrical’” Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 167.

Remark: Incidentally, in response to rabid Québécocentrics like Pierre Trudeau, Brian Mulroney, Jean Chrétien and Paul Martin Junior, themselves deeply infatuated at an early age with modern European irrationalism, we do well to ask: Under the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais 1968–2006, was Canada really a federation or rather a pseudo–federation? Pseudo–federalism in Canada is politique fonctionelle, namely Québec Régime fédéralisme asymétrique (modèle Québécois), and is profoundly asymmetrical: The Lion’s Share of all federal employment, public works and infrastructure contracts, and equalization is pocketed by Québec Régimers and the Québec Inc. We must not forget to mention the many provincial, as well as federal, crown corporations controlled by Québec Régimers, that have invested over the decades the Lion’s Share of vast amounts of resources from the treasuries of English and French Canada in the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class: Canada Pension Plan Investment Board (CPPIB), Ontario Teachers’ Pension Plan (OTPP), Alberta Investment Management Corporation (AIMCo), British Columbia Investment Management Corporation (BCIMC).

Large profits from these schemes flow out of Canada because many of the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of the criminal ruling class are located in Europe, far beyond the reach of Revenu Canada:

“The Public Sector Pension Investment Board picked London as its European hub and plans to spend as much as 4.6 billion pounds ($6 billion) in the region in the next five years. The fund, which manages the savings of the Canadian Armed Forces, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and the Reserves, plans to hire executives for its private–equity and private–debt business … London will remain the key financial center in the region despite bouts of uncertainty and volatility following the decision to leave the European Union, André Bourbonnais, president and chief executive officer at PSP, said in an interview … The fund continues to seek infrastructure investments.”
Sarah Jones, Ruth McGavin and Sarah Syed, “Canadian Fund With $6 Billion War Chest Picks London for EU Hub,” Bloomberg, 9 May 2017.

No doubt the Lion’s Share of the profits generated from these so–called “infrastructure investments” will line the pockets of Lafarge Holcim, and the cream will end up in Laurent Beaudoin’s bank accounts in Switzerland and the Tropics, far beyond the reach of Revenue Canada: Canadian pensioners will then fight over the crumbs from the feast. The Québec Régimers hide behind the language of the Industrial Revolution, in order to disguise their Napoléonic and French Revolutionary conception of right, in the same fashion as Wilfrid Laurier. These kindergarten tricks quickly evaporate in the face of Uncle Sam’s political and economic meat hook.

The sick and the elderly thus rot in the bread lines, soup kitchens and flop houses, otherwise they are shuffled into the bone yards, while Laurent Beaudoin and his family of Québec Régime parasites gorge themselves on caviar, champagne and filet mignon. These are the naked political and economic facts.

See: “We consider that the modèle Québécois is long gone: It really does not exist anymore.”
Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque et Yves Vaillancourt “Trois positions dans le débat sur le modèle québécois,” Nouvelles pratiques sociales, 122(1999): 1–10, 1: “Pour nous, ce modèle relève du passé: Il n’existe plus comme tel.”

Remark: The actions of the Trudeau Liberals and the New Québec Régime in Ottawa, with regards to the gift of nearly a half billion dollars from the Treasury of Canada, delivered to their biggest backers Laurent Beaudoin and Pierre Beaudoin and Bombardier proves the very opposite, namely that the modèle Québécois is not long gone and still exists, albeit in somewhat reduced size. This is also proof of the profound corruption of Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque and Yves Vaillancourt, as well as the Québec Intelligensia over the decades at the hands of Paul Desmarais.

Whosoever takes the most money from the Treasury of Canada has the most political and economic power: Laurent Beaudoin has taken more than $4–Billion from the treasury over the years, therefore Laurent has the most political and economic power: “Since 1966, when it collected its very first subsidy, Bombardier has received over $4 billion in public funds,”
Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montreal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

Whosoever has the most political and economic power in Canada rules over Ottawa. Therefore Laurent Beaudoin is the ruler of Canada. These are the naked political and economic facts: The New Québec Regime in Ottawa, after the death of Paul Desmarais, is a Bombardier ruling class.

Incidentally, the total amount must be substantially higher than $4–Billion because the exact amount of money is a very closely guarded secret in Ottawa: “Bombardier Inc. has gone to great lengths to suppress the release of information about the government funding it receives, heading to court 10 times in nine years, often citing competitive concerns … how that money was spent, and how or even if it was paid back is difficult to discern from the documents released. While Bombardier says the information must be withheld for competitive reasons, the company has made this argument far more frequently than its industry peers … Most of this taxpayer funding is in the form of repayable or conditionally repayable loans … because of Bombardier’s efforts to block the release of information, it’s virtually impossible to determine whether the individual contributions―and repayment of those contributions―met the objectives and forecasts of the government. It’s also very difficult to discover whether government contributions have created the jobs that were promised when the funding was announced … The company said it is simply protecting its legal right to withhold information on competitive grounds … Bombardier’s legal strategy appears to be working, as it has successfully challenged several requests for information in the courts,”
Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

It does appear therefore, at first sight at least, that the newly created Infrastructure Bank of the Liberal Government of Canada, under the influence of the New Québec Regime in Ottawa, is merely a massive make — work scheme for the Québec Inc, paid for by the treasury of Canada, mostly with English Canadian taxes from South Central Ontario, since nearly half the population of Québec is so poor they pay no federal income tax: “The number of taxpayers who have declared their fiscal situation is nearly 6.5 million Québéckers. Attention: Of these ‘taxpayers,’ only 4.1 million are actually taxable. Many declare their fiscal situation but pay no tax … little more than 4 million Québéckers actually pay tax in Québec, about half of the population.”
David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017: “Le nombre de contribuables ayant produit une déclaration s’élève à près de 6,5 millions. Mais attention: Parmi ces ‘contribuables,’ seulement 4,1 millions sont en réalité imposables. Beaucoup produisent une déclaration, mais ne payent aucun impôt … un peu plus de 4 millions de particuliers paient de l’impôt au Québec, soit environ la moitié de la population.”

In Québec little more than 4 million Canadians actually pay any income tax, and therefore mutatis mutandis the same holds good at the federal level: Since little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any income tax to the Government of Québec, a fortiori, little more than 4 million Canadians in Québec actually pay any federal income tax to Ottawa. In other words, nearly half the population of Québec is so poor that some 4 million Canadians in Québec pay no federal income tax. This profound financial, commercial and industrial retardation is the result of the political and economic irrationalism of the Québec Régime in Ottawa and Empire of Paul Desmarais: The main culprits of this mortal corruption (la décadence) are the backwards cartels, outdated monopolies and corrupt trusts of Paul Desmarais, Laurent Beaudoin, Lino Saputo and Paul Martin Junior, as well as many other Québec Régimers.

See: “According to information from the Québec Government, 6.47 million taxpayers, otherwise 36%, earned less than $20,000 in 2013 while 14% earned between $20,000 and $29,999 … in the same year, 50% of the taxpayers in Québec earned less than $30,000 while 73% earned less than $50,000.”
Léo–Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016: “Selon les données du gouvernement du Québec, 6,47 millions de contribuables, soit 36%, ont gagné moins de 20 000$ en 2013 et 14% ont empoché entre 20 000$ et 29 999$ … en 2013, 50% des contribuables québécois ont gagné moins de 30 000$ et 73% moins de 50 000$.”

See: Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

Remark: American federalism, which prevails in Washington, established by the Constitution of the United States of America, is profoundly symmetrical. Americans obviously consider that American democracy means the White House should not be occupied for a half–century by Presidents from (say) California. American federalism is rational political and economic order in the world of today. The opposite and antithetical position, which is political and economic sophistry, is the fountainhead of anti–Americanism in the world of today:

“French Canadian and English Canadian are both under the political and economic domination of the United States of America. We therefore both need each other, in order to escape from this despicable situation … We Canadians have only one true reason for sticking together, in order to work hard and to enrich ourselves from this wealthy country: Once Canadians really shoulder this great burden, then we will have a true ‘national purpose.’ Canada will then be in a position to negotiate with America, not as a satellite but as an equal power.” Jean Pellerin, “Coup d’oeil rapide sur une situation tragique: Les USA achètent le Canada avec notre propre argent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.68(juin–juillet, 1964): 8–20: “Les Canadiens français, tout comme les Canadiens anglais, sont tous deux soumis à la domination économico–politique des États–Unis. Ils ont tous les deux besoin l’un de l’autre s’ils veulent réellement échapper à la situation déshonorante dans laquelle ils se trouvent … Les Canadiens n’ont qu’un seul motif de vivre ensemble, et c’est de se serrer les coudes en vue de s’emparer à leur profit de ce pays extrêmement riche qui est le leur. Quand les Canadiens se seront réellement attelés à cette tâche gigantesque on pourra dire qu’ils ont un ‘national purpose.’ Ce jour là, le Canada pourra négocier, non comme un satellite, mais comme une puissance autonome avec les États–Unis.”

It goes without saying that anti–Americanism, in its various guises and disguises, is a very dangerous, pernicious and harmful ideology, especially in the Middle East, but also in South Central Asia.

Remark: In Canada the political and economic realm of American finance, commerce and industry is a profoundly Canadocentric power, namely the Canadosphere: Rational political and economic order in Canada is inseparable from Washington and the American superpower.

12. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 33.

13. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

14. Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? Toronto, 2003, 11.

15. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 35–35–41–48–50.

16. André Picard, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, Toronto, 1995, 158–159.

17. Ibidem, 36.

18. Ibidem, 9.

19. Yves Michaud (1968) in Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, Montréal, 2008, 13–14.

The rejection of the Québéckocentric media in Canada is not a rejection of the Canadian media and journalism per se, but rather the rejection of media and journalism used for the purpose of political propaganda, disinformation and indoctrination at the hands of a criminal ruling class. Obviously politics is not immune to corruption: Mortal corruption however destroys the very foundations of civilization.

See: “Everything in Québec is so corrupt … everyone is controlled by the Power Corporation, from Jean Chrétien to Pierre–Marc Johnson, they all work for the Power Corporation … Québéckers are so corrupt that we are even worse than the Americans, but America does not control Québec: The Power Corporation rules over Québec … I don’t know how to put all the pieces of this puzzle together … I just don’t know why Québec is so corrupt. Maybe you can tell me why we Québéckers are so corrupt?”
Senator André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5: “Tout est pourri … tout est dirigé par Power Corporation, tout le monde sait ça. Chrétien, Johnson, c’est Power Corporation … On est tellement pourris qu’on s’en vient pire que les Américains. Mais c’est pas eux qui ont le contrôle, c’est Power Corporation … moi, je ne sais pas comment on peut mettre ça ensemble … je ne comprends pas pourquoi tout est pourri. Peut–être que vous, vous pourriez m’expliquer?”

See finally: “Dodgy business is only the most recent in a long line of made–in–Québec corruption that has affected the province’s political culture at every level … The province’s dubious history stretches further back to the 1970s, and to the widespread corruption in the construction industry as Québec rushed through one mega project after another … As politicians and experts from every facet of the political spectrum told Maclean’s, the history of corruption is sufficiently long and deep in Québec that it has bred a culture of mistrust of the political class. It raises an uncomfortable question: Why is it that politics in Canada’s bête noire province seem perpetually rife with scandal?”
Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

See: “La planification française se distingue de la planification faite ailleurs tant dans l’élaboration du plan lui–même que dans l’exécution. L’élaboration est une oeuvre collective à laquelle participent des milliers d’individus représentant tous les horizons économiques. La première étape est réalisée quand le Cabinet prend position sur les grandes lignes du plan, préalablement préparées par le Commissaire Général du Plan. À ce stade on s’entend par exemple sur un taux raisonnable de croissance pour une période de quatre ans. Par la suite le Commissariat se voit confier la tâche de détailler ces directives générales et de rédiger le plan dans sa forme définitive, après consultation avec les intéressés. Et c’est ici qu’intervient une des caractéristiques originales de la planification française. Le Commissariat en effet ne groupe en réalité qu’un nombre relativement restreint d’experts, mais il s’appuie dans son travail sur beaucoup de collaboration de l’extérieur. Celle–ci se manifeste de deux façons. Sur le plan technique, beaucoup de travaux spécifiques sont confiés à des services de toutes sortes et dans tous les domaines imaginables. Quant à la préparation immédiate du plan lui–même, la plus grande partie du travail est confiée aux Commissions dites de modernisation. Celles–ci, composées d’un nombre variable d’individus représentatifs des milieux gouvernementaux, patronaux et ouvriers, s’intéressent à un secteur particulier (e.g., main-d’oeuvre, transports, industrie chimique, investissements intellectuels, etc.) et remettent après étude un rapport qui sera ultérieurement intégré au plan. L’avantage de cette procédure c’est que le plan n’est pas uniquement le fruit des cogitations d’un groupe d’intellectuels plus ou moins détachés de la réalité, mais le résultat à la fois d’un travail d’expert, puisque très souvent les rapporteurs des commissions sont des chargés de mission rattachés au Commissariat du Plan, et d’une certaine discussion entre les intéressés qui seront éventuellement responsables de la mise à exécution du plan. Les objectifs particuliers détermines par les Commissions sont finalement acheminés vers une Commission des équilibres qui s’efforce d’en faire un ensemble cohérent et c’est le Commissariat lui–même qui est chargé de mettre la dernière main au texte final. Le plan sera ensuite discuté au Parlement et voté. Dans l’ordre des réalisations, une autre caractéristique du plan français, c’est qu’il n’est nullement impératif. Il convient ici de signaler une différence essentielle entre le secteur privé et le secteur public. Pour celui–ci en effet, le caractère contraignant du plan est plus marqué. Néanmoins, le passage du plan à l’action ne s’effectue pas directement par le seul fait qu’il y a eu vote du Parlement. Les divers services gouvernementaux en effet n’agissent qu’en vertu de lois–programmes, qui sont la concrétisation du plan lui–même, mais qui ne seront votées qu’après vérification de la disponibilité des ressources budgétaires …. Quant au secteur privé, il n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan. Il se trouve cependant que les objectifs proposés sont assortis de toute une série de stimulants qui incitent en quelque sorte les entreprises du secteur privé à se conformer bon gré mal gré. Dans l’ensemble, la politique française préfère les moyens positifs aux interdictions. Par exemple, en matière d’expansion industrielle, au lieu d’interdire l’établissement d’industries à tel ou tel endroit jugé non favorable (et exception faite de la région parisienne) on préfère aider les entreprises à s’établir dans les zones privilégiées. Il ne faudrait pas croire qu’aucune résistance ne se manifeste, mais on réussit très souvent à les vaincre par de simples efforts de persuation. Une multitude de comités conjoints jouent à ce titre un rôle de première importance … Au–dessus de toutes ces initiatives, on trouve un cerveau ordonnateur, qui esl le Commissariat au Plan, mais aussi, élément tout aussi indispensable, les capitaux, qui sont fournis par des entreprises d’État et particulièrement la Caisse Nationale des Dépôts et Consignations. Cette dernière société, qui réunit une bonne partie de l’épargne française, ne se contente pas de gérer ces fonds ‘en bon père de famille,’ mais intervient de façon extrêmement dynamique, grâce à cet énorme réservoir de capitaux, pour faciliter la mise en application du plan.”
Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Business interests which follow the directives of the Central Plan, controlled by the politicians (and their backers), are entitled to lucrative handouts from the treasury: “The private sector is in no way forced to follow the directives of the Central Plan … the Government of France prefers positive methods … we prefer to subsidize our business enterprises.”
Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 12: “[Le secteur privé] n’est en aucune façon forcé de suivre les directives du plan … la politique française préfère les moyens positifs … on préfère aider les entreprises.”

And the “directives” of the Central Plan? Obviously, since they get all the grease, they are forged in a way that benefits the politicians in power and their backers: Therefore not all business interests can benefit from the Central Plan. What is this but a recipe for political corruption on a total financial, commercial and industrial scale? The Napoléonic and French revolutionary conception of right in the arena of politics and economics, namely, Bonapartisme, is therefore not the conception of right found in the Magna Carta and the Constitution of the United States of America, the world historical foundations of the Industrial revolution: Modern freedom is not Global freedom. This is the greatest secret of the 20th century: The Doctrine of the Concept is the inescapable lesson of history.

See: “My father’s battles … arose from a vision of a very substantially reformed [Canadian] capitalism … in my own career, I have tried to be faithful to my father’s legacy.”
Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 19.

The rational analysis of the political and economic delusions of Paul Martin Sr. exposes a mind deeply infected with modern European unreason: “The deep emotional connection with Laurier and his vision of Liberalism never left him … it was also about a particular kind of politics.” (Ibidem, 18)

“Connaught kept buying blood from a Montréal blood broker―the only company in the world still buying blood from U.S. prisons.”

20. Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, Toronto, 1985, 72.

21. Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, Montréal, 2008,15–156: “Les Desmarais ont mis environ 30 ans pour mettre la main sur Le Soliel et Le Droit, mais ils y sont parvenues en novembre 2000, avec en prime Le Quotidien de Chicoutimi, ce qui porté à 70% leur contrôle de la presse écrite au Québec … Au Canada, on se scandalise du fait que 66% des quotidiens appartenaient à des chaines de médias en 1970 et que ce chiffre soit passé à 88% en 1995 et, ensuite, à 95% en 1999. Au Québec, ce sont tous les quotidiens, sauf Le Devoir, qui appartient à des chaines, et une seule chaine en possède 70%.”

22. Ross Marowits, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

23. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55.

24. Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

25. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 57–59–59.

26. Paul Martin, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, Toronto, 2008, 55–57.

27. Ibidem, 60.

28. Ibidem, 61.

29. Ibidem, 130.

30. Ibidem, 322–323.

BRIAN MULRONEY: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1959–2017

Anonymous, “Mystery Shrouds Sale of Mulroney’s Westmount Home,” The Montreal Gazette, 5 July 1983, A3.

― ― , On the Issues: Brian Mulroney and the Progressive Conservative Agenda: Statements of Policy and Principle, (Ottawa: Progressive Conservative Party of Canada, 1984).

― ― , “Social Net Not Part of Trade Talks: Reisman,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 May 1986, A9.

― ― , Tales from the Tax Trough: How Brian Mulroney’s Government Wastes Your Tax Dollars, (Toronto: National Citizens’ Coalition–Expenditures Public, 1989).

― ― , “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.

― ― , “Former Canadian PM Rebukes Trump on NAFTA, Predicts His Defeat,” Reuters: Politics, 4 September 2016.

― ― , “Brian Mulroney décroche des flèches a Trump et Clinton,” Les Affaires, 18 octobre 2016.

― ― , “Brian Mulroney Unveils Plans For New St. FX Institute and Hall:
Former Prime Minister Got His Political Start in Antigonish, and Helped Raise $55M for His Alma Mater,” CBC Nova Scotia, 26 October 2016.

― ― , “Brian Mulroney honoré par la France,” Le Journal de Montréal: Actualité Politique, 17 novembre 2016.

― ― , “Mulroney Slams Trump’s NAFTA Stance,” The Canadian Business Journal, 7 February 2017.

― ― , “Former PM Mulroney Returns to Ottawa to Help Liberals,” National Observer, 5 April 2017.

― ― , “Caroline Mulroney Enters Political Race,” National Observer, 2 August 2017.

Armstrong, Sally, Mila, (Toronto: Macmillan, 1992).

Ballantyne, Murray G., Jean–Jacques Bertrand, Marcel Chaput, Douglas Fisher, Eugene Forsey, Edmund Davie Fulton, Maurice Lamontagne, André Laurendeau, Jean Lesage, René Lévesque, James R. Mallory, Michael Oliver, Gérard Pelletier and Mason Wade, The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962).

Ballantyne, Murray G., “What French Canadians Have Against Us,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 24–39.

Bercuson, David Jay, Jack Lawrence Granatstein and William Robert Young, Sacred Trust? Brian Mulroney and the Conservative Party in Power, (Toronto: Doubleday Canada, 1986).

Bertrand, Jean–Jacques, “La Confédération en théorie … et en pratique,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 147–154.

Black, Conrad, “Canada’s Brian Mulroney Is Urged to ‘Rein in’ President–Elect Trump,” New York: The Sun, 16 December 2016.

Blake, Raymond B., editor, Transforming the Nation: Canada and Brian Mulroney, (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2007).

Cameron, Stevie, On the Take: Crime, Corruption, and Greed in the Mulroney Years, (Toronto: Seal Books, 1995).

― ― , On the Take: Crime, Corruption, and Greed in the Mulroney Years, (Toronto: Macfarlane Walter & Ross, 1994).

Chaput, Marcel, “L’avenir du Canada: Séparation, intégration, ou …?” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 116–131.

Cliche, Robert, Brian Mulroney and Guy Chevrette, commissaires, Rapport de la commission d’enquête sur la liberté syndicale dans l’industrie de la construction, (Québec: Éditeur Officiel du Québec, 1975).

Fisher, Douglas, “The Average English Canadian View,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 154–160.

Forsey, Eugene, “Canada: One Nation or Two?” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor,(Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 54–69.

Fraser, Graham, “Mulroney Willing to Reopen Constitutional Talks with the PQ,” The Globe and Mail, 7 August 1984, 5.

Fulton, Edmund Davie, “La Confédération un succes … et un défi,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 10–23.

Gendron, Guy, Brian Mulroney: L’homme des Beaux Risques, (Montreal: Éditions Québec/Amérique, 2014).

Gollner, Andrew and Daniel Salée, editors, Canada Under Mulroney: An End–of–Term Report, (Montréal: Véhicle Press, 1988).

Gordon, Kent, “Canadians Shouldn’t Ignore Trade Danger From American Protectionism, Brian Mulroney Warns,” Edmonton Journal, 2 February 2017.

Grafftey, Heward, À l’écoute du passé: De Diefenbaker à Mulroney, (Montréal: Guérin, 1989).

Gratton, Michael, Still the Boss: A Candid Look at Brian Mulroney, (Toronto: Prentice–Hall Canada, 1990).

――, So What Are the Boys Saying? An Inside Look at Brian Mulroney in Power, (Toronto: McGraw–Hill, 1987).

Hackett, Robert A., Richard S. Gruneau, Donald Gutstein and Timothy A. Gibson, The Missing News: Filters and Blind Spots in Canada’s Press, (Aurora, Ontario: Garamond Press, 2000).

Hoy, Claire, Friends in High Places: Politics and Patronage in the Mulroney Government, (Toronto: Seal Books, 1988).

Ibbitson, John, “NAFTA Will Survive Threat From Donald Trump, Brian Mulroney Says,” The Globe and Mail, 4 September 2016.

Jeffrey, Brooke, Breaking Faith: The Mulroney Legacy Of Deceit, Destruction And Disunity, (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1992).

Johnson, Kelsey, “The Sprout: Mulroney Issues Warning on American Protectionism,” iPolitics, 3 February 2017.

Kaplan, William, Secret Trial: Brian Mulroney, Stevie Cameron and the Public Trust, (Montreal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2004).

――, Presumed Guilty: Brian Mulroney, the Airbus Affair, and the Government of Canada, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1998).

Kent, Gordon, “Canadians Shouldn’t Ignore Trade Danger From American Protectionism, Brian Mulroney Warns,” Edmonton Journal, 2 February 2017.

Lamontagne, Maurice, “Rechercher l’union véritable des deux cultures,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 160–166.

Laurendeau, André, “Le Canada, une nation ou deux?” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 70–87.

Lesage, Jean, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 168–180.

Lévesque, René, “Le rôle de l’État, sur les plans fédéral et provincial,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor,(Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 100–115.

Lou, Ethan, “Former PM Brian Mulroney Slams Trump’s Plan to Scrap NAFTA, Predicts His Defeat,” BNN, 6 September 2016.

Lynch, Charles, Race for the Rose: Election 1984, (Toronto: Methuen, 1984).

MacDonald, L. Ian, Mulroney: The Making of the Prime Minister, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1984).

― ― , “Brian Mulroney on Trump, Trudeau and Trade: Don’t Panic,” iPolitics Insights, 21 December 2016.

Mallory, James R., “The Proper Role of the State, Federally and Provincially,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor,(Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 88–99.

Marowits, Ross, “Brian Mulroney No Trump Fan, But Ex–PM Also Concerned By Clinton’s Shift on Trade,” Huff Post Politics: Canada, 18 October 2016.

Martin, Lawrence, “Mulroney Says Liberals Have Québec Bias,” The Globe and Mail, 20 August 1984, A1.

――, “Mulroney Pledges Revival for the West,” The Globe and Mail, 5 July 1984, A8.

――, “To Rein in Trump, Canada Needs Brian Mulroney,” The Globe and Mail, 14 December 2016.

McDonald, Marci, Yankee Doodle Dandy: Brian Mulroney and the American Agenda, (Don Mills, Ontario: Stoddard, 1995).

McKenzie, Robert, “Mulroney Vows Greater Voice for 10 Premiers,” Toronto Star, 7 August 1984, A1–A4.

McQuaig, Linda, The Quick and the Dead: Brian Mulroney, Big Business, and the Seduction of Canada, (Toronto: Viking, 1991).

Mulroney, Brian, The Politics of Québec, 1933–1958: Senior Honours Essay, (Antigonish: St. Francis Xavier University, 1959).

――, Robert Cliche and Guy Chevrette, commissaires, Rapport de la commission d’enquête sur la liberté syndicale dans l’industrie de la construction, (Québec: Éditeur Officiel du Québec, 1975).

――, Where I Stand, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1983).

――, The Mulroney Team, (Don Mills, Ontario: Corpus, 1984).

――, Memoirs, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2011).

Murphy, Rae, Robert Chodos and Eric Hamovitch, Selling Out: Four Years of the Mulroney Government, (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1988).

――, Robert Chodos and Nick Auf der Maur, Brian Mulroney: The Boy from Baie Comeau, (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1984).

――, Patrick Brown and Nick Auf der Maur, Winners, Losers: The 1976 Tory Leadership Convention, (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1976).

Newman, Peter Charles, The Mulroney Tapes: Unguarded Confessions of a Prime Minister, (Toronto: Random House, 2011).

Nossel, Kim Richard, and Nelson Michaud, editors, Diplomatic Departures: The Conservative Era in Canadian Foreign Policy, 1984–1993, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2001).

O’Donnell, Joe, “Time to Heal Damage Done by Separatism, Mulroney Says,” Toronto Star, 9 August 1984, A1.

Oliver, Michael, “The Future of Canada: Separation, Integration, or …?” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor,(Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 132–141.

Pelletier, Gérard, “Les Canadiens anglais nous reprochent …” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 40–53.

Savoie, Donald J., Thatcher, Reagan, and Mulroney: In Search of a New Bureaucracy, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1994).

Sawatsky, John, Mulroney: The Politics of Ambition, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1992).

Sheppard, Robert and James Rusk, “PCs, Liberals Plan Reforms in Social Aid,” The Globe and Mail, 11 August 1984, A1–A2.

Snider, Norman, The Changing of the Guard: How the Liberals Fell From Grace and the Tories Rose to Power, (Toronto: Lester & Orpen Dennys, 1985).

Taylor, Charles Margrave, Radical Tories: The Conservative Tradition in Canada, (Toronto: Anansi, 1982).

Velk, Tom and Alvin Richard Riggs, Brian Mulroney and the Economy: Still the Man to Beat, (Montreal: McGill University, 2000).

Wade, Mason, editor, The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962).

――, editor, “Avant–propos,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 5–6.

――, editor, “Introductory Remarks,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 144–147.

――, editor, “Closing Remarks,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 166–167.

Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

Bowman, F.B. and Sidney Katz, “Three Blood Transfusions Out of Four Are More Likely to Harm Than to Heal,” Maclean’s, 26 August 1961.

Bueckert, Dennis, “Information Commissioner Reprimands Martin Staff For Withholding Documents,” Canadian Press, 25 March 2002.

Dobbin, Murray and Kevin Steel, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

Dobbin, Murray, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003).

Dobbin, Murray, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Donaghy, Greg, “Preface,” Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, (Vancouver/Toronto: University of British Columbia Press, 2015), xiii–xv.

Grange, Michael, “Blood is ‘Filthy,’ Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 11 December 1996.

Kennedy, Mark, “Martin’s Past Back to Haunt: What Did He Know About Tainted Blood?” Ottawa Citizen, 15 May 1999.

Kennedy, Mark, “Tainted–Blood Sleuth Fire–Bombed: Intimidation Campaign Suspected as Arkansas Clinic Razed, Montréal Office Ransacked,” Ottawa Citizen, 22 May 1999.

Krever, Horace, Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada: Final Report, 3 vols., (Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services Canada, 1997).

Le Hir, Richard, Desmarais: La Dépossession Tranquille, (Montréal: Les Livres Baraka, 2012).

McAuliffe, Gerald, Joan Hollobon and John Marshall, “Federal Regulations Violated: Contamination Problems, Danger of Infection Reported at Connaught,” Globe and Mail, 27 February 1975.

Marowits, Ross, “Canadian Business Giant Desmarais Dead at 86,” Global News, 9 October 2013.

Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2008).

Parenteau, Roland, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Patriquin, Martin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

Picard, André, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, (Toronto: Harper Collins Publishers Ltd., 1995).

Picard, André, “Canada Still Lacks Controls on Plasma Trade, Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 14 December 1995.

Philpot, Robin, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, (Montréal: Les Éditions des Intouchables, 2008).

Pratte, André, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5.

Shortell, Anne, “Under the Microscope,” Whig Standard, 23 November 1991.

Steel, Kevin and Murray Dobbin, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

PAUL MARTIN: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1956–2017

Anonyme, “Discours de Paul Martin père, ministre de la Santé,” Archives de Radio–Canada, 23 avril 1956.

Barlow, Maud and Bruce Campbell, Straight Through the Heart: How the Liberals Abandoned the Just Society, (Toronto: Harper Collins, 1995).

Bowman, F.B. and Sidney Katz, “Three Blood Transfusions Out of Four Are More Likely to Harm Than to Heal,” Maclean’s, 26 August 1961.

Bueckert, Dennis, “Information Commissioner Reprimands Martin Staff For Withholding Documents,” Canadian Press, 25 March 2002.

Delacourt, Susan, Juggernaut: Paul Martin’s Campaign for Chrétien’s Crown, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2003).

Dettling, Christopher Richard Wade, Paul Martin Junior, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, Google+ 2017.

Dobbin, Murray and Kevin Steel, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

Dobbin, Murray, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003).

Dobbin, Murray, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Furesz, J., “Memo to File: Telephone Conversation with Mr. James Gesling, FDA,” Federal Department of Health, 30 October 1974.

Grange, Michael, “Blood is ‘Filthy,’ Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 11 December 1996.

Greenspon, Edward and Anthony Wilson–Smith, Double Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power, (Toronto: Doubleday, 1996).

Kennedy, Mark, “Martin’s Past Back to Haunt: What Did He Know About Tainted Blood?” Ottawa Citizen, 15 May 1999.

Kennedy, Mark, “Tainted–Blood Sleuth Fire–Bombed: Intimidation Campaign Suspected as Arkansas Clinic Razed, Montréal Office Ransacked,” Ottawa Citizen, 22 May 1999.

Krever, Horace, Commission of Inquiry on the Blood System in Canada: Final Report, 3 vols., (Ottawa: Public Works and Government Services Canada, 1997).

Martin, Paul, Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2008).

McAuliffe, Gerald, Joan Hollobon and John Marshall, “Federal Regulations Violated: Contamination Problems, Danger of Infection Reported at Connaught,” Globe and Mail, 27 February 1975.

Murphy, Rae, Robert Chodos and Eric Hamovitch, Paul Martin: A Political Biography, (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1998).

Newman, Peter Charles, “The Good and the Ugly: Begin vs. Boyle,” Maclean’s, 30 September 1996.

Picard, André, The Gift of Death: Confronting Canada’s Tainted–Blood Tragedy, (Toronto: Harper Collins Publishers Ltd., 1995).

Picard, André, “Canada Still Lacks Controls on Plasma Trade, Inquiry Told,” Globe and Mail, 14 December 1995.

Picard, André, “Ottawa Knew Blood Tainted: AIDS Specialist Warned of Contamination a Year Before Action Taken,” Globe and Mail, 20 July 1993, A1.

Shortell, Anne, “Under the Microscope,” Kingston Whig Standard, 23 November 1991.

Steel, Kevin and Murray Dobbin, “The Shotgun Blog: Paul Martin’s Ghoulish Tactics and the Tainted–Blood Scandal,” The Western Standard, 13 May 2005.

Todd, Dave, “Tories Considered Internal Probe of Blood Scandal,” The Gazette, 24 November 1993, B1.

QUÉBÉCOCRACY: ENGLISH & FRENCH SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Carole–Marie Allard, Lavalin: Les ficelles du pouvoir, (Chicoutimi: JCL Éditions, Collection “Gens du Pays,” 1990).

Ian Anderson, “Paul Desmarais Buys More Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 15 July 1977, 9.

François–Albert Angers, “Le malaise social actuel,” Vers un ordre nouveau par l’organisation corporative: École sociale populaire, 312(1940): 3–8.

François–Albert Angers, et alia, Vers un ordre nouveau par l’organisation corporative: Causeries de François–Albert Angers, Léon–Mercier Gouin, Eugène Gibeau, Maximilien Caron, Richard Arès, S.J., (Montréal: Secrétariat de l’É.S.P., “L’École sociale populaire,” 1940).

François–Albert Angers, Le Comté de Charlevoix, Inventaire des ressources naturelles et industrielles, (Québec: Ministère de l’Industrie, 1942).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique, (Montréal: Fides, 1948).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique, 2e édition revue et augmentée, (Montréal: Fides, 1952).

François–Albert Angers, Le Problème fiscal et les Relations fédérales–provinciales, annexe 5 au rapport de la Commission royale d’enquête sur les problèmes constitutionnels (Québec), (Québec: l’Imprimeur du Québec, 1956).

François–Albert Angers, La Centralisation et les Relations fédérales–provinciales, annexe 11 au rapport de la Commission royale d’enquête sur les problèmes constitutionnels (Québec), (Québec: l’Imprimeur du Québec, 1956).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique, 3e édition revue et augmentée, (Montréal: Fides, 1958).

François–Albert Angers, Pierre Harvey et Jacques Parizeau, Essai sur la centralisation, (Montréal: Beauchemin et l’École des hautes études commerciales, 1960).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique, 4e édition revue et augmentée, (Montréal: Fides, 1963).

François–Albert Angers, Guide d’études sur l’initiation à l’économie politique, (Québec: Ministère de l’Éducation, “Direction générale de l’éducation permanente,” 1968).

François–Albert Angers, Le Contrôle des institutions financières et la Banque du Canada, et annexe au rapport de la Commission sur les institutions financières (Québec), 2 vols., (Québec: Comité d’étude sur les institutions financières, 1969).

François–Albert Angers, Pour orienter nos libertés, Préface de Richard Arès, (Montréal: Fides, 1969).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique, 5e édition revue et augmentée, 2 vols., (Montréal: Fides, 1971).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique: Initiation à la vie économique, 5e édition revue et augmentée, vol. 1, (Montréal: Fides, 1971).

François–Albert Angers, Initiation à l’économie politique: Initiation à l’analyse économique, 5e édition revue et augmentée, vol. 2, (Montréal: Fides, 1971).

François–Albert Angers, Les Droits du français au Québec, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1971).

François–Albert Angers, La Coopération: De la réalité à la théorie économique, 2 vols., (Montréal: Fides, 1974–1976).

Anonymous, “Bombardier: Over $4 Billion in Public Funds Since 1966,” Montréal Economic Institute, 8 February 2017.

Anonyme, “Revenu disponible par habitant: Le Québec dernier au Canada,” TVA Nouvelles, 18 janvier 2016.

Anonyme, “Le bénéfice de la Financière Power recule de 10%,” TVA Nouvelles: Argent, 11 novembre 2016.

Anonyme, “Power Corp: Les profits plongent de 40%” TVA Nouvelles: Argent, 11 novembre 2016.

Anonyme, “Les profits de Power Corp. plongent de 86,4%,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 13 mai 2016.

Anonyme, “Brian Mulroney vend sa maison au fils de Paul Desmarais Jr.,” TVA Nouvelles, 10 octobre 2015.

Anonyme, “Power Corp. encore une fois dans le viseur du fisc,” TVA Nouvelles, 26 septembre 2015.

Anonyme, “Liens avec la famille Desmarais: Péladeau dénonce Charest,” Canoe.ca, 26 mars 2014.

Anonyme, “La succession de Paul Desmarais vend des actions,” Le Devoir, 8 janvier 2014.

Anonyme, “Décès de Paul Desmarais: Un homme d’influence politique,” Le Huffington Post Québec, 9 octobre 2013.

Anonymous, “Paul Desmarais Sr., Canadian Billionaire: Started Building Fortunes After Inheriting Fleet of Buses,” The Financial Times, 9 October 2013.

Anonymous, “New Book Traces Trudeau’s Separatist to Nationalist Shift,” CTV News, 13 November 2011.

Anonymous, “Desmarais Advances on Buffet Zone,” The Australian Business Review, 3 August 2009.

Anonyme, “En bref―Desmarais au CHUM,” Le Devoir, 12 février 2009.

Anonyme, “En bref―Hélène Desmarais, présidente du conseil de la CCMM,” Le Devoir, 12 octobre 2007.

Anonymous, “Power Corp. and the Desmarais Family,” Financial Sector Blogspot, 25 May 2006.

Anonymous, “Canada’s Satellite TV Row Clouds Chrétien’s Image,” The Toledo Blade, 30 April 1995, A13.

Anonymous, “Power–Play: Desmarais Anoints Sons to Take Over Empire,” Ottawa Citizen, 6 June 1986, C3.

Anonymous, “Desmarais Steps Aside to Give Sons More Power,” Ottawa Citizen, 1 May 1986, D15.

Anonymous, “PQ Unveils Business Task Force,” Winnipeg Free Press, 22 October 1985, 10.

Anonyme, “Le projet Revi–Centre achemine vers Québec,” L’Écho de Louiseville Berthier, 12 décembre 1984, 10.

Anonymous, “NewsLine,” Winnipeg Free Press, 3 June 1982, 39.

Anonymous, “Changes Could Boost Desmarais’ Control of Power,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 April 1980, 69.

Anonyme, Bâtir le Québec: Énoncé de politique économique: Synthèse, orientations et actions, (Québec: Gouvernement du Québec, 1979).

Anonyme, “Power Corporation réalise un bénéfice de $13.3 millions,” Le Devoir, 17 février 1978, 27.

Anonymous, “Power Corp. Chairman Increases Control With $31 Million Buy,” Winnipeg Free Press, 16 July 1977, 17.

Anonymous, “Broadcasting Takeover Set,” Winnipeg Free Press, 29 March 1977, 28.

Anonymous, “Power Corp. Executive Dies,” The Montreal Gazette, 23 February 1976, 4.

Anonymous, “Power Corp. Donation Hoped For to Boost Mulroney Campaign,” Winnipeg Free Press, 11 February 1976, 9.

Anonymous, “Power Corporation Holdings,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.

Anonymous, “Ottawa Now Studying Proposed [Argus Corporation] Takeover,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.

Anonymous, “Argus Holdings,” The Montreal Gazette, 26 March 1975, 13.

Anonyme, “Power Corporation doubla ses profits,” Le Devoir, 14 aout 1974, 13.

Anonymous, “Power Corp. Policy Outlined,” Winnipeg Free Press, 14 November 1973, 73.

Anonymous, “Archibald Joins Power Corporation,” St. Petersburg Independent, 14 August 1971, 9–A.

Anonyme, L’État, rouage de notre exploitation:12e congrès de FTQ, (Montréal: FTQ, 1971).

Anonyme, “Mais qui est donc André Desmarais?” La Patrie, 11 mai 1969, 8.

Anonymous, “New Chief Named in Company Shuffles,” Winnipeg Free Press, 8 August 1969, 14.

Anonymous, “Quebec Businessmen Support Federalism,” Winnipeg Free Press, 21 September 1968, 2.

Anonymous, “Additional Directors of Canadian Breweries Limited,” Winnipeg Free Press, 26 March 1964, 19.

Anonyme, Le véritable Riel tel que dépeint dans des lettres de sa grandeur Mgr Grandin, évêque de Saint–Albert, du Revd P. Leduc, Vicaire–Générale de Saint–Albert, du Revd P. André, superieure des missions du District de Carleton, des Revds Pères Touze, Fourmond, Vegreville, Moulin et Lecoq, missionnaires du Nord–Ouest, d’une religieuse de Batoche, etc., etc., suivi d’extraits des mandemants de nos seigneurs les évêques concernant l’agitation Riel, (Montréal: Imprimerie Générale, 1887).

Anonyme, “Denonciation du Rev. Père André,” Le véritable Riel tel que dépeint dans des lettres de sa grandeur Mgr Grandin, évêque de Saint–Albert, du Revd P. Leduc, Vicaire–Générale de Saint–Albert, du Revd P. André, superieure des missions du District de Carleton, des Revds Pères Touze, Fourmond, Vegreville, Moulin et Lecoq, missionnaires du Nord–Ouest, d’une religieuse de Batoche, etc., etc., suivi d’extraits des mandemants de nos seigneurs les évêques concernant l’agitation Riel, (Montréal: Imprimerie Générale, 1887), 5–8.

Anonyme, Resumé impartial de la discussion Papineau–Nelson sur les évènements de Saint–Denis en 1837, (Montréal: Unknown, Novembre 1848).

Anonymous, Speech of Louis J. Papineau, Esqr., on the Hustings, at the Opening of the Election For the West Ward of the City of Montreal, on the 11th of August, 1827, and His Reply to Peter McGill Esqr., Translated From the French, to Which Are Added the Speech of His Excellency the Earl of Dalhousie, Governor in Chief, &c., to the House of Assembly on Proroguing the Provincial Parliament, 7th March 1827, and the Address of Certain Members to Their Constituents in Consequence of the Speech, &c., (Montreal: Printed By Ludger Duvernay, at the Office of the Canadian Spectator, 1827).

Pierre Arbour, Québec Inc. and the Temptation of State Capitalism, Madeleine Hébert, translator, (Toronto/Montréal: Robert Davies Publishing, 1997).

Pierre Arbour , Québec Inc et la tentation du dirigisme: La Caisse de dépôt et les sociétés d’État: Héritage d’une génération? (Montréal: L’Étincelle, 1993).

Clinton Archibald, Un Québec corporatiste? Corporatisme et néo–corporatisme, (Hull: Éditions Asticou,1984).

Richard Arès, Catéchisme de l’organisation corporative, (Montréal: École sociale populaire, 1938).

Richard Arès, L’Église catholique et l’organisation de la société internationale contemporaine: 1939–1949, les faits, les principes, le programme, (Montréal: Facultés de philosophie et de théologie de la Compagnie de Jésus, 1949).

Richard Arès, La Confédération: Pacte ou Loi, (Montréal: Éditions de l’Action Nationale, 1949).

Richard Arès, Du rôle de l’État dans un Québec fort, (Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin, 1962).

Richard Arès, Pour un Québec fort, 1963.

Richard Arès, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif: La Confédération, pacte ou loi? (Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin, 1967).

Richard Arès, L’Église dans le monde d’aujourd’hui, 1971.

Richard Arès, Nos grandes options politiques et constitutionnelles: Dossier sur les options: Canada―Canada bilingue―Canada français―Québec, (Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin, 1972).

Richard Arès, Positions ethniques, linguistiques et religieuses des Canadiens français à la suite du recensement de 1971, (Montréal: Les Éditions Bellarmin, 1975).

Nick Auf der Maur, The Billion–Dollar Game: Jean Drapeau and the 1976 Olympics, (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company, 1976).

Nick Auf der Maur, “Who’s Who in the New Québec: And What’s What, Too,” Winnipeg Free Press: Weekend Magazine, 12 February 1977, 4–6.

Edouard Baraton, De Gaulle ou l’hypothèque française sur le Canada, (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2013).

Victor Barbeau, Initiation à l’humain, (Montréal: Éditions de la “Familiale,” 1944).

Victor Barbeau, “La bourgeoisie et la culture,” L’Avenir de notre bourgeoisie, Victor Barbeau, Lionel Groulx, Benoît Godbout et Esdras Minville, éditeurs, (Montréal: Éditions de la Jeunesse indépendante catholique, 1939), 59–90.

Victor Barbeau, Pour nous grandir: Essai d’explication des misères de notre temps, (Montréal: Le Devoir, 1937).

Victor Barbeau, Mesure de notre taille, (Montréal: Le Devoir, 1936).

Jacques Beauchemin, “La révolution tranquille: Le temps du désenchantement,” La Révolution tranquille 40 ans plus tard: Un bilan. Yves Bélanger, Robert Comeau, Céline Métivier, éditeurs, (Montréal: VLB éditeur, 2000), 95–105.

Jacques Beauchemin, L’histoire en trop: La mauvaise conscience des souverainistes québécois, (Montréal: VLB, 2002).

Léonidas Émile Beauchesne (David Hello), Machiavel Laurier, (Montréal: Inconnu, 1911).

Roger Jean Bédard, éditeur, L’essor économique du Québec, (Montréal: Beauchemin, 1969).

Roger Jean Bédard, “Edouard Montpetit, précurseur de la Révolution tranquille,” L’Action nationale, 55.8 (avril 1966): 899–928.

Michael D. Behiels, Prelude to Québec’s Quiet Revolution: Liberalism Versus Neo–Nationalism, 1945–1960, (Kingston & Montréal: McGill University–Queen’s University Press, 1985).

André–J. Bélanger, L’Apolitisme des idéologies québécoises: Le grand tournant de 1934–1936, (Sainte–Foy: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1974).

Damien–Claude Bélanger, Prejudice and Pride: Canadian Intellectuals Confront the United States, 1891–1945, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011).

Jules Bélanger, Jean–Louis Lévesque: La montée d’un Gaspésien aux sommets des affaires, (Saint–Laurent: Fides, 1996).

Jules Bélanger , Jean–Louis Lévesque: From the Gaspé Village of Nouvelle to the Summits of the Worlds of Financial and Thoroughbred Racing, (Westmount, Québec: Robert Davis Multimedia, 1998).

Paul R. Bélanger et Benoît Lévesque, “Le modèle québécois: Corporatisme ou démocratie sociale?” Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (Crises): Collection études théoriques, 0111(septembre, 2001): 1–14.

Paul R. Bélanger et Benoît Lévesque, “La modernité par les particularismes: Le modèle québécois de développement économique,” Le modèle québécois de développement économique, J.–P. Dupuis, éditeur, (Cap–Rouge: Presses Inter Universitaires, 1995), 115–131.

Réal Bélanger, L’impossible défi: Albert Sévigny et les conservateurs fédéraux (1902–1918), (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1983).

Yves Bélanger et Pierre Fournier, Le Capitalisme au Québec, (Montréal: Éditions coopératives Albert Saint–Martin, 1978).

Yves Bélanger, Les entrepreneurs dans l’industrie québécoise de la construction, (Montréal: Department de science politique, UQAM, 1979).

Yves Bélanger et Pierre Fournier, L’Entreprise québécoise: Développement historique et dynamique contemporaine, (Montréal: Éditions Hurtubise Inc., 1987).

Yves Bélanger & Robert Comeau, dir., Hydro–Québec: Autres temps, autres défis, (Sainte–Foy: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1995).

Yves Bélanger, Québec Inc: L’Entreprise québécoise à la croisée des chemins, (Montréal: Éditions Hurtubise Inc., 1998).

Yves Bélanger, Christian Deblock et Dorval Brunelle, “L’intégration économique continentale et ses effets sur les gouvernement infra–étatiques: De l’ALE à l’ALENA et au–delà,” Cahiers de recherche sociolologique, 32(1999): 85–118.

Claude Bellavance, “Shawinigan Water and Power: Formation et déclin d’un groupe industriel au Québec 1898–1963,” Ph.D. thesis, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université du Québec à Montréal,, 1991).

Jacques Benjamin et Pierre O’Neill, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1978).

Gérard Bergeron, Fonctionnement de l’État, (Laval: Presses de l’Universite de Laval/Librairie Armand Colin (collection Sciences politiques), 1965).

André Bernard, La politique au Canada et au Québec, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1976).

Luc Bernier, De Paris à Washington: La politique internationale du Québec, (Québec: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1996).

Bernard Bissonnette, Essai sur la constitution du Canada, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1963).

Annabelle Blais, “Un Faste Royale au Mariage de Jacqueline–Ariadne Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 7 September 2013.

Martin Blais, Philosophie du Pouvoir, (Ottawa & Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1970).

Mathieu Bock–Côté, La dénationalisation tranquille, (Montréal: Boréal, 2007).

André Gélinas, L’administration centrale et le cadre de gestion: Les ministères, les organismes, les agences, les appareils centraux, (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2003).

Gerard Boismenu, Le Duplessisme: Politique économique et rapport de force, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1981).

André Bolduc, “Hydro–Québec,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1985), 853.

André Bolduc, Clarence Hogue & Daniel Larouche, Hydro–Québec: L’hértitage d’un siècle d’électricité, 3e édition, (Montréal: Libre Expression/Forces, 1989). [1979]

André Bolduc, Du génie au pouvoir: Robert A. Boyd à la gouverne d’Hydro–Québec aux années glorieuses, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 2000).

Patrick Bonazza, “Interview Paul Desmarais: Une légende du monde des affaires parle,” Point, 26 juin 2008.

John Francis Bosher, The Gaullist Attack on Canada: 1967–1997, (Montréal/Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1999).

Robert Bothwell, “Louis Stephen St. Laurent,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 3, James Harley Marsh, editor in chief, (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1985), 1624.

Errol Bouchette, Mémoires de Robert–S.–M. Bouchette: 1805–1840 (recueillis par son fils Errol Bouchette et annotés par A.–D. Decelles), (Montréal: La Cie de publication de la Revue canadienne, 1903).

Robert Bourassa, L’Énergie du nord: La force du Québec, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1983).

Robert Bourassa, L’énergie du nord: La force du Québec, 3e édition, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 1985).

Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Réflexions d’un Citoyen, Par Jean–Paul Lefebvre, (Ottawa/Montréal: Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968), 99–113.

Gilles Bourque et Anne Légaré, Le Québec: La question nationale, (Paris: Maspero, 1980).

Gilles L. Bourque, “La Révolution tranquille entre les velléités de l’oubli et les impératifs de la mémoire,” La Révolution tranquille 40 ans plus tard: Un bilan, Yves Bélanger, Robert Comeau et C. Métivier, éditeurs, (Montréal: VLB éditeur, 2000), 107–119.

Gilles L. Bourque, Le modèle québécois de développement: De l’émergence au renouvellement, (Québec: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 2000).

Gilles L. Bourque et Benoît Lévesque, “Le modèle québécois en question,” Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (CRISES): Collection études théoriques, 9910(juin, 1999): 1–38.

Gilles L. Bourque, “Le modèle québécois en question: La politique industrielle au Québec: Une reconfiguration de l’espace public du développement économique (1985–1994),” Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (CRISES): Collection études théoriques, 9910(juin, 1999): 1–19.

Gilles L. Bourque, Politique et modernisation industrielle: Le modèle québécois de développement sous les libéraux, 1985–1994, Thèse de doctorat sous la direction de Benoît Lévesque, (Montréal: Département de sociologie, UQAM, 1998).

Marcel Boyer, La performance économique du Québec: Constats et défis, (Montréal: Rapport Bourgogne, CIRANO, 2001).

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge,’” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 17 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: II. Comment on prépara la conférence de Moscou,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 18 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: III. Apparences et réalités religieuses en U.R.S.S.,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 19 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: IV. Les Russes désirent être libérés du joug stalinien,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 20 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: V. Le standard de vie, en U.R.S.S., est très bas,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 21 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: VI. Le système bolchéviste est une banqueroute,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 24 novembre 1952, 4.

Léopold Braun, “La véritable situation en ‘paradis rouge’: VII. Le peuple Russe est demeuré chrétien,” L’Action catholique: Organe de l’Action sociale catholique, 25 novembre 1952, 4.

Gilles Breton et Carol Levasseur, “État, rapport salarial et compromis institutionnalisé,” Politique et régulation: Modèle de développement et trajectoire canadienne, Gérard Boismenu et Daniel Drache, éditeurs, (Montréal: Méridien, 1990), 71–98.

John E.C. Brierley, “Pierre–Basile Mignault,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, James Harley Marsh, editor in chief, vol. 2, (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1985), 1130–1131.

Vincent Brousseau–Pouliot, “Cinq grands coups de Paul Desmarais,” La Presse.ca, 10 octobre 2013.

George W. Brown et alia, Dictionnaire biographique du Canada: De l’an 1000 à 1700, vol. 1, (Sainte Foy, Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1966).

Dorval Brunelle, Yves Bélanger et Christian Deblock, “L’intégration économique continentale et ses effets sur les gouvernement infra–étatiques: De l’ALE à l’ALENA et au–delà,” Cahiers de recherche sociolologique, 32(1999): 85–118.

Dorval Brunelle, La désillusion tranquille, (Montréal: Éditions Hurtubise Inc., 1978).

Michel Brunet, “L’État du Québec comme moyen d’émancipation,” Le Devoir, 29 janvier 1960.

Michel Brunet, La présence anglaise et les Canadiens, (Montréal: Beauchemin, 1968). [1957]

Hélène Buzzetti, “Ce Liberal fondateur du Bloc Québecois,” Le Devoir, 30 mars 2016.

Ivan Carel, Robert Comeau & Jean–Philippe Warren, editeurs, “Introduction: Une nécessaire réflexion sur l’usage de la violence politique,” Violences politiques: Europe et Amériques 1960–1979, Ivan Carel, Robert Comeau & Jean–Philippe Warren, editeurs, (Montréal: Lux, 2013), 7–15.

Claude Castonguay, “Le modèle québécois: Pouvons–nous rester dans la course avec un vieux modèle?” La Presse, 3 mars 1999, B3.

Claude Castonguay, “Vaut–il mieux être pauvre que riche? Même la gauche québécoise commence à s’interroger sur le modèle québécois,” La Presse, 26 mai 1999, B3.

Claude Castonguay, “Le Québec sera–t–il encore une fois le dernier?” La Presse, 21 août 1999, B3.

André Cédilot and André Noël, Mafia Inc: The Long, Bloody Reign of Canada’s Sicilian Clan, Michael Gilson, translator, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2012).

Colette Chabot, Péladeau, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 1986).

Marsha Chandler, “State Enterprise and Partisanship in Provincial Politics,” Canadian Journal of Political Science, 15.4(December, 1982): 711–740.

France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, “Partie 4 — Chapitre 3: Les conséquences,” Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, vol. 3, (Québec: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 2015), 73–80.

France Charbonneau et Renaud Lachance, Rapport final de la Commission d’enquête sur l’octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l’industrie de la construction: Stratagèmes, causes, conséquences et recommandations, 4 vols., (Quebec: Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec, 2015).

Jean Charest, “Lettre ouverte aux Québécois: Le Québec a fait un pas en avant depuis six mois,” Le Devoir, 14 octobre 2003, A7.

Jean Charest, “Le retard historique du Québec,” La Minute de l’emploi, 3.8(2000): 2–3.

Jean Charest, “Articulation institutionnelle et orientations du système de formation professionnelle au Québec,” Relations industrielles/Industrial Relations, 54.3(1999): 439–468.

Jean Charest, “Emploi et institutions: L’expérience de la concertation sectorielle au Canada et au Québec,” Objectif plein emploi: Le marché, la social–démocratie ou l’économie sociale, Diane–Gabrielle Tremblay, éditrice, (Sainte–Foy: Les Presses de l’Université du Québec, 1998), 232–253.

Marc Chevrier, “La conception pluraliste et subsidiaire de l’État dans le rapport Tremblay de 1956: Entre l’utopie et la clairvoyance,” Les Cahiers d’histoire du Québec au XXe siècle, 2(1994): 45–57.

Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, (Toronto: Key Porter Books Limited, 1985).

Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, Straight from the Heart, 1st edition, (Toronto: Seal Books, 1986).

Joseph Jacques Jean Chrétien, My Years As Prime Minister, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2008).

Yannick Clerouin, “Power Corp: Il est temps de créer de la valeur pour les actionnaires.” Les Affaires, 3 septembre 2016.

Jean–François Cloutier, “La fiducie familiale des Desmarais se réorganise,” TVA Nouvelles, 1 janvier 2016.

Jean–François Cloutier, “Comment les Desmarais ont évité le classement Forbes,” Journal de Montréal: Argent, 25 mars 2017.

Jean–François Cloutier et Gérard Samet, “Paul Desmarais se renforce en Europe,” TVA Nouvelles, 11 juillet 2011.

Robert Comeau, Économie québécoise, (Montréal: Presses de UQAM, 1969).

Robert Comeau, Histoire intellectuelle de l’indépendantisme québécois, (Montréal: VLB, 2010).

Terence Corcoran, “Desmarais Hits Back at Critics of Takeovers,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1975, 17.

Terence Corcoran, “Power Corp. may Syndicate Holdings in Argus Preferred,” The Montreal Gazette, 1 May 1975, 17.

Philippe Côté–Martine, “L’historiographie québécoise et le terrorisme: Une historicité à définir pour un objet encore fuyant,” Politique et Sociétés, 35.2–3(2016):195–214.

Pierre Couture, “Le gaz nuit aux exportations d’électricité,” Le Soleil: Québec,‎ 15 mai 2012.

Gérard Daigle et Guy Rocher, éditeurs, Le Québec en jeu: Comprendre les grands défis, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1992).

Christian Deblock, Yves Bélanger et Dorval Brunelle, “L’intégration économique continentale et ses effets sur les gouvernement infra–étatiques: De l’ALE à l’ALENA et au–delà,” Cahiers de recherche sociolologique, 32(1999): 85–118.

Christian Deblock, L’organisation mondiale du commerce: Où s’en va la mondialisation, (Montréal: Fides, 2002).

Christian Deblock, “Du mercantilisme au compétitivisme: Le retour du refoulé,” L’État–nation à l’ère de la mondialisation, Michel Van Cromhaut, éditeur, (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2003), 79–101.

Christian Deblock et Sylvain Turcotte, éditeurs, Suivre les États–Unis ou prendre une autre voie? (Bruxelles: Bruylant, 2003).

Christian Deblock et Dorval Brunelle, éditeurs, L’ALENA: Le libre–échange en défaut, (Montréal: Fides, 2004).

Christian Deblock et Henri Regnault, éditeurs, Nord–Sud: La reconnexion périphérique, (Montréal: Athena, 2006).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Americanism Versus Wilfrid Laurier and “Canadian” Liberalism, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Paul Desmarais and Canadian Culture, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Brian Mulroney Versus American Protectionism, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Paul Martin, the Tainted–Blood Scandal and Canada Steamship Lines, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, The New Canada: Margaret Trudeau Versus the Québécocracy, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2017).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, Jean Chrétien and French Chauvinism, 2nd edition, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2018).

Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, The Rational Conception of Canada: Trudeau Philology and Trudeauism, (San Francisco, California: The Medium Corporation, 2018).

Alfred (Jean–Baptiste–Alfred?) Duclos DeCelles, Laurier et son temps, (Montréal: Librairie Beauchemin Limitée, 1920).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, The “Patriotes” of ’37: A Chronicle of the Lower Canadian Rebellion, Stewart Wallace, translator, (Toronto: Glasgow, Brook & Co., 1916).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Lafontaine et son temps, (1907).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Cartier et son temps, (1907).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Papineau: 1786–1871, (Montréal: Librairie Beauchemin, 1905).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Les constitutions du Canada: Étude politique, (Ottawa: J. Hope & Son, 1901). [1900]

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, À la conquete de la liberté en français au Canada, (Lévis: Pierre–Georges, Roy Éditeur, 1898).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Les États–Unis: Origine — Institutions — Développement, (Ottawa: Unknown, 1896).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, Papineau: Extraits de sa correspondance intime, (Montreal: Typ. Gebhardt–Berthiaume, 1891).

Alfred Duclos DeCelles, La Crise du regime parlementaire, (Montréal: Imprimerie Générale, 1887).

Fabien Deglise, “Un milliard de coûts inutiles pour Hydro–Québec,” Le Devoir, 30 juillet 2009.

Susan Delacourt, Juggernaut: Paul Martin’s Campaign for Chrétien’s Crown, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2003).

Guillaume De Maillard, “La France et le Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).62(décembre, 1963): 1–4.

Caroline Desbiens, Power from the North: Territory, Identity, and the Culture of Hydroelectricity in Québec, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2014).

David Descôteaux, “Qui paye de l’impôt au Québec?” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 24 avril 2017.

Paul Guy Desmarais, “Opinions: Il faut saisir cette occasion unique et historique,” La Presse, 21 octobre 1992, B3.

Saidatou Dicko, Un Conseil d’administration fortement réseauté pour une Power Corporation, (Paris: Publibook, 2012).

Murray Dobbin, “Paul Martin’s Tainted Record,” Globe and Mail, 14 November 2003.

Murray Dobbin, Paul Martin: CEO for Canada? (Toronto: James Lorimer & Company Limited, 2003).

Greg Donaghy, Grit: The Life and Politics of Paul Martin Sr. (C.D. Howe Series in Canadian Political History), John English and Robert Bothwell, forward, (Vancouver/Toronto: University of British Columbia Press, 2015).

Anne–Marie Dorion, Bio–bibliographie de Alfred Duclos DeCelles: 1843–1925, (Montréal: Université de Montréal, 1942).

Michel Ducharme, Le concept de liberté au Canada à l’époque des révolutions atlantiques: 1776–1838, (Montréal & Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2010).

Fernand Dumont, et alia, Idéologies au Canada français: 1900–1929, (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 1974).

Mario Dumont, “Les plus pauvres,” Le Journal de Montréal: Opinions, 20 janvier 2016.

Jean–Pierre Dupuis, éditeur, Le modèle québécois de développement économique, (Cap Rouge: Presses inter–universitaires, 1995).

Michel Duquette, “Libéralisme ou nationalisme dans la politique énergétique canadienne?” Centre de recherche en développement industriel et technologique: Université de Québec à Montréal (CREDIT), 86–02(1986): 1–34.

Michel Duquette “Politiques canadiennes de l’énergie et libre–échange―ou le sacrifice d’Iphigénie,” Études internationales, 191(1988): 5–32.

René Durocher et Paul–Andre Linteau, Le retard du Québec et l’infériorité économique des Canadiens français, (Montréal: Boréal Express, 1971).

Wilfrid Eggleston, “Louis Stephen St. Laurent, Prime Minister of Canada 1948–1957” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, (Chicago: Field Enterprises Educational Corporation, 1971), 36a–36b.

Philippe Faucher et Johanne Bergeron, Hydro–Québec: La société de l’heure de pointe, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1986).

Philippe Faucher, “L’entreprise publique comme instrument de politique économique,” Département de science politique, Université de Montréal: Notes de recherche, 2(1981): ?

Jean Louis Fleury, Les coureurs de lignes: L’histoire du transport de l’électricité au Québec, (Montréal: Stanké, 1999).

Jean Louis Fleury, Les porteurs de lumières: L’histoire de la distribution de l’électricité au Québec, (Québec: Éditions MultiMondes, 2004).

Dominique Foisy–Geoffroy “‘La vocation de la race française en Amérique,’ de Monseigneur Louis–Adolphe Pâquet,” Mens, 31(2002): 61–95.

Claude E. Forget, La Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec: Sa mission, son impact et sa performance, (Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute, 1984).

Pierre Fortin, “La révolution tranquille et le virage économique du Québec,” La Révolution tranquille 40 ans plus tard: Un bilan, Yves Bélanger, Robert Comeau et Céline Métivier, éditeurs, (Montréal: VLB éditeur, 2000), 165–178.

Pierre Fortin, “Le Québec a comblé la moitié de son retard sur l’Ontario,” Le Devoir, 27 mars 2000.

Pierre Fournier, Le patronat québécois au pouvoir, 1970–1976, (Montréal: Cahiers du Québec, 1979).

Pierre Fournier , Les sociétés d’État et les objectifs économiques du Québec: Une évaluation préliminaire, (Québec: Éditeur officiel du Québec, 1979).

Louis Fournier, FLQ: Histoire d’un mouvement clandestin, (Outremont: Lanctôt, 1998).

Matthew Fraser, Québec Inc: French–Canadian Entrepreneurs and the New Business Élite, (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 1987).

Matthew Fraser, Québec Inc: Les Québécois prennent d’assaut le monde des affaires, (Montréal: Éditions de l’Homme, 1987).

Stanley French, “Considérations sur l’histoire et l’esprit de la philosophie au Canada–francais,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.68(juin–juillet, 1964): 20–26.

Karl Froschauer, White Gold: Hydroelectric Power in Canada, (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011).

Jean–Paul Gagné, “Recul du contrôle de l’entrepreneuriat québécois sur les entreprises canadiennes,” Les Affaires, 15 janvier 1994.

Kim Garritty, “Number of Working Poor in Québec City ‘Profoundly Disturbing,’ Says Reverend: Rev. Katherine Burgess Talks About Poverty Among Anglophone Community,” CBC News, 4 December 2016.

Michael Gauvreau, Catholic Origins of Québec’s Quiet Revolution, 1931–1970, (Montréal/Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2005).

André Gélinas, L’administration centrale et le cadre de gestion: Les ministères, les organismes, les agences, les appareils centraux, (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2003).

Xavier Gélinas, La droite intellectuelle québécoise et la Révolution tranquille, (Québec: Presses de l’Universite Laval, 2007).

Marie Lise Gingras, Wilbrod Bherer: Un grand Québecois, 1905–1998, (Sillery, Québec: Les Éditions du Septentrion, 2001).

Alain–Gustave Gagnon, éditeur, Québec: État et société, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1994).

Michel Girard, “42% des Québécois se sont appauvris,” La Presse, 9 septembre 1997.

Pierre Godin, “Robert Bourassa: Les mégaprojets à mille kilomètres de Montréal, arracher des milliards de kilowatts à une région nordique fabuleuse et hostile …,” Le Devoir,‎ 12 mars 1994, E7.

Carol Goar, “Québec Shows the Way on Poverty,” Toronto Sun, 9 September 2009.

Jacques Grand’maison, La nouvelle classe économique du Québec, (Montréal: Stanké, 1979).

Michel Grant et Benoît Lévesque, “Aperçu des principales transformations des rapports du travail dans les entreprises: Le cas québécois,” Nouvelles formes d’organisation du travail, Michel Grant, Paul R. Bélanger et Benoît Lévesque, éditeurs, (Paris et Montréal: Éditions L’Harmattan, 1997), 221–277.

Dave Greber, Rising to Power: Paul Desmarais and Power Corporation, (Toronto: Methuen, 1987).

Dave Greber, Paul Desmarais: Un homme et son empire, (Montréal: Les Éditions de l’Homme, 1987).

Lionel Groulx, “La bourgeoisie et le national,” L’Avenir de notre bourgeoisie, Victor Barbeau, Lionel Groulx, Benoît Godbout et Esdras Minville, éditeurs, (Montréal: Éditions de la J.I.C., 1939), 91–138.

Linda Gyulai, “Rizzuto’s Construction Links Traced to ’60s Montréal,” The Montreal Gazette, 30 January 2014.

Peter Hadekel, Silent Partners: Taxpayers and the Bankrolling of Bombardier, revised edition, (Toronto: Key Porter Books, 2006). [2004]

Charles Halary, “L’image du président de Gaulle chez les Français de Montréal,” Espoir, 86(septembre, 1992): ?

Réginal Hamel, John Hare et Paul Wyczynski, dir., Dictionnaire des auteurs de langue française en Amérique du Nord, (Montréal: Fides, 1989).

Marcel Hamelin, editor, The Political Ideas of the Prime Ministers of Canada: The Vanier Lectures, (Ottawa: University of Ottawa, 1969).

Jacqueline Hekpazo, “Le ‘modèle québécoisé’ de Bouchard et de Charest: Un autre subterfuge!” (Montréal: Regroupement pour une alternative politique, 1999).

Clarence Hogue, et alia, Québec un siècle d’électricité, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 1979).

Edward W. Humphrys, “Hydroelectricity,” The Canadian Encyclopedia, vol. 2, James Harley Marsh, editor, (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1985), 853–854.

Brooke Jeffrey, Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010).

Carol Jobin, Les enjeux économiques de la nationalisation de l’électricité, 1962–1963, (Montréal: Éditions coopératives Albert Saint–Martin, 1978).

William Johnson, Anglophobie: Made in Québec, (Québec City: Stanké, 1991).

Roger Lacasse, Baie James: Une épopée, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 1983).

Jacques Lacoursière, Histoire populaire du Québec: 1896–1960, (Sillery: Editions du Septentrion, 1977).

Gérard–Raymond Laliberté, “Dix–huit ans de corporatisme militant: L’École sociale populaire de Montréal (1933–1950),” Recherches sociographiques, 21.1–2(1980): 55–96.

Suzanne Lalande, SNC: Génie sans frontières, (Montréal: Libre Expression, 1991).

Jacques Lamarche, Les requins de la finance, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, Collection de poche, ?).

Yvan Lamonde, Louis Adolphe Paquet, (Montréal: Fides, 1972).

Maurice Lamontagne, “Rechercher l’union véritable des deux cultures,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 160–166.

Martha Whitney Langford and Chris Debresson, “The Role of Hydro–Québec in the Rise of Consulting Engineering in Montréal 1944–1992: An Essay in Oral History and Company Genealogy,” Scientia Canadensis, 161(1992): 76–108.

Roger Lanoue et Taïeb Hafsi, Société d’État? Pourquoi pas? Concilier politique et performance: Les secrets de la réussite d’Hydro–Québec, (Québec: Presses de l’Université du Québec, 2010).

Gérald Larose, “Un modèle à réinventer: Certains aspects du modèle québécois ont fait leur temps,” La Presse, 8 juin 1999, B3.

Daniel Latouche, “La vrai nature de la révolution tranquille,” Revue canadienne de science politique, 7.3(septembre, 1974): 525–536.

André Laurendeau, “Le Canada, une nation ou deux?” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 70–87.

Wilfrid Laurier, Lecture on Political Liberalism: Delivered By Wilfrid Laurier, Esq., M.P., on the 26th June, 1877, in the Music Hall, Québec, Under the Auspices of “Le Club Canadien,” (Québec: The Morning Chronicle, 1877).

Léo — Paul Lauzon, “La minorité de riches (5,6%) paie 39% des impôts: Faux,” Le Journal de Montréal: Blogues, 28 septembre 2016.

Gilles Lebel, Horizon 1980: Étude sur l’évolution de l’économie du Québec de 1946 à 1968 et sur ses perspectives d’avenir, (Québec: Ministère de l’Industrie et du Commerce,1970).

Mario Lefebvre, Québec’s Fiscal Situation: The Alarm Bells Have Sounded, (Ottawa: The Conference Board of Canada, 2010).

Jean Lesage, “Annèxe 4: Notes du discours de l’honorable Jean Lesage prononcé en Chambre le 9 juin 1965 lors de la présentation, en deuxième lecture, de la loi de la Caisse de dépot et placement du Québec (Bill 51),” La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, Mario Pelletier, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1989), 289–313. [1965]

Jean Lesage, “Exploitons à fond la Confédération,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor, (Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 168–180.

Jean Lesage, Lesage s’engage, (Montréal: Les Éditions politiques du Québec, 1959).

Benoît Lévesque, Paul R. Bélanger, Marie Bouchard et Margie Mendell, Le Fonds de solidarité (FTQ): Un cas exemplaire de nouvelle gouvernance, (Montréal: Fonds de solidarité, 2000).

Benoît Lévesque, “Le modèle québécois: Un horizon théorique pour la recherche: Une porte d’entrée pour un projet de société?” Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (Crises): Collection études théoriques, ET0105(avril, 2001): 1–34.

Benoît Lévesque, “Le modèle québécois en question: Vers un nouveau modèle québécois de développement,” Cahiers du Centre de recherche sur les innovations sociales (Crises): Collection études théoriques, ET9910(juin, 1999): 21–38.

Benoît Lévesque, Gilles L. Bourque et Yves Vaillancourt “Trois positions dans le débat sur le modèle québécois,” Nouvelles pratiques sociales, 122(1999): 1–10.

René Lévesque, “Le grand rêve d’un moyen satellite,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.26(avril, 1960): 11–13.

René Lévesque, “Pas plus bêtes que les Arabes (?),” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.27(mai, 1960): 17–18.

René Lévesque, “Le rôle de l’État, sur les plans fédéral et provincial,” The Canadian Experiment, Success or Failure? (Le Canada, expérience ratée … ou réussie?) Congress Held 15–18 November 1961, Under the Auspices of the Association générale des étudiants de l’Université de Laval, Mason Wade, editor,(Québec: Presses de l’Université de Laval, 1962), 100–115.

René Lévesque, “Préface,” La nationalisation de l’électricité, Paul Sauriol, (Montréal: Les Éditions de l’Homme, 1962).

René Lévesque, Attendez que je me rappelle, (Montréal: Québec Amérique, 1986).

Jean–Francois Lisée, Le Petit Tricheur: Robert Bourassa derrière le masque, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 2012).

Michel Lizée, The Fonds de solidarité des travailleurs du Québec: Research Essay, (Ottawa: Carleton University Institute of Political Economy, 1995).

L. Ian MacDonald, From Bourassa to Bourassa: Wilderness to Restoration, 2nd edition, (Montréal/Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2002).

Larry MacDonald, The Bombardier Story: From Snowmobiles to Global Transportation Powerhouse, 2nd Edition, (Mississauga: John Wiley & Sons Canada Ltd., 2013). [2012]

Pierre–Louis Mallen, Vive le Québec Libre, (Paris: Plon, 1978).

Christopher Malone, La politique québécoise en matière de relations internationales: Changement et continuité, 1960–1972, MA thesis, (Ottawa: Université d’Ottawa, 1974).

Eileen Reid Marcil, Au rythme des marées: L’histoire des chantiers maritimes Davie, (Toronto: Éditions McClelland & Stewart, 1997).

James Harley Marsh, editor in chief, The Canadian Encyclopedia, 3 vols., (Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers Ltd., 1985).

Marcel Martel & Martin Pâquet, Langue et politique au Canada et au Québec: Une synthèse historique, (Montréal: Boréal, 2010).

Lawrence Martin, Chrétien: The Will to Win, vol. 1, (Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995).

Paul Martin, Canada and the Quest For Peace, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1967).

Paul Martin, Paul Martin Speaks For Canada: A Collection of Speeches on Foreign Policy, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1968).

Paul Martin, A Very Public Life: Far From Home, vol. 1, (Toronto: Deneau Publishers, 1983).

Paul Martin, A Very Public Life: So Many Worlds, vol. 2, (Toronto: Deneau Publishers, 1985).

Paul Martin, The London Diaries: 1975–1979, William Young, editor, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988).

Paul Martin Jr., Hell or High Water: My Life In and Out of Politics, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2008).

Keith McArthur, Air Monopoly: How Robert Milton’s Air Canada Won―and Lost―Control of Canada’s Skies, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2004).

Donald McDonald, Thumper: A Candid Behind–the–Scenes Account of the Business of Governing, (Montréal/Kingston: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2014).

Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Préface,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, (Montréal: Whiteford & Théoret, Éditeurs Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1895), v–xii.

Pierre–Basile Mignault, “Introduction doctrinale et historique,” Le Droit civil canadien basé sur les “Répétitions écrites sur le code civil” de Frédéric Mourlon avec revue de la jurisprudence de nos tribunaux, Tome 1, (Montréal: Whiteford & Théoret, Éditeurs Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1895), 1–57.

Pierre–Basile Mignault, Manuel de droit parliamentaire ou cours élémentaire de droit constitutionnel précédé d’une esquisse du régime parliamentaire en Angleterre et au Canada, (Montréal: A. Périard, Éditeur Librairie de Droit et de Jurisprudence, 1889).

Jean–Luc Migué, “Étatisme et protectionnisme,” Les Affaires, 22 février 1997.

Jean–Luc Migué, Étatisme et déclin du Québec: Bilan de la Révolution tranquille, (Montréal: Les éditions Varia, 1999).

Sean Mills, The Empire Within: Postcolonial Thought and Political Activism in Sixties Montréal, (Kingston & Montréal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 2010).

Jacques Monet, “Louis Stephen St. Laurent: Prime Minister of Canada, 1948–1957” World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 17, (1992), 39–40.

Denis Monière, Le développement des idéologies au Québec des origines à nos jours, (Montréal: Québec/Amérique, 1977).

Denis Monière, Pour comprendre le nationalisme au Québec et ailleurs, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2001).

Édouard Montpetit, Au service de la tradition française, (Montréal: L’Action française, 1920).

Édouard Montpetit, “Vers la supériorité,” L’Action française, 1(1917): 1–7.

Emmanuel Mounier, Existentialist Philosophies: An Introduction, Eric Blow, translator, (London: Rockliff, 1948). [1947]

Emmanuel Mounier, Personalism, Philip Mairet, translator, (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1952). [1950]

Frédéric Mourlon, Répétitions écrites sur le code civil contenant l’exposé des principes généreux leurs motifs et la solution des questions théoriques, 11e édition, revue et mise au courant par Charles Demangeat, Tome premier, (Paris: Garniers Frères, Libraires–Éditeurs, 1880).

Frédéric Mourlon, Répétitions écrites sur le deuxième examen du code Napoléon contenant l’exposé des principes généreux leurs motifs et la solution des questions théoriques, 2e édition revue et corrigée, 3 vols., (Paris: A. Marescq, Libraire–Éditeur, 1852). [1846]

Brian Mulroney, The Politics of Québec, 1933–1958: Senior Honours Essay, (Antigonish: St. Francis Xavier University, 1959).

Brian Mulroney, Robert Cliche and Guy Chevrette, commissaires, Rapport de la commission d’enquête sur la liberté syndicale dans l’industrie de la construction, (Québec: Éditeur Officiel du Québec, 1975).

Brian Mulroney, Where I Stand, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1983).

Brian Mulroney, The Mulroney Team, (Don Mills, Ontario: Corpus, 1984).

Brian Mulroney, Memoirs, (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 2011).

Rae Murphy, Robert Chodos and Eric Hamovitch, Paul Martin: A Political Biography, (Toronto: James Lorimer and Company, 1998).

Jean–François Nadeau, Bourgault, (Montréal: Lux, 2007).

Roger Nantel, “Correspondance: L’art de frapper à la mauvaise porte,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).62(décembre, 1963): 28–30.

Peter Charles Newman, The Titans: How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, (Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1998).

Peter Charles Newman, “King Paul,” The Canadian Establishment: The Titans, How the New Canadian Establishment Seized Power, vol. 3, (Toronto: Viking Canada, 1998), 164–189.

Jorge Niosi, “Du nouveau dans les services internationaux: Les multinationales de l’ingénierie,” Revue d’économie industrielle, 43.1(1988): 70–82.

Jorge Niosi and Philippe Faucher, “Public Enterprises Procurements and Industrial Development: The Case of Hydro–Québec,” Centre de recherche en développement industriel et technologique: Université de Québec à Montréal (CREDIT), 86–03(1986): 1–24.

Jorge Niosi, et alia, La montée de l’ingénierie canadienne, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1990).

Alain Noël, “Vers un nouvel État–providence? Enjeux démocratiques,” Politique et Sociétés, 15.30(1996): 1–28.

Alain Noël, “Québec Inc: Veni! Vidi! Vici?” Gestion, février 1994.

Pierre O’Neill et Jacques Benjamin, Les Mandarins du Pouvoir: L’Exercice du Pouvoir au Québec de Jean Lesage à René Lévesque, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1978).

Kristine Owram, “How Bombardier Inc Suppresses Information About How Much Government Funding It Receives,” The Financial Post, 11 March 2016.

Filip Palda, L’État interventionniste: Le gouvernement provincial et l’économie du Québec, (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 1994).

Louis–Joseph Papineau, Speech of Louis J. Papineau, Esqr., on the Hustings, at the Opening of the Election For the West Ward of the City of Montreal, on the 11th of August, 1827, and His Reply to Peter McGill Esqr., Translated From the French, to Which Are Added the Speech of His Excellency the Earl of Dalhousie, Governor in Chief, &c., to the House of Assembly on Proroguing the Provincial Parliament, 7th March 1827, and the Address of Certain Members to Their Constituents in Consequence of the Speech, &c., anonymous, translator, (Montreal: Printed By Ludger Duvernay, at the Office of the Canadian Spectator, 1827).

Louis–Joseph Papineau, Les 92 résolutions de l’Assemblée législative du Bas–Canada, (Quebec: House of Assembly, 1834).

Louis–Joseph Papineau, “Histoire de la résistance du Canada au gouvernement anglais,” Revue du Progrès, 1(1 mai, 1839): 436–453.

Louis–Joseph Papineau, Histoire de l’insurrection du Canada, (Montréal: Éditions Leméac, 1968).

Gilles Pâquet, Oublier la Révolution tranquille: Pour une nouvelle socialité, (Montréal: Liber, 1999).

Jean–Claude Pâquet, “L’affaire de la Solbec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).62(décembre, 1963): 5–8.

Louis–Adolphe Pâquet, Bréviaire du patriote canadien–français: Sermon du 23 juin 1902, commenté par le chanoine Emile Chattier, (Montréal: Bibliothèque de l’Action française, 1925).

Martin Pâquet, “Histoire sociale et histoire politique au Québec: Esquisse d’une anthropologie du savoir historien,” Bulletin d’histoire politique, 15.3(2007): 83–102.

Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Jacques Parizeau, “Les investissements américains sont–ils devenus une menace?” L’Actualité économique, 32.1(1956): 140–156.

Jacques Parizeau, “Finances fédérales 1955,” L’Actualité économique, 32.1(1956): 121–131.

Jacques Parizeau, Pour un Québec souverain, (Montréal: VLB Éditeur, 1997).

Jacques Parizeau, “Planification I: L’insaisissable planification,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13(14).57(mai, 1963): 4–6.

Martin Patriquin, “Québec the Most Corrupt Province: Why Does Québec Claim So Many of the Nation’s Political Scandals?” Maclean’s, 24 September 2010.

Mario Pelletier, La machine à milliards: L’Histoire de la Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québec/Amérique, 1989).

Jean Pellerin, Faillite de l’Occident ou le Complexe d’Alexandre, (Montréal: Les Éditions du Jour, 1963).

Jean Pellerin, “Coup d’oeil rapide sur une situation tragique: Les USA achètent le Canada avec notre propre argent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.68(juin–juillet, 1964): 8–20.

Dominique Perron, Le nouveau roman de l’énergie nationale: Analyse des discours promotionnels de Hydro–Québec de 1964 à 1997, (Calgary: University of Calgary Press, 2006).

François Perroux, Le Problème du profit, (Grenoble: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1926).

François Perroux, Les problèmes contemporains: Autarcie et expansion: Empire ou Empires? (Paris: Librairie de Médicis, 1940).

François Perroux, La Valeur, (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1943).

François Perroux, Le Capitalisme, (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1951).

François Perroux, L’Europe sans rivages, (Grenoble: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1954).

François Perroux, L’Économie du 20e siècle, (Grenoble: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1961).

François Perroux, Les Techniques quantitatives de la planification, (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1965).

François Perroux, Masse et classe, (Paris: Casterman, 1972).

François Perroux, Pouvoir et économie, (Paris: Dunod, 1973).

François Perroux, Les Entreprises transnationales et le nouvel ordre économique du monde, (Lyon: Institut des sciences sociales appliquées, 1979).

François Perroux, Pour une philosophie du nouveau développement, (Paris: Aubier/Presses de l’Unesco, 1981).

François Perroux, Dialogue des monopoles et des nations: “Équilibre” ou dynamique des unités actives, (Grenoble: Presses universitaires de Grenoble, 1982).

Martin Petitclerc, Nous protégeons l’infortune: Les origines populaires de l’économie sociale au Québec, (Montréal: VLB, 2007).

François Pétry, Éric Bélanger et Louis M. Imbeau, éditeurs, Le Parti Libéral: Enquête sur les réalisations du gouvernement Charest, (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2006).

Alain Peyrefitte, De Gaulle et le Québec, (Les Publications du Québec, 1997).

Alain Peyrefitte, “De Gaulle: Il y aura une République française du Canada,” Les Cahiers d’histoire du Québec au 20e siècle, 7(printemps, 1997): 13–22.

Robin Philpot, Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 2ème édition, (Montréal: Livres Baraka Inc., 2014).

Robin Philpot , Derrière L’État Desmarais: Power, 1ère édition, (Montréal: Les Intouchables, 2008).

Robert Pichette, L’Acadie par bonheur retrouvé de Gaulle et l’Acadie, (Moncton: Éditions d’Acadie, 1994).

John Whitney Pickersgill (1905–1997), Louis St. Laurent, (Markham, Ontario: Fitzhenry & Whiteside, 1981).

John Whitney Pickersgill, My Years With Louis St. Laurent: A Political Memoir, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1975).

Peter Pigott, “Claude Taylor and the Summer Afternoon,” Air Canada: The History, (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2014), 128–171.

André Pratte, “Tout est pourri,” La Presse, 11 février 1994, A5.

André Raynault, Croissance et structure économique dans la province de Québec, (Québec: Ministère de l’Industrie et du Commerce, 1961).

André Raynault, La propriété des entreprises au Québec, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1974).

André Raynault et François Raynault, L’État–providence des entreprises, (Montréal: Fides, 1999).

Thomas H. Reid & William D. Boulton, St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Projects, (Montréal: Éditions Reid & Boulton Publishing, 1954).

Carl Renaud, “Plus du tiers des Québécois ne paient pas d’impôt,” Le Journal de Montréal: Argent, 30 juin 2016.

Louis Riel, Amnistie: Mémoire sur les causes des troubles du Nord–Ouest et sur les négotiations qui ont amené leur reglement amiable, (Montréal: Bureau du “Nouveau Monde,” 1874).

Louis Riel, Poesies religieuses et politiques, (Montréal: Imprimerie de “l’Étendard,” 1886).

Marcel Rioux, La Question du Québec, (Montréal: Hexagone, 1987).

Marcel Rioux, “Conscience ethnique et conscience de classe au Québec,” Revue sociographique, 6.1(1965) 23–32.

Jean–Pierre Rogel, “Histoires d’eau: Les grandes manoeuvres de M. Bourassa,” Québec Science, ?(octobre 1985):17–23.

Christian Rouillard, Éric Montpetit, Isabelle Fortier & Alain–Gustave Gagnon, De la réingénierie à la modernisation de l’état québécois, 2e édition, (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval, 2009).

Jean–Baptiste Rouilliard, Annexion conférence: L’Union continentale, (Montréal: La Cie d’Imprimerie Desaulniers, 1893).

Ralph Rouzier, La Caisse de dépôt et placement du Québec: Portrait d’une institution d’intérêt général, 1965–2000, (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2008).

Fernande Roy, Histoire des idéologies au Québec aux XIX et XX siècles, (Montréal: Boréal, 1993).

Pierre–Georges Roy, Les avocats de la région de Québec, (Lévis, 1936).

Raoul Roy, Pour un drapeau indépendantiste, (Montréal: Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1965).

Raoul Roy, Résistance indépendantiste: 1793–1798, (Montréal: Les Éditions Québécoises, 1973).

Raoul Roy, Jésus: Guerrier de l’indépendance, (Montréal: Les Éditions Parti–Pris, 1975).

Raoul Roy, Les Églises vont–elles disparaître? (Montréal: Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1976).

Raoul Roy, René Lévesque: Était–il un imposteur? (Montréal: Les Éditions du Franc–Canada, 1985).

William F. Ryan, The Clergy and Economic Growth in Québec: 1896–1914, (Québec: Presses de l’Université Laval).

Maurice Saint–Germain, Une économie à liberer: Le Québec analysé dans ses structures économiques, (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 1973).

Robert John Sargent, The Thought of Monseigneur Louis–Adolphe Pâquet as a Spokesman for French Canadian Ultramontanism, Ph.D. thesis, (New York: Union Theological Seminary, 1968).

Paul Sauriol, La nationalisation de l’électricité, René Lévesque, préface, (Montréal: Les Éditions de l’Homme, 1962).

Stéphané Savard, Hydro–Québec et l’état québécois: 1944–2005, (Québec: Septentrion, 2013).

Andrew Sharpe, “Le Québec et l’Ontario: Convergence ou divergence?” La Minute de l’emploi, 3.8(2000): 3–4.

Émile Simard, Communisme et science, (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1963).

Arthur Isaac Silver, The French–Canadian Idea of Confederation: 1864–1900, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982).

Paul Douglas Stevens, “Pierre E. Trudeau: Prime Minister of Canada, 1968,” The World Book Encyclopedia, vol. 18, (Chicago: Field Enterprises Educational Corporation, 1971), 380a–381.

Patrick Straram, “Les français parlent aux français ou pourquoi Duplessis a raison,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45–48.

Charles Taylor, “La bombe et le neutralisme,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.47(mai, 1962): 11–16. Voir: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, éditeur, Géopolitique Québécocentrique, Charles Margrave Taylor, GOOGLE+ 2017.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “L’Homme de Gauche et les Élections Provinciales II: L’Opinion de Charles Taylor,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.51(novembre, 1962): 6–7 & 21.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “L’État et la laïcité” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14.54(février, 1963): 3–6.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Le Canada, ouvrier de la paix?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.56(avril, 1963): 13–17.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Le chevalier de la Contre–révolution,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 2–3. Voir: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, éditeur, Divisions Québécocentriques, Charles Margrave Taylor, GOOGLE+ 2017.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “La révolution futile ou les avatars de la pensée globale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 10–22. Voir: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, éditeur, Totalitarisme et pensée globale, Charles Margrave Taylor, GOOGLE+ 2017.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Le communisme occidentale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.71(novembre, 1964): 3–5.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: La guerre froide s’effrite,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.72(décembre, 1964): 3–4. Voir: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, éditeur, Contre la Guerre froide, Charles Margrave Taylor, GOOGLE+ 2017.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Au chevet de la livre Stirling,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.74(février, 1965): 3–4.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: La pagaille à Ottawa,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.75(mars, 1965): 1–3.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “La planification fédérale–provinciale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.76(avril, 1965): 9–16.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Que faire au Vietnam?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 1–3.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Batir un nouveau Canada,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.79(août–septembre, 1965): 10–14. Voir: Christopher Richard Wade Dettling, éditeur, Naissance du fédéralisme Québécocentrique, Charles Margrave Taylor, GOOGLE+ 2017.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Maurice Blain, Jean Pellerin et Jacques Tremblay (l’équipe de rédaction de Cité Libre),“Marchand, Pelletier, Trudeau et le 8 novembre,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.80(octobre, 1965): 1–3.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Maurice Blain, Jean Pellerin et Jacques Tremblay (l’équipe de rédaction de Cité Libre), “La civilisation Yankee au Vietnam,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.81(novembre, 1965): 1–2; 2.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “The Opening Arguments of the Phenomenology,” Hegel: A Collection of Critical Essays, Alasdair MacIntyre, editor, (New York: Doubleday, 1972), 151–187.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Hegel, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975).

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel’s Sittlichkeit and the Crisis of Representative Institutions,” Philosophy of History and Action, Yirmiyahu Yovel, editor, (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1978), 133–154.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Hegel and Modern Society, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel and the Philosophy of Action,” Hegel’s Philosophy of Action, Lawrence S. Stepelevich and David Lamb, editors, (Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1983), 1–18.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind,” Contemporary Philosophy: A New Survey, vol. 4, Guttorm Fløristad, editor, (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1983), 135–155.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel, History and Politics,” Liberalism and Its Critics, Michael J. Sandel, editor, (New York: New York University Press, 1984), 177–199.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Kant’s Theory of Freedom,” Conceptions of Liberty in Political Philosophy, John N. Gray and Zbigniew Pelczynski, editors, (London: Athlone Press, 1984), 100–121.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel’s Philosophy of Mind,” Philosophical Papers, vol. 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 77–96.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Dialektik heute, oder: Strukturen der Selbsnegation,” Hegels Wissenschaft der Logik: Formation und Rekonstruction, Dieter Henrich, editor, (Stuttgart: Klett–Cotta, 1986), 141–153.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel’s Ambiguous Legacy for Modern Liberalism,” Cardozo Law Review, 10 (1989): 857–870.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel’s Ambiguous Legacy for Modern Liberalism,” Hegel and Legal Theory, Drucilla Cornell, Michel Rosenfeld and David G. Carlson, editors, (London: Routledge,1991), 64–77.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “The Tradition of a Situation,” Reconciling the Solitudes: Essays on Canadian Federalism and Nationalism, Paul Leduc Brown, translator and Guy Laforest, editor, (Montréal: McGill–Queen’s University Press, 1993), 135–139.

Charles Margrave Taylor, La liberté des modernes, (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1997).

Charles Margrave Taylor, Hegel et la société moderne, (Paris: Cerf, 1998).

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Comment on Jürgen Habermas’ ‘From Kant to Hegel and Back Again,’” European Journal of Philosophy, 7.2(1999): 158–163.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Hegel and the Social Dynamics of Property Law: Individual Rights Within a Liberal Constitutional Framework: A Necessary But Insufficient Basis For Organizing a Rational State,” Hegel and Law, Michael G. Salter, editor, Seyla Benhabib, Edgar Bodenheimer, Andrew Buchwalter, Markus Dubber, Robert Fine, Abel Garza, Jürgen Habermas, Valerie Kerruish, William N.R. Lucy, Chad McCracken, Patricia Jagentowicz Mills, Gary Minda, Michael G. Salter, Julia Shaw, Peter Stillman, Mark Tunick, Richard Dien Winfield, contributors, (Hants, Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), ?

Simon Tessier, Octobre de force: Répression et état d’exception, (Boisbriand: Éditions du Québécois, 2012).

William Tetley, Octobre 1970: Dans les coulisses de la Crise, (Saint–Lambert: Héritage, 2010).

Joseph–Yvon Thériault, “L’Amérique et l’américanité ne peuvent être notre Projet,” Le Devoir, 19 et 22 mai 2001.

Dale Cairns Thomson (1923–1999), Louis St. Laurent: Canadian, (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1967).

Dale Cairns Thomson, “The Political Ideas of Louis St. Laurent,” The Political Ideas of the Prime Ministers of Canada: The Vanier Lectures, Marcel Hamelin, editor, (Ottawa: University of Ottawa, 1969), 139–153

Dale Cairns Thomson, editor, Quebec Society and Politics: Views From the Inside, (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1973).

Dale Cairns Thomson, Mémoire à la commission parlementaire de l’Assemblée nationale du Québec à propos du projet de loi numero 1: Charte de la langue française au Québec, (1977).

Dale Cairns Thomson, Jean Lesage and the Quiet Revolution, (Toronto: Macmillan, 1984).

Dale Cairns Thompson, Vive le Québec Libre! (Toronto: Deneau Publishers, 1988).

Dale Cairns Thompson, De Gaulle et le Québec, (Éditions du Trécarré, 1990).

James D. Thwaites, éditeur, Travail et syndicalisme: Origines, évolution et défis d’une action sociale, 3e édition, (Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 2007).

Jean–Marie Toulouse, L’Entrepreneurship au Québec, (Montréal: Fides, 1979).

Jean–Marie Toulouse , Les réussites québécoises, (Montréal: Les Éditions Agence d’Arc, 1980).

Ernest Tremblay, Riel: Reponse à Monsieur J.A. Chapleau, (St–Hyacinthe: Des Presses à Vapeur de “l’Union,” 1885).

Pierre Trépanier, “Quel corporatisme? (1820–1965),” Les Cahiers des Dix, 45(1990): 169–188.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Règle du jeu,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 1–3.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 20–24.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Mounier disparaît,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Blum et Laski,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37–38.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland (l’Equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: La question,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 39.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle II,” Cité Libre, 1.2(février, 1951): 24–29.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: L’auberge de la grande U.R.S.S.,” Le Devoir, 14 juin 1952, 4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: Premières rencontres,” Le Devoir, 16 juin 1952, 4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: Un peuple sympathique, mais conventionnel jusqu’à la nausée,” Le Devoir, 17 juin 1952, 4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: Le citoyen soviétique demeure un ‘cochon de payant,’” Le Devoir, 18 juin 1952, 4–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: La conférence commence …,” Le Devoir, 19 juin 1952, 4–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: Les conclusions de la conférence,” Le Devoir, 20 juin 1952, 4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “‘Je reviens de Moscou’: Est–ce pour ça qu’on a ait trois révolutions?” Le Devoir, 21 juin 1952, 4–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Charles–A. Lussier, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland (L’equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “Note liminaire,” Cité Libre, 2.3(décembre, 1952): 1.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Réflexions sur la politique au Canada–français,” Cité Libre, 2.3(décembre, 1952): 53–70.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Matériaux pour servir à une enquête sur le cléricalisme,” Cité Libre, 3.7(mai 1953): 29–37.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Charles–A. Lussier, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Vadboncoeur (L’equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “I. D’un refus–symptôme,” Cité Libre, 9(mars, 1954): 1–9.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Charles–A. Lussier, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Vadboncoeur (L’equipe de la revue Cité Libre), “II. Conflit de droits ou quand la loi méprise la justice,” Cité Libre, 9(mars, 1954): 10–14.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Fluctuations économiques et méthodes de stabilisation,” Cité Libre, 9(mars, 1954): 31–37.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “De libro, tributo … et quibusdam aliis,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 1–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Chroniques du Temps Perdu: Essais sur le Québec Contemporain,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 60–61.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre) et Pauline Lamy (secrétaire de la rédaction), “Radio et télévision,” Cité Libre, 15(aout, 1956): 1–3.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre), Guy Cormier (secrétaire de la rédaction), “Note sur une guerre momentanément évitée,” Cité Libre, 16(février, 1957): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les octrois fédéraux aux universités,” Cité Libre, 16(février, 1957): 9–31.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre) et Guy Cormier (secrétaire de la rédaction), “Faites vos jeux: Les accusations de M. Marcel Clément,” Cité Libre, 16(février, 1957): 50–53.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Le Père Ledit et la delectation morose,” Cité Libre, 16(février, 1957): 69.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre) et Guy Cormier (secrétaire de la rédaction), “Début d’une réflexion,” Cité Libre, 17(juin, 1957): 1.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “In Memoriam: Albert Beguin et Jaqcues Perrault,” Cité Libre, 17(juin, 1957): 2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre) et Guy Cormier (secrétaire de la rédaction), “Ressac,” Cité Libre, 18(novembre, 1957): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Gérard Pelletier (directeurs de Cité Libre) et Guy Cormier (secrétaire de la rédaction), “La liberté académique,” Cité Libre, 19(janvier, 1958): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À propos de ‘domination économique,’” Cité Libre, 20(mai, 1958): 7–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’Affaire Coffin,” Cité Libre, 21(juillet, 1958): 45–46.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Note de la Rédaction: II. Notes sur le catholicisme d’un certain pays,” Cité Libre,22(octobre, 1958): 35.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Note de la Rédaction: De Gaulle,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Le Père Cousineau, s.j., et ‘la Grève de l’amiante,’” Cité Libre, 23(mai, 1959): 34–36.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Critique de la critique,” Cité Libre, 23(mai, 1959): 36–48.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Mauvaise foi et bonne conscience: L’Argumentation selon Saint Ignace?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.24(janvier–février, 1960): 25–26.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Critique de la critique,” Cité Libre, 23(mai, 1959): 36–48.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Mauvaise foi et bonne conscience: L’Argumentation selon Saint Ignace?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.24(janvier–février, 1960): 25–26.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Leçon de science politique dans un parc qu’il s’agirait de préserver,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.25(mars, 1960): 15–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Diefenbaker monte en ballon (Air connu),” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.26(avril, 1960): 15–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La notion d’opposition politique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.27(mai, 1960): 13–14.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Notes sur l’élection provinciale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.28(juin–juillet, 1960): 12–13.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’élection du 22 juin 1960,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.29(août–septembre, 1960): 3–8.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Faites vos jeux: De nouveau, la carte d’identité,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.33(janvier, 1961): 17–18.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À l’ouest rien de nouveau,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.34(février, 1961): 8–9.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’aliénation nationaliste,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.35(mars, 1961): 4–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Faites vos Jeux: De l’inconvénient d’être catholique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.35(mars, 1961): 20–21.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Note sur le parti cléricaliste,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.38(juin–juillet, 1961): 23.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La Guerre! La Guerre!” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.42(décembre, 1961): 1–3.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La nouvelle trahison des clercs,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.46(avril, 1962): 3–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les progrès de l’illusion,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.47(mai, 1962): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “A propos des elections du 18 juin 1962: Note sur la conjuncture politique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.49(aout–septembre, 1962): 1–4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les progrès de l’illusion,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.47(mai, 1962): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À propos des élections du 18 juin 1962: Note sur la conjoncture politique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.49(août–septembre, 1962): 1–4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’homme de gauche et les élections provinciales I: L’opinion de Pierre Elliott Trudeau,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.51(novembre, 1962): 3–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Pearson ou l’abdication de l’esprit,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.56(avril, 1963): 7–12.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’Élection fédérale: Problèmes et conjectures,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.8(novembre, 1963): 1–10.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les séparatistes: Des contre–révolutionnaires,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 2–6.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde et Maurice Pinard, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Marc Lalonde et Maurice Pinard, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Gérard Pelletier, “Pelletier et Trudeau s’expliquent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.80(octobre, 1965): 3–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Le Québec est–il assiégé?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 7–10.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, La grève de l’amiante, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1970).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Les cheminements de la politique, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1970).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “There Must Be a Sense of Belonging,” With a Bang, Not a Whimper: Pierre Trudeau Speaks Out, Donald J. Johnston, editor, (1988).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Pierre Trudeau Speaks Out on Meech Lake, Donald J. Johnston, editor, (General Paperbacks, 1990).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Energy For a Habitable World: A Call For Action, (1991).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Le gâchis mérite un gros NON! Discours du 1er octobre 1992 à Cité Libre, (Montréal: L’Étincelle, 1992).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, editor, “The Values of a Just Society,” Towards a Just Society, Pierre Trudeau and Thomas Axworthy, editors, (Toronto: Penguin Books, 1992), 401–429.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “We, the People of Canada,”

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “A Constitutional Declaration of Rights,”

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “New Treason of the Intellectuals,”

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Mémoires politiques, (Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1993).

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Entretien avec Pierre Elliott Trudeau,” Cité Libre, 25.1(janvier–février, 1997): 9–17.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Document d’archives: La recours à la loi sur les mesures de Guerre: Trudeau explique,” Cité Libre, 25.4(septembre–octobre, 1997): 15–18.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Document d’archives: Le rapatriement et la Cour suprême,” traduction de Gérard Pelletier, Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 26.4(octobre–novembre, 1998): 65–74.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau and Jacques Hébert, Two Innocents in Red China, (Douglas & McIntyre, 2007).

Margaret Trudeau, Beyond Reason, (New York: Paddington Press, 1979).

Margaret Trudeau, Changing My Mind: A Memoir, (Toronto: HarperCollins Canada, 2010).

Margaret Trudeau, The Time of Your Life: Choosing a Vibrant, Joyful Future, (Toronto: HarperCollins Canada, 2015).

Margaret Trudeau, The Time of Your Life: Choosing a Vibrant, Joyful Future, (Toronto: HarperCollins Canada, 2016).

Paul Tuns, Jean Chrétien: A Legacy of Scandal, (Toronto: Freedom Press Canada Inc., 2004).

CITÉ LIBRE: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 1950–2000
Christopher Richard Wade Dettling (2018)

Anonyme (la Rédaction), “Règle du jeu,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 1–3.

•Anonyme (Pierre Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Mounier disparaît,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37.

•Anonyme (Pierre Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre), “Faites vos jeux: Blum et Laski,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37–38.

Anonyme, “Faites vos jeux: La question,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 39.

Anonyme, “II. Notes sur le catholicisme d’un certain pays,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 35–42.

Anonyme, (l’équipe de rédaction de Cité Libre: Maurice Blain, Jean Pellerin, Charles Margrave Taylor et Jacques Tremblay), “La civilisation Yankee au Vietnam,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.81(novembre, 1965): 1–2; 2.

Jacques Archambault, “Faites vos jeux: Un lecteur nous écrit,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 53–56.

Henri Beaulieu, “Flèches de tout bois: Une bonne conscience qui moucharde,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 58–59.

Simone de Beauvoir et Madeleine Gobeil, “Entrevue avec Simone de Beauvoir,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16(15).69(août–septembre, 1964): 30–31.

Jean–Guy Blain, “Faites vos jeux: (Où il est) traité des virtues,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 43–44.

Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Maurice Blain, “Bons sentiments et mauvais livres,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 45.

Maurice Blain, “Démocratie scolaire,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 8.

Martin Blais, Philosophie du Pouvoir (Cahiers de Cité Libre), vol. 20.1, (Ottawa/Montréal: Éditions du Jour, 1970).

Réginald Boisvert, “Domiciles de la Peur sociale,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 10–19.

Réginald Boisvert, “Flèches de tout bois: Ne blâmez pas la police,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 40–41.

Réginald Boisvert, “Flèches de tout bois: La ‘job’ éternelle,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 41–42.

Réginald Boisvert, Maurice Blain, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Guy Bourassa et Francine Depatie, “La presse québécoise et les élections du 5 juin,” Cahiers de Cité Libre: Supplément, 2(novembre–décembre, 1966): 5–32.

•Robert Bourassa, “Épilogue: Aspects économiques d’un Québec indépendant,” Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), Jean–Paul Lefebvre, (Ottawa/Montréal: Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968), 99–113.

Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Marc Lalonde, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

Raymond Breton, Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Claude Bruneau, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Claude Bruneau, Albert Breton, Marc Lalonde et Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

•Mario Bunge, “Courrier des Lecteurs: Cherchons projet politique novateur,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(Été, 2000): 12.

Pierre Charbonneau, “Défense et illustration de la gauche,” Cité Libre, 18(novembre, 1957): 26–46

Jérôme Choquette (1928–2017), “Le coût de la vie et l’échelle mobile de salaires,” Cité Libre, 2.1–2(juin–juillet, 1952): 33–42.

•Guy Cormier, “Petite méditation sur l’existence canadienne–française,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 25–36.

•Guy Cormier, “Flèches de tout bois: Leur dernière chance,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 42–45.

•Guy Cormier et Anatole Vanier, “Flèches de tout bois: Lettre de Anatole Vanier à Georges Bidault,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 43.

Guy Cormier, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Léon Dion, “Le nationalisme pessimiste: Sa source, sa signification, sa validité,” Cité Libre, 18(novembre, 1957): 3–18.

Pierre Drouin, “Puissance de GM,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 23.

Yvon Gauthier, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Marc Lalonde, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Madeleine Gobeil et Simone de Beauvoir, “Entrevue avec Simone de Beauvoir,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16(15).69(août–septembre, 1964): 30–31.

Rudolf A. Helling,“La conception de l’élite et de la démocratie au Canada anglais,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 11–14.

François Hertel, “Les évolutions de la mentalité au Canada français,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 40–52.

Betty Kobayashi Issenman, “Dossier Langue, culture et identité: Leçons de sagesse inuit,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(Été, 2000): 41–45.

Pierre Juneau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Gérard Pelletier, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Naim Kattan, “Le crime et la société américaine,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 24–27 & 33.

Marc Lalonde, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Marc Lalonde, Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Maurice Pinard et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

Marc Lalonde, “Les journaux et la loi au Canada,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 15–21.

Jeanne Lapointe, “Quelques apports positifs de notre littérature d’imagination,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 17–36.

Jean–Paul Lefebvre et Robert Bourassa, Réflexions d’un Citoyen (Cahiers de Cité Libre), (Ottawa/Montréal: Éditions du Jour Inc., 1968).

René Lévesque, “Le grand rêve d’un moyen satellite,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.26(avril, 1960): 11–13.

•René Lévesque, “Pas plus bêtes que les Arabes (?),” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.27(mai, 1960): 17–18.

Denis Loubier, “Échec à l’intégrisme,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 56–58.

Jean–René Major, “Sagesse de la philosophie,” Cité Libre, 9(mars, 1954): 27–30.

Max Nemni et Monique Nemni, “Éditorial: L’évanescence au Québec,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(Été, 2000): 6–9.

Monique Nemni, “Dossier Langue, culture et identité: Comment en cultive l’insecurité linguistique,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(Été, 2000): 26–34.

Jean–Claude Pâquet, “L’affaire de la Solbec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).62(décembre, 1963): 5–8.

Roland Parenteau, “l’expérience européenne de la planification peut–elle nous servir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.50(octobre, 1962): 10–12.

Jacques Parizeau, “Planification I: Insaisissable Planification,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.57(mai, 1963): 4–6.

Jean Pellerin, “Lyndon Johnson, un cas troublant,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 3–6.

Jean Pellerin, “Les fureurs de M. Claude Jodoin,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 19–23.

Jean Pellerin, “Pointes sèches: L’État est–il l’ennemi du peuple?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 3–6.

Jean Pellerin, “Pearson: Prisonnier de la droite,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.82(décembre, 1965): 1–4.

Gérard Pelletier, “Premières questions: Histoire de collégiens qui ont aujourd’hui trente ans,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 5–9.

Gérard Pelletier, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Roger Rolland et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

Gérard Pelletier et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pelletier et Trudeau s’expliquent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.80(octobre, 1965): 3–5.

Gérard Pelletier et Yvan Lamonde, Cité Libre: Une anthologie, (Montréal: Les Éditions internationales Alain Stanké, 1991).

Gérard Pelletier, traducteur, “Document d’archives: Le repatriement et la Cour supreme,” Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 26.4(octobre–novembre, 1998): 65–74.

Maurice Pinard, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Maurice Pinard, Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Marc Lalonde et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

Marcel Rioux, “L’élection vue de l’Anse–à–la–Barbe,” Cité Libre, 2.3(décembre, 1952): 47–52.

Roger Rolland, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Pierre Elliott Trudeau, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

André Rossinger, “L’Avenir du Canada: Ou grandir ou mourir?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 9–18.

Jean–Louis Roux, “Dossier Langue, culture et identité: Les arts et les deniers publiques,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 28.3(Été, 2000): 35–40.

Félix–Antoine Savard, “Dissidence,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 37–39.

Patrick Straram, “Les français parlent aux français ou pourquoi Duplessis a raison,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45–48.

•Charles Margrave Taylor, “La bombe et le neutralisme,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.47(mai, 1962): 11–16.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “L’Homme de Gauche et les Élections Provinciales II: L’Opinion de Charles Taylor,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.51(novembre, 1962): 6–7 & 21.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “L’État et la laïcité” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14.54(février, 1963): 3–6.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Le Canada, ouvrier de la paix?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.56(avril, 1963): 13–17.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Le chevalier de la Contre–révolution,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 2–3.

•Charles Margrave Taylor, “La révolution futile ou les avatars de la pensée globale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.69(août–septembre, 1964): 10–22.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Le communisme occidentale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.71(novembre, 1964): 3–5.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: La guerre froide s’effrite,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.72(décembre, 1964): 3–4.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Au chevet de la livre Stirling,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.74(février, 1965): 3–4.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: La pagaille à Ottawa,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.75(mars, 1965): 1–3.

Charles Margrave Taylor, “La planification fédérale–provinciale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.76(avril, 1965): 9–16.

•Charles Margrave Taylor, “Pointes sèches: Que faire au Vietnam?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 1–3.

•Charles Margrave Taylor, “Batir un nouveau Canada,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.79(août–septembre, 1965): 10–14.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Maurice Blain, Jean Pellerin et Jacques Tremblay (l’équipe de rédaction de Cité Libre), “Marchand, Pelletier, Trudeau et le 8 novembre,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.80(octobre, 1965): 1–3.

Charles Margrave Taylor, Maurice Blain, Jean Pellerin et Jacques Tremblay (l’équipe de rédaction de Cité Libre), “La civilisation Yankee au Vietnam,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.81(novembre, 1965): 1–2; 2.

Jacques Tremblay, “La leçon du petit frère Lahaie,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.77(mai–juin, 1965): 6–8.

Jacques Tremblay, “Pointes sèches: En attendant les Instituts,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 1–3.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 20–24.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Faites vos jeux: Mounier disparaît,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Faites vos jeux: Blum et Laski,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 37–38.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Politique fonctionnelle II,” Cité Libre, 1.2(février, 1951): 24–29.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Maurice Blain, Réginald Boisvert, Guy Cormier, Jean–Paul Geoffroy, Pierre Juneau, Gérard Pelletier et Roger Rolland, “Positions sur la présente guerre,” Cité Libre, 1.3(mai, 1951): 1–11.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Réflexions sur la politique au Canada français,” Cité Libre, 2.3(décembre, 1952): 53–70.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Matériaux pour servir à une enquête sur le cléricalisme,” Cité Libre, 3.7(mai 1953): 29–37.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’élection fédérale du 10 août 1953: Prodromes et conjectures,” Cité Libre, 3.8(novembre, 1953): 1–10.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Fluctuations économiques et méthodes de stabilisation,” Cité Libre, 9(mars, 1954): 31–37.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “De libro, tributo … et quibusdam aliis,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 1–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Chroniques du Temps Perdu: Essais sur le Québec Contemporain,” Cité Libre, 10(octobre, 1954): 60–61.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les octrois fédéraux aux universités,” Cité Libre, 16(février, 1957): 9–31.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “In Memoriam: Albert Beguin et Jaqcues Perrault,” Cité Libre, 17(juin, 1957): 2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À propos de ‘domination économique,’” Cité Libre, 20(mai, 1958): 7–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’Affaire Coffin,” Cité Libre, 21(juillet, 1958): 45–46.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Un manifeste démocratique,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 1–31.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Note de la Rédaction: II. Notes sur le catholicisme d’un certain pays,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 35.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Cité Libre, “Note de la Rédaction: De Gaulle,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 45.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Le Père Cousineau, s.j., et ‘la Grève de l’amiante,’” Cité Libre, 23(mai, 1959): 34–36.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Critique de la critique,” Cité Libre, 23(mai, 1959): 36–48.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Mauvaise foi et bonne conscience: L’Argumentation selon Saint Ignace?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.24(janvier–février, 1960): 25–26.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Leçon de science politique dans un parc qu’il s’agirait de préserver,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.25(mars, 1960): 15–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Diefenbaker monte en ballon (Air connu),” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.26(avril, 1960): 15–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La notion d’opposition politique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.27(mai, 1960): 13–14.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Notes sur l’élection provinciale,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.28(juin–juillet, 1960): 12–13.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’élection du 22 juin 1960,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.29(août–septembre, 1960): 3–8.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Faites vos jeux: De nouveau, la carte d’identité,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 11.33(janvier, 1961): 17–18.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À l’ouest rien de nouveau,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.34(février, 1961): 8–9.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’aliénation nationaliste,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.35(mars, 1961): 4–5.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Faites vos Jeux: De l’inconvénient d’être catholique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.35(mars, 1961): 20–21.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Note sur le parti cléricaliste,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.38(juin–juillet, 1961): 23.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La Guerre! La Guerre!” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 12.42(décembre, 1961): 1–3.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “La nouvelle trahison des clercs,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.46(avril, 1962): 3–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les progrès de l’illusion,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.47(mai, 1962): 1–2.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “À propos des élections du 18 juin 1962: Note sur la conjoncture politique,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.49(août–septembre, 1962): 1–4.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’homme de gauche et les élections provinciales I: L’opinion de Pierre Elliott Trudeau,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.51(novembre, 1962): 3–5.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Pearson ou l’abdication de l’esprit,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.56(avril, 1963): 7–12.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “L’Élection fédérale: Problèmes et conjectures,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.8(novembre, 1963): 1–10.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Les séparatistes: Des contre–révolutionnaires,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 2–6.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Albert Breton, Raymond Breton, Claude Bruneau, Yvon Gauthier, Marc Lalonde et Maurice Pinard, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.67(mai, 1964): 11–17.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, Albert Breton, Claude Bruneau, Marc Lalonde et Maurice Pinard, “Pour une politique fonctionnelle: L’agriculture au Québec,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.78(juillet, 1965): 9–16.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau et Gérard Pelletier, “Pelletier et Trudeau s’expliquent,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.80(octobre, 1965): 3–5.

•Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Le Québec est–il assiégé?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 16.86(avril–mai, 1966): 7–10.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Entretien avec Pierre Elliott Trudeau,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 25.1(janvier–février, 1997): 9–17.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Document d’archives: La recours à la loi sur les mesures de Guerre: Trudeau explique,” Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 25.4(septembre–octobre, 1997): 15–18.

Joseph Philippe Pierre Yves Elliott Trudeau, “Document d’archives: Le rapatriement et la Cour suprême,” traduction de Gérard Pelletier, Cité Libre: La voix québécoise pour le libéralisme et l’unité canadienne, 26.4(octobre–novembre, 1998): 65–74.

•P.V. (Pierre Vallières), “Flèche de tout bois: Un nouveau type Pybus,” Cité Libre, 22(octobre, 1958): 49.

Pierre Vallières, “Nous éveiller à la profondeur de notre existence,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.44(février, 1962): 17–18.

Pierre Vallières, “Le poids de Dieu,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.46(avril, 1962): 30.

Pierre Vallières, “Premières démarches de notre liberté,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13.45(mars, 1962): 3–5 & 17.

Pierre Vallières, “Emmanuel Mounier,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 13(14).57(mai, 1963): 11–14.

•Pierre Vallières, “Cité Libre et ma génération,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).59(août–septembre, 1963): 15–22.

Pierre Vallières, “Un dilemme: Le journaliste peut–il être écrivain? L’écrivain peut–il être journaliste?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14.60(octobre, 1963): 29 –30.

Pierre Vallières, “Le Bill 60,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14.61(novembre, 1963): 1–4.

Pierre Vallières, “L’affaire Hal Banks,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 14(16).62(décembre, 1963): 9–12.

Pierre Vallières, “Le Parti socialiste du Québec à l’heure de la révolution tranquillle” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.63(janvier, 1964): 22–25.

Pierre Vallières, “Pourquoi la Suède n’est pas socialiste,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.63(janvier, 1964): 28.

Pierre Vallières, “La ligne du risque,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.63(janvier, 1964): 30.

Pierre Vallières, “Sommes–nous en révolution?” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.64(février, 1964): 7–11.

Pierre Vallières, “Les ‘plorines’ au pouvoir,” Cité Libre: Nouvelle série, 15.65(mars, 1964): 1–4.

•Anatole Vanier et Guy Cormier, “Flèches de tout bois: Lettre de Anatole Vanier à Georges Bidault,” Cité Libre, 1.1(juin, 1950): 43.

©2016–2017–2018 Christopher Richard Wade Dettling. Québécocracy: Empire of Paul Desmarais. All rights reserved. This work is only for MEDIUM and the MEDIUM CORPORATION and its users: Users are not permitted to mount this writing on any network servers. No part of this writing may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the author, except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web.

We wish to thank our benefactors over the years for their goodwill: Humanity benefits greatly from the rise of Americanism in the world.