In an article as long as this, it’s inevitable everyone will find something to quibble about. I don’t want the Lib Dems to be flirted with as any sort of potential partner to Labour, which doesn’ mean not voting with them at Westminster. Definitely no electoral pact. In England, I’d like to see the unity with Greens to be by Caroline Lucas leading her members into Labour with rights as a federal group, but would consider an electoral pact in certain areas. In Scotland, there is a lot to discuss. Jeremy Corbyn is badly advised about what’s happening here, and the best activists and voters have ended up with the SNP, and won’t easily be won back under an electoral system of first-past-the-post, certainly not if Corbyn is not in charge of England and has no influence in the Scottish Party at all. I am not happy about some of the concessions Paul wants to make to keep the PLP from splitting, but beggars can’t be choosers. Paul has a much better understanding of the state of the problem than Corbyn himself has, at least in public. I am pessimistic about stopping a significant split in the PLP. But I want to explore compromises to minimize it. Paul proposes a more signifcant set of concessions than I’d like to see. But they might work. More needs to be done to get the splinters back into Labour. It’s not just a question of the votes they take under first-past-the-post; it’s about creating the impression that it doesn’t matter if Labour wins or Tories or UKIP win. TUSC can be convinced to sto this in return for being allowed to join and build a democratic broad church of the left. Reverse engineering Kinnock’s witchhunt is good for Corbyn’s Labour, it’s good for TUSC. The only ones who won’t like it are the hardcore Blairite splitters.