滇族国家 — — 东南亚的中流砥柱(三)近代决断

Diantnam — the Mainstay of Southeast Asia (III) Modern Resolution

这时,杜文秀时期的满洲帝国已经是强弩之末了,它无论是凭借自己的力量还是郡县化士大夫阶级的力量,都无法重新征服滇国,所以它只能依靠岑毓英率领的军队。而岑毓英率领的军队进入滇国以后,虽然残酷地屠杀了杜文秀和很多拥护平南苏丹国的滇国领主,但是他们自身也就像是忽必烈所率领的蒙古贵族和穆斯林贵族一样,嵌入了滇国的封建体系,他们自己也变成了滇国领主的一部分。岑氏家族后来在滇国脱离满洲帝国的过程当中也发挥了很大作用。从滇人的角度来看,这些人跟上古时代、中古时代和近代从内亚进入滇地的其他封建贵族一样,是在原有的封建贵族体系之上增加了一拨新的封建贵族。像印度人认为拉杰普特的白匈奴贵族是印度种姓制度新加入的一部分一样,他们也变成了滇人的一部分,而且是滇人当中比较有战斗力的一部分。在满洲帝国解体的过程当中,近代化的滇人领主和滇人资产阶级携手作战,驱逐了满汉官僚,重新恢复了滇国的独立,推举蔡松坡将军做他们的都督。

At that time, the Manchurian Empire in the Du Wenxiu period was already in its last days. Whether by its own strength or by the resources of the scholar-bureaucrat class under the prefect-county system, it could not reconquer Diantnam, so it could only rely on the army led by Cen Yuying. After Cen Yuying’s army entered Diantnam, though they brutally slaughtered Du Wenxiu and many lords who supported the Panthay Sultanate, they themselves became part of the Diantnam feudal system and members of the Diantnam lords, like the Mongolian aristocrats and Muslim aristocrats led by Kublai Khan. The Cen family later played a big role in Diantnam’s independence from the Manchurian Empire. From the perspective of the Diantnam people, these people were like the feudal aristocrats in the ancient times, the Middle Ages, and the modern times from Inner Asia who added a new feudal aristocracy upon the original ones. Like the Indians who believe that Rajput’s Hephthalite aristocracy was a latecomer in the caste system in India, Diantnam people also think that Cen’s army had become part of them, even the ones with more combat capablity. During the disintegration of the Manchurian Empire, the modern Diantnam lords and the Diantnam bourgeoisie fought together to expel the Manchu officials and restore the independence of the country, and elected General Cai E as their governor.

杜文秀帅府

The Office of Du Wenxiu

蔡松坡将军自己是湖湘尼亚人,而不是滇人。他之所以能够获得滇国军官和资产阶级土司的一致拥护,主要是因为他在日本留学期间吸收了日本明治维新的文化精华,试图将明治维新所代表的先进文化传播到东南亚各邦,包括他自己的祖国湖湘和他担任教官的桂尼士兰和滇国。这个做法其实是像柯斯丘什科(Tadeusz Koœciuszko,1746–1817)既是波兰的民族英雄又是美国的民族英雄一样,因为早期的美国民兵很多没有受过正规的军事训练,在这位波兰贵族的领导之下才接受了正规的军事训练。而蔡松坡将军在滇、桂各地建立军校的过程当中,为这些国家培养了他们第一代的军官团,把日本明治维新从法国和普鲁士引进的十九世纪欧洲的军事技术引进了这些国家,为当地的独立做出了很大的贡献。同时,他还是一位深谋远虑的外交家,他懂得东南亚各邦团结起来、维持国际平衡的重要性。因此他在处理政治事务的时候,既不偏袒他的祖国,也不偏袒他的第二祖国,而是强调维持诸夏各邦的平衡。

General Cai E himself was from Huxiangria, not Diantnam. The reason why he was able to obtain the unanimous support of the officers and the bourgeois lords in Diantnam was mainly that he absorbed the cultural essence of the Meiji Restoration in Japan during his study in Japan. He tried to spread the advanced culture represented by the Meiji Restoration to the Southeast Asian states, including his motherland, Huxiangria, and Gestneseland (Guangxi) and Diantnam, where he was appointed as an instructor. He was actually like Tadeusz Koœciuszko (1746–1817), who was both a national hero of Poland and a national hero of the United States. Many of the early American militia did not receive formal military training, and it was Tadeusz, the Polish noble, who gave them formal military training. While establishing military schools in various places in Diantnam and Gestneseland, General Cai E trained their first-generation military officers for these countries and introduced the 19th-century European military technologies introduced by the Meiji Restoration from France and Prussia to these countries, thus making a great contribution to the local independence. At the same time, he was also a far-sighted diplomat who understood the importance of uniting Southeast Asian states and maintaining international balance. Therefore, when dealing with political affairs, he neither favored his motherland nor his second motherland, but emphasized the balance of the Cathaysian States.

我上次在夜郎的讲座中间曾经提到过,夜郎保守派和激进派发生宪法危机、企图通过国际干涉来解决国内问题的时候,唐继尧的滇军进入夜郎,支持保守派,这支部队就是蔡锷派去的。蔡锷深知,新生的煮虾各邦像明治维新以后的日本一样,需要经历一段时间的保守派统治,国本才能稳定。保守派更加倾向于大地主大资产阶级的利益,也就是说,有利于本国土豪网络的成长。而激进派步子迈得太大,过于偏向激进派的知识分子很可能会使刚刚独立的煮虾各邦卷入社会改革和国际纠纷当中,使土豪网络得不到顺利的成长。因此他认为,无论是在滇国还是夜郎,最好都要支持保守派的势力。

I mentioned in the last lecture of Yelang that when the Yelang conservatives and radicals had a constitutional crisis and attempted to solve domestic problems through international interference, Tang Jiyao’s Diantnam army entered Yelang and supported the conservatives. The troops were sent by Cai E. Cai Wei knew that the new-born Cathaysian States were like the Japan after the Meiji Restoration, which needed to undergo a period of conservative governance before the constitution became stable. Conservatives were more inclined to the interests of the big landlords and big bourgeoisie, which meant facilitating the growth of the local-leader network. The radicals were too progressive. Plus, the intellectuals who were inclined to the radicals were likely to get the newly-born Cathaysian States involved in the social reforms and international disputes, which would hinder the smooth growth of the local-leader network. Therefore, he believed that it was best to support the conservative forces, whether in Diantnam or Yelang.

蔡锷(中)与护国军部分将领合影

Photo of Cai E (middle) and Some Officers of the National Protection Army

但是当夜郎的激进派试图利用荆楚和湖湘的势力来复辟的时候,他就正确地预见到,尽管滇军的军官团在诸夏各邦中是最强大的,完全可以重演鲜卑帝国解体时期南诏对东南亚北部各国的帝国主义政策,但是滥用这种帝国主义政策必然会破坏煮虾各邦的和谐,给桂枝殖民者卷土重来的机会。因此,正是他派唐继尧去夜郎平乱的,但同样也是他要求唐继尧和滇军撤回夜郎,接受独联体领导袁世凯的调停,使夜郎的保守派和激进派能够达成双方都能接受的解决方案,也避免了强大的滇国与自曾国藩时代以来同样有煮虾领袖之望的湖湘尼亚和经过辛亥独立战争积累了巨大政治威望的荆楚之间发生外交纠纷。

However, when Yelang’s radicals tried to use the powers of Jingchuria (Hubei) and Huxiangria to restore, he correctly predicted that although Diantnam had the best military organization among the various Cathaysian States, which made it completely possible to repeat Nanzhao’s imperialist policies toward the countries of northern Southeast Asia during the disintegration of the Xianbei Empire, the abuse of this imperialist policy would inevitably destroy the harmony of the Cathaysian States and give the Chinese colonists a chance to return. Therefore, it was he who sent Tang Jiyao to quench the chaos in Yelang, and it was also he who asked Tang Jiyao and Diantnam army to withdraw from Yelang and accept the mediation of Yuan Shikai, the leader of the Chinese Commonwealth of Independent States. In this way, the conservatives and radicals of Yelang could reach a solution that both sides could agree upon. Furthermore, it avoided the diplomatic dispute among the powerful Diantnam, Huxiangria, which had been respected as one of the leaders of the Cathaysian States since the time of the Zeng Guofan, and Jingchuria, which had accumulated great political prestige after the Revolution of 1911.

蔡松坡将军的预见是非常正确的,因为桂枝人虽然经历了辛亥独立战争的打击,但是很快就恢复了他的帝国主义本性,企图把煮虾各邦作为独联体而建立的联盟变成重建桂枝帝国主义的工具。袁世凯、段祺瑞和吴佩孚先后三次企图复辟桂枝帝国主义。蔡松坡将军挫败了第一次企图,而唐继尧则挫败了第二次和第三次企图。在这三次战争当中,滇国再一次证明,它是诸夏联盟当之无愧的保护者。东南亚北部的各邦如果没有滇国坚决抵抗桂枝帝国主义的侵略,很可能会在这三次侵略当中维持不了自己刚刚获得的杜丽。

General Cai E’s foresight was very correct because though the Chinese had been hit by the Revolution of 1911, they quickly came back to their imperialist nature and attempted to turn the alliance established by the Cathaysian States as the Commonwealth of Independent States into a tool to rebuild the Chinese imperialism. Yuan Shikai, Duan Qirui, and Wu Peifu attempted to restore the Chinese imperialism three times. General Cai E defeated the first attempt, while Tang Jiyao foiled the second and third attempts. In these three wars, Diantnam once again proved that it was the well-deserved protector of the Cathaysian Alliance. Without Diantnam’s determined resistance against the Chinese imperialist invasions, the states in the north of Southeast Asia would probably not be able to maintain their newly-gained independence during these three aggressions.

护国战争期间蔡锷在四川的通饬

Cai E’s Announcement in Sichuan during the National Protection War

但是正如南诏人在打败了唐帝国主义以后就开始推行自己的帝国主义一样,唐继尧政权也在打败了袁世凯、段祺瑞和吴佩孚的桂枝帝国主义以后开始推行自己的帝国主义。他开始企图利用滇国的军事优势,侵略巴蜀和南粤,建立自己的帝国主义体系,从而过度地消耗量滇国的政治实力,也破坏了煮虾联合抵抗桂枝帝国主义的良好政治局面。如果不是因为唐继尧过度地干涉南粤的内政,南粤的很多地主和资产阶级本来会更加坚决地抵抗引狼入室的孙大炮和常凯申的。等到唐继尧政权结束,顾品珍和龙云开始反思帝国主义政策的错误,重新回到孤立主义路线的时候,康米已经沿着过去殷周帝国主义和鲜卑帝国主义的路线,重新征服了桂枝的大部分土地。而滇人由于在唐继尧时代为了从事帝国主义,过度地消耗了资源,在康米殖民政权扩张的过程当中采取了孤立主义的政策,没有及时援助夜郎和巴蜀,结果等到滇人的孤立主义时期结束,常凯申政权的实力已经太大,滇人已经没有办法进行正面对抗了。

However, just as the Nanzhao people began to promote their own imperialism after defeating Tang imperialism, the Tang Jiyao regime also began to promote its own imperialism after defeating the Chinese imperialism of Yuan Shikai, Duan Qirui and Wu Peifu. He began to attempt to use the military superiority of Diantnam to invade Bashulia and Cantonia and establish his own imperialist system, thus excessively consuming the political power of Diantnam and destroying the good political situation of the Cathaysian States that defended them from the Chinese Imperialism. If it was not Tang Jiyao’s excessive interference in the internal affairs of Cantonia, many landlords and bourgeoisie in Cantonia would have been more determined to resist Sun Yat-sen and Chang Kai-shek who introduced the Communists into the game. When Tang Jiyao’s regime ended, Gu Pinzhen and Long Yun began to reflect on the mistakes of imperialist policies and returned to the isolationist line. Nevertheless, meanwhile, the Commies had reconquered most of China along the path of the ancient Shang and Zhou imperialism and Xianbei imperialism. On the contrary, Diantnam had excessively consumed its resources due to the imperialism in the Tang Jiyao era, making them adopt the isolationist policy during the Communist colonization and expansion. They did not promptly assist Yelang and Bashulia. When the isolationist of Diantnam was ending, the strength of the Chiang Kai-shek regime was already too great that there was no way for Diantnam to confront directly.

可以说,近代滇国最大的外交错误就是,它的帝国主义政策和孤立主义政策放错了时间。本来唐继尧政权的后期,桂枝帝国主义者已经无能为力的时期,它本来不应该继续推行帝国主义,而应该推行孤立主义的;而顾品珍和龙云时期,本来应该在桂枝帝国主义者在康米儿皇帝政权的操控下开始复活的初期就应该迎头痛击,像蔡松坡痛击袁世凯那样痛击常凯申,避免这个帝国主义坐大,至少要保护巴蜀和夜郎免遭帝国主义者的侵略,而这时候他们却由于实力消耗过度而转向了孤立主义,以至于等到常凯申把殖民军派到昆明的时候,滇军已经没有正面抗争的实力了。

We can say that the biggest diplomatic mistake of the modern Diantnam was that its imperialist policy and isolationist policy had both been adopted at the wrong time. In the later period of the Tang Jiyao regime, when the Chinese imperialists had been powerless, it should not continue to pursue imperialism but isolationism. In the Gu Pinzhen and the Long Yun period, they should have hit the Chinese imperialists who started to return under the control of the puppet regime of Communists, like Cai E’s attack on Yuan Shikai. They should have beaten Chiang Kai-shek to prevent the imperialist power from growing, or at least to protect Bashulia and Yelang from the imperialist aggression. Instead, they turned to isolationism because of the previous excessive consumption of power, which made Diantnam unable to confront Chiang Kai-shek openly while he sent the colonist army to Kunming.

唐继尧

Tang Jiyao

常凯申政权本着帝国主义分而治之的本性,一面把滇军派到越南去,破坏越南原先的天主教土豪的势力,扶持云南KMT和康米,结果为越南的chi化做了先头部队,另一方面又把他的中央军派入滇国境内,破坏滇国土豪的力量。结果使得,等到慈父决心抛弃KMT、用自己的嫡系部队吞并整个东亚、常凯申中央军全线崩溃的时候,滇军和滇国的土豪陷入了混乱状态。他们的一部分力量已经跟粤军一起被派到越南去了,结果使本来可以成为滇国天然同盟的越南天主教土豪变成了他们的敌人。而他们扶植起来的越南KMT唯一的历史作用就是充当越南康米的白手套,在推翻了法国人和越南天主教徒的势力以后,迅速被越南康米推翻了。而留在滇国本土的滇国土豪,因为丧失了自己最精锐的主力,在KMT迅速地向腊和歌利亚的黄鹅军队投降、为这些人打开门户的时候,他们的力量是分散的,无法组成统一的抵抗。结果,以昆明为核心的地方迅速地被KMT出卖给了康米。

With its imperialist nature of “divide and rule”, the Chiang Kai-Shek regime sent the Diantnam army to Vietnam on the one hand, destroying the forces of the original local Catholic leaders in Vietnam and supporting Yunnan KMT and commies. As a result, it paved the road for the Vietnam Communism. On the other hand, he sent his Central Army into Diantnam to eradicate the power of the local Diantnam leaders. Eventually, when Stalin was determined to abandon KMT and use his own troops to annex the entire East Asia while the Central Army of Chiang Kai-shek collapsed, the Diantnam army and leaders fell into chaos. Some of their forces had been sent to Vietnam with the Cantonese army, which made the Vietnamese Catholic local leaders who could have become the natural ally their enemies. As for the only historical role of the Vietnamese KMT they helped to establish was to serve as the white gloves of the Vietnamese commies. After overthrowing the French and Vietnamese Catholics, it was quickly toppled by the Vietnamese commies. The local leaders who stayed in Diantnam lost their most elite forces. When KMT quickly surrendered to the Communist army of Mao and Deng Xiaoping and opened the door for these people, Diantnam’s forces were scattered, being unable to form a unified resistance. As a result, the region with Kunming as the core was quickly sold to the commies by KMT.

而滇军主力在国外,国内的滇国土豪又陷入了封建主义者和绝对主义者的政治斗争当中:绝对主义者更青睐唐继尧的模式,希望能够把封建诸侯的势力都集中到自己手里面,尽可能地跟入侵的桂枝侵略者,这一回是康米桂枝的侵略者,打阵地战;而封建主义者,以古老的蒙氏、段氏和滇缅边境上的各路土司为代表,企图按照原有的封建体系的方式,组织自己地方性的忠义救国军,保持自己的元气,不要把主力集中起来,以免在一次失败的战役中被全歼。双方无法达成一致,进一步分散了滇国的抵抗力量,结果导致滇国大部分土地被康米桂枝占领。

While the main force of the Diantnam army was abroad, the domestic leaders of Diantnam were caught in the political struggle between feudalists and absolutists. The absolutists preferred Tang’s model, hoping to centralize the powers of the feudal lords in their own hands. They wished to concentrate all the resources to fight against the Chinese invaders, Communist China this time, face to face. As for the feudalists, represented by the ancient House of Meng, House of Duan, and the various local lords along the border between Diantnam and Myanmar, attempted to organize their own local armies in the way of the original feudal system to maintain their own strength. They did not want to concentrate the main force, so as not to be completely buried in one single failed campaign. The two sides could not reach an agreement and further dispersed the resistance of the country. Consequently, most of the land of Diantnam was occupied by Communist China.

康米大军进入昆明

Communist Army Entering Kunming

绝对主义者和封建主义者的滇人的上层人物,在包括段氏在内的救国军的初期抵抗失败以后,纷纷撤退到滇缅边界靠近缅甸一侧的地方。由于他们过去在封建时代跟缅甸北部的土司和封建领主有广泛的联姻关系,他们还能够把自己的财富和实力以养精蓄锐的方式撤到边界另一边。同时,康米桂枝在实力还没有充实之前,为了避免跟缅甸发生直接冲突,他们宁愿在边界谈判当中把这些人所控制的土司领地划归缅甸所有,而不是划归自己所有。这样,在五十年代的滇缅边界就形成了暂时的平衡。

The elites of the Diantnam absolutists and feudalists, including the House of Duan, retreated to the Myanmar territories along the Diantnam-Myanmar border after their initial military resistance failed. Since they used to have extensive marriages with chieftains and feudal lords in northern Myanmar during the feudal era, they were able to withdraw their wealth and strength to the other side of the border to preserve themselves. At the same time, before Communist China gained their full-fledged strength, they would rather give the feudal land controlled by these people to Myanmar in the border negotiations to avoid the direct conflict with Myanmar. In this way, the border between Myanmar and Diantnam in the 1950s reached a temporary balance.

但是平衡之下是不平静的。一方面,绝对主义派的滇人企图联合常凯申政权和CIA发动大反攻;而封建主义的滇人各派也有很多派出他们自己的子弟去参加这支滇军。这支滇军配合曹县战争的美军,在滇国西部跟Chen Geng所率领的康米进行了长期的战斗。由于他们的战争,五十年代的缅甸、泰国各国才得到了缓冲时间。本来五十年代初期的缅甸和泰国自身的军备还是治安军的水平,是十九世纪的装备。虽然美国成立了东南亚条约组织,准备给他们换装,但是换装是需要时间的。就像今天的乌克兰一样,今天的乌克兰在酥镰解体、自己解除了武装以后,就遭到了露西亚的侵略,而美国虽然是要像援助波兰一样援助它,但是援助、重新换装、重整军备的过程至少需要五到十年。如果在这五到十年之间露西亚突然发动入侵的话,乌克兰人是很难有抵抗力的。常凯申政权之所以垮得这么快,也是因为类似的原因。而滇军的抵抗至少是给缅甸和泰国赢得了长达十年的换装时间。

However, currents raged beneath the balance. On the one hand, the Diantnam absolutists attempted to launch a counter-attack with the help of the Chiang Kai-shek regime and the CIA whereas many of the Diantnam feudalists sent their own children to join this Diantnam army. This Diantnam army coordinated with the U.S. Army in the Korean War and engaged in a long-term battle with the Communists led by Chen Geng in the western part of Diantnam. Thanks to their warfares, countries like Myanmar and Thailand in the 1950s got buffer time. The armaments of Myanmar and Thailand were originally still in the police level in the 1950s, having only the 19th-century equipment. Although the United States established the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization and was ready to give them new equipment, it takes time to change. They were just like today’s Ukraine, which was invaded by Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union while it was still disarmed. The United States wants to help Ukraine as it did in Poland, but the process of aid and rearmament will take at least 5 to 10 years. It would be very hard for the Ukrainians to resist if a sudden Russian invasion was launched between these five and ten year. Chiang Kai-shek’s regime collapsed so quickly for similar reasons. And the resistance of the Yunnan army had given Myanmar and Thailand at least a decade to replace their equipment.

在缅的救国军

The Yunnanese Home Army in Myanmar

等到六十年代中叶,吴庭艳政权和东南亚条约的泰国政权都已经换装完毕,自己具备了一定的抵抗能力,这时滇军就不再重要了,美国和福摩萨对滇军的支持也就告一段落。这时,绝对主义派的滇人有很多都接受了福摩萨方面的退休金,搬到了福摩萨去住。而本土派和封建主义的滇人则相信,他们的根在滇缅边境上,他们不一定需要旁人的援助。而且离开自己的家乡,也就退出了本地的封建体系,也就放弃了自己的复国大业,这对他们来说是不划算的。因此,他们宁愿失去援助,也要在边界地带坚持下来。这些人一直坚持到现在。

In the mid-1960s, when both the Ngo Dinh Diem’s regime and the Thai regime had replaced their equipment and developed a certain resistance capability, the Yunnanese Home Army was no longer important, thus the USA and Formosa’s support for the Yunnanese Home Army came to an end. At this time, many of the absolutist Yunnanese accepted the pension from Formosa and moved to Formosa. Locals and feudalists in Yunnan believe their home is on the Yunnan-Myanmar border and do not necessarily need help from others. It was not worthwhile for them to leave their homeland, to withdraw from the feudal system there, and to give up their cause of restoration. Therefore, they would rather stick around the border than lose aids. These people have held out until now.

等到腊在企图背叛赫鲁雪夫建立自己的独立体系又失败、不得不投入美国体系以后,桂枝放弃了自己原先的酥镰牌的国际主义,穿上了常凯申留下的靴子,以东亚奥斯曼主义的继承者自居,相应地就反映在它的外交政策上。它在外交上企图把从哥斯达黎加、马来西亚直到夏威夷、南非和美国的原先在常凯申控制之下的海外组织一一攻陷的时候,类似的战役也在滇缅边境展开了。属于KMT系的土司和领主像旧金山、夏威夷和马来西亚的堂口一样,有的被康米攻破了,有的像福摩萨的KMT一样投降了,变成康米推行帝国主义扩张的一个白手套。然而原先属于封建主义体系的滇国土司和领主,在这场斗争当中始终坚持了自己的传统。

After Mao Zedong’s attempt to betray Khrushchev to establish his own independent international system failed, he had to join the US-led international system. The Chinese Communist Party then abandoned the path of Soviet internationalism and inherited the Chinese nationalism of Chiang Kai-shek, becoming the successor to the Ottomanism in East Asia. We could tell this from its diplomacy. It attempted to devour overseas groups formerly under Kuomintang control in Costa Rica, Malaysia, Hawaii, South Africa and the United States. The similar campaigns took place along the Yunnan-Myanmar border as well. Some chieftains belonging to the ROC system were breached by the CCP, and succumbed like the Taiwan Kuomintang (KMT), becoming the instruments of Chinese imperialist expansion. However, the chieftains of Diantnam who originally belonged to the feudal system, maintained their traditions throughout the struggle.

部分准备撤往福摩萨的残军

Some of the Remaining Army on Their Way to Taiwan

由于滇缅边境的复杂形势,无论是以前的KMT还是现在的康米,都只能控制封建网中的一小部分,而从内亚穆斯林世界到东南亚穆斯林世界之间的交通网络,随着康米在跟西方国家打交道、推行改开白手套这三十年间,又有了新的成长,因此,现在的滇缅边境可以说布满了很多小小的杜文秀。原先早在中古时代就留下的那些段氏、高氏的封建领主的继承人并没有全部走掉,他们现在还在那一带,蒙古帝国时期重新渗入的内亚领主、穆斯林团体之类的仍然在成长,而改革开放三十年产生出来的新的商团也在茁壮成长。这三代不同的封建滇人的体系和KMT系、康米系的桂枝殖民主义体系纵横交错,在东南亚的中流砥柱正在推行一场复杂的博弈。这场博弈的下面,就是内亚MSL通过东南亚运送难民和武器的地下铁道和东南亚土豪向HK运送毒品和越南大米之类的走私物品的渠道。这两条渠道的存在,就说明了今天滇国境内封建生态的复杂性。

Because of the complex situation on the Diantnam-Myanmar border, both the former Kuomingtang and the current Communist China could only control a small part of Diantnam’s feudal system. The transportation network between the Muslim world of Inner Asia and the Muslim world of Southeast Asia has grown in the past 30 years as the Communist China has dealt with western countries, so the present Diantnam-Myanmar border is dotted with many lords like Du Wenxiu. The heirs of the feudal lords appointed by the Duan and Gao families in the middle age did not all go away. They are still there. Meanwhile, the Inner Asia lords and Muslim groups who repenetrated during the Mongol empire are still growing. Furthermore, the new business groups that emerged during the 30 years of China’s reform and opening-up are thriving. These three generations of different Yunnan feudalism systems and the Chinese colonialist system of the Kuomintang and the Communist China system crisscross each other, playing a complex game in Southeast Asia. Beneath the game are the subterranean tracks throughout Southeast Asia for refugees and weapons, and the roads for wealthy Southeast Asians to deliver contraband such as drugs and Vietnamese rice to Hong Kong. The existence of these two roads illustrates the complexity of Diantnam today.

在歌利亚时代,康米不敢跟西方国家正面冲突的时代,它就满足于控制以军队、警察和国有企业这个表面上的体系,然而这个体系即使是在滇国境内,也只能够占据一小部分生态。而以改开名义崛起的各路土豪,他们主要就是依靠跟东南亚和内亚的国际交通网才能发财致富的,因此他们必然要跟原先滇国的三代封建领主以及新崛起的内亚和东南亚网络发生密切联系。当然他们当中有大批飞碟,但是也有原有的封建体系和滇族爱国者的很多势力。

In the era of Deng Xiaoping, when the Communist Party did not dare to confront the Western countries, it was content to control the superficial system of the military, the police, and state-owned enterprises. However, they can only occupy a small part of the entire social system even within Diantnam. As for the local leaders who gained their fortune and fame under the name of Reform and Opening up, they rely mainly on the international transportation network of Southeast Asia and Inner Asia to obtain their wealth, so they must stay close with the three generations of feudal lords of the former Diantnam and the newly emerging network of Inner Asia and Southeast Asia. Of course, there are a large number of commie spies, but there are also the original feudal systems and patriotic forces among them.

随着康米跟西方国家再次决裂,决裂必然要反映到滇国内部的政治生态,也就是说,康米能够控制的那些体系必然会跟滇人原先的和新兴的封建体系之间为了争夺地下网络和生态而进行殊死决战。这场战斗是残酷的,经常会以比如说某一位滇国的爱国土司或者是飞碟土司被他们的敌对派系袭击、以至于灭门为代价,但是这场斗争对于保护内亚和东南亚的土豪势力、保护滇国本身的独立都是必不可少的。如果说像我刚才描绘的那种灭门惨案在1990年代后期、在蛤时代就是经常发生的话,那么随着康米的殖民帝国和西方国家正式决裂、也就同时丧失了绥靖和收买东南亚和内亚土豪势力的主要支援的政治进程不断展开,滇国原有的土豪必然会在留在内亚和东南亚的网络支持之下,为了争夺资源和生态,跟康米和桂枝恐怖分子的殖民势力展开更加残酷的生死决斗。

As China breaks away from the west countries again, the chasm will also extend to the political situation inside Diantnam, meaning that the system China can control will inevitably compete with Yunnan’s feudal system for the underground network. The battle will be brutal, often at the expense of the lives of the entire family of a Diantnam patriotic or treasonous chieftain who had been attacked by their rival factions and exterminated. However, it is essential to protect the bourgeoisie in Inner and Southeast Asia and to protect Yunnan’s independence. Such mass killings were already a regular occurrence in the Jiang Zemin’s era. Now as China formally breaks with the west countries, it loses the wealth to buy off the lords of Southeast Asia and Inner Asia. Hence, the lords of Yunnan are bound to mount a more brutal duel with the colonial powers of Chinese terrorists for the resources with the support of the network in Inner Asia and Southeast Asia.

尽管按照康米的意愿,他们在顺利的时候能够姨逮一鹿,搞成一个巨大的、跟美国平起平坐的殖民体系,在失败的时候至少也能像曹县那样闭关自守三十年,把边界封闭起来,在自己有效控制的范围内推行再LN化,但是在很多地方,它根本不具备推行再LN化的实力。滇就是不可能成功的地方之一。无论是进攻性的姨逮一鹿,还是后退性的再LN化,康米的军警系统和飞碟系统在滇国和夜郎的现有资源都远远不足以战胜本土派控制的网络,更谈不上战胜那些在境内外都盘根错节、拥有巨大势力的土豪了。所以在可以预见的未来,在桂枝殖民者控制的地区逐步分化为他们真正能够再LN化成功的龙骑兵地区、土豪控制的叙利亚地区和张献忠地区这三个不同体系的过程当中,滇国必然会是最早进入叙利亚化的地区。这一地区的土豪生态是最强的,是再LN化最不可能成功、张献忠也最难以侵入的地方。未来的煮虾爱国者完全有理由像他们在蔡松坡时代一样,把希望寄托在滇国爱国者的身上。

Although according to CCP’s scheme, they will be able to establish the Belt and Road system if succeed, building a huge colonial system that will make them an equal opponent to the United States. Should they fail, they could at least retreat and lock themselves up for 30 years like North Korea, closing its border to promote Leninist system again on its turf. However, it has not the strength to do that in many places. Diantnam is one of those places. Be it the offensive Belt and Road Initiative or the regressive promotion of the Lininist system, the existing resources of Communist military, police, and spy systems in Diantnam and Yelang are far from enough to defeat the network controlled by the local forces, let alone those powerful local leaders who are intricately rooted in and out of China. Therefore, in the foreseeable future, when the areas controlled by the Chinese colonists gradually diverge into the three different systems of the militarily controlled areas where they can successfully implement the Leninist system again, the Syria-like regions controlled by the local leaders, and the chaotic places rampaged by murderers like Zhang Xianzhong, Diantnam will be one of the earliest regions to become the second type. The local leaders in this region are the strongest, which makes it most unlikely to have a successful Leninist machine and outbursts of marauders like Zhang Xianzhong. The future Cathaysian-States patriots have every reason to place their hopes on the patriots of Diantnam like their predecessors in the Cai E era.