The 10 most important lines from Vladimir Putin’s UN speech, ranked
Russian President Vladimir Putin’s much anticipated speech to the UN General Assembly may not have been another Munich, but it certainly came close. In his speech, he referenced many of the same themes — especially the perils of a unipolar world ruled by a single sovereign superpower — that he mentioned in his infamous 2007 speech.
With the world celebrating the 70th anniversary of the defeat of Nazi Germany in 2015, Putin used his UN speech to outline in broad strokes his vision for a modern version of a grand “anti-Hitler coalition” led by the UN to defeat ISIS (and prop up Syria’s “valiant” fighters) in the Middle East.
The Russian leader also threw his support behind international law (or, at least, Russia’s interpretation of international law), the central role of the UN in preserving global security, and the need to avoid double standards in international relations.
Here are some of the most powerful lines from Putin’s UN speech, showing how he views the world and illustrating why the U.S. and Russia remain at ideological loggerheads over so many issues.
1 — On the evils of a superpower hegemon:
We all know that after the end of the Cold War — everyone is aware of that — a single center of domination emerged in the world, and then those who found themselves at the top of the pyramid were tempted to think that if they were strong and exceptional, they knew better and they did not have to reckon with the U.N…
In one fell swoop, Putin goes after “American exceptionalism” and the problems created by a unipolar world in which there is only one sovereign superpower. Putin has long advocated for a multipolar world in which the power of the United States to determine the rules of the game would be curtailed.
2 — On the need to form a new anti-terrorist coalition against ISIS:
But I remind you that the key decisions on the principles guiding the cooperation among states, as well as on the establishment of the United Nations, were made in our country, in Yalta, at the meeting of the anti-Hitler coalition leaders.
This is the reference to World War II that everyone expected from Putin, given the historically significant 70th anniversary date. But he also throws in a reference to Yalta as a reminder that Russia has been at the forefront of determining the world’s security architecture for 70 years. (Moreover, referencing Yalta — located in Crimea — carries its own form of special significance for Russia.) Finally, the reference to the “anti-Hitler coalition” reminds everyone of the sacrifices Russia suffered in the Second World War, while simultaneously presenting ISIS as a similar type of great evil in the world.
3 — On the danger of color revolutions:
We also remember certain episodes from the history of the Soviet Union. Social experiments for export, attempts to push for changes within other countries based on ideological preferences, often led to tragic consequences and to degradation rather than progress… It seemed, however, that far from learning from others’ mistakes, everyone just keeps repeating them, and so the export of revolutions, this time of so-called democratic ones, continues…
This is actually a bold attempt to equate the Soviet Union’s use of Communist ideology to achieve geopolitical aims with America’s use of liberal-democratic ideology to achieve similar aims. Both ideologies are dangerous, Putin warns. Moreover, the “export of revolutions” theme fits right in with Russia’s fear of “color revolutions” and “democracy promotion.” Rather than bringing democracy, these dangerous “exports” only bring disaster and human suffering.
4 — On the dangers of a unipolar world:
I cannot help asking those who have caused the situation, do you realize now what you’ve done? But I am afraid no one is going to answer that. Indeed, policies based on self-conceit and belief in one’s exceptionality and impunity have never been abandoned.
In one question — “Do you realize now what you’ve done?” — Putin seeks to belittle the Obama administration for its weakness and naiveté on foreign policy as well as once again take America to task for its “exceptionalism.” This single line — “Do you realize now what you’ve done?” — became the title of the RT video of Putin’s UN speech, and it obviously has a lot of appeal for future propaganda purposes.
5 — On the reasons for the Ukraine crisis:
First, they continue their policy of expanding NATO. What for? If the Warsaw Bloc stopped its existence, the Soviet Union collapsed and, nevertheless, the NATO continues expanding as well as its military infrastructure. Then they offered the poor Soviet countries a false choice: either to be with the West or with the East. Sooner or later, this logic of confrontation was bound to spark off a grave geopolitical crisis. This is exactly what happened in Ukraine, where the discontent of population with the current authorities was used and the military coup was orchestrated from outside — that triggered a civil war as a result.
Putin once again reiterates the Kremlin’s logic for the Ukraine crisis, showing that the crisis flowed naturally from NATO expansion eastward after the end of the Cold War and continued attempts to encroach on Russia’s historical sphere of influence. The events in Ukraine were nothing less than a coup d’état organized by external actors, and the situation in Ukraine now is a “civil war” rather than military aggression by Russia.
6 — On the true reasons for Russia’s actions in Syria:
However, it’s not about Russia’s ambitions, dear colleagues, but about the recognition of the fact that we can no longer tolerate the current state of affairs in the world. What we actually propose is to be guided by common values and common interests, rather than ambitions.
Once again, Putin links Russia to Europe and a common shared history and common shared values. He makes it clear that Russia’s geopolitical ambitions have been exaggerated by the West and that Russia is ready for action in the Middle East, even if the West isn’t.
7 — On the need to avoid double standards in international relations:
Every term in international law and international affairs should be clear, transparent and have uniformly understood criteria. We are all different, and we should respect that. No one has to conform to a single development model that someone has once and for all recognized as the only right one.
This is Putin’s attempt fight back against what Russia perceives to be the application of “double standards” in the international arena. He again references the U.S. with the term “single development model” (without actually naming the U.S.) in an attempt to appeal to all the non-Western leaders at the UN who feel that the U.S. has too powerful of a role in global affairs.
8 — On the rightful role of the UN:
Russia believes in the huge potential of the United Nations, which should help us avoid a new global confrontation and engage in strategic cooperation. Together with other countries, we will consistently work towards strengthening the central coordinating role of the U.N.
Russia plays up the “central coordinating role” of the UN mostly to ensure that its unique veto privilege within the UN Security Council gives it an automatic trump card against any Western initiatives to punish it further. (Just remember how hard Russia lashed back at the West when there were hints that certain nations would try to strip Russia of its UN veto power after the MH17 tragedy.) Putin also tries to position Russia as a believer in international norms, as a great power with a great role to play in the world.
9 — On Russia’s economic integration projects:
Contrary to the policy of exclusiveness, Russia proposes harmonizing original economic projects. I refer to the so-called integration of integrations based on universal and transparent rules of international trade. As an example, I would like to cite our plans to interconnect the Eurasian Economic Union, and China’s initiative of the Silk Road economic belt.
The “integration of integrations” line was mocked on Twitter, but it shows how Russia is trying to position itself as the “integrator” between Europe and Asia. Putin also serves a wakeup call that the Eurasian Economic Union is not an attempt to reconstitute the old Soviet Union — it’s an attempt to build economic bridges with its geopolitical neighbors. Here, he also references Russia’s pivot to China, which is positioned as a purely economic strategy rather than a ploy to weaken American power in Asia.
10 — On the unintended consequences of Western foreign policy:
It would be equally irresponsible to try to manipulate extremist groups and place them at one’s service in order to achieve one’s own political goals in the hope of later dealing with them or, in other words, liquidating them. To those who do so, I would like to say — dear sirs, no doubt you are dealing with rough and cruel people, but they’re in no way primitive or silly. They are just as clever as you are, and you never know who is manipulating whom.
Again, Putin hits back at the Obama administration’s naiveté in dealing with ISIS and his unwillingness to go after the terrorists directly. He also mocks Obama for his belief that a “moderate opposition” is possible in the Middle East.
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While Putin’s remarks may not have gone over so well in the U.S., it’s worth remembering the intro to Putin’s Munich speech in 2007: “And if my comments seem unduly polemical, pointed or inexact to our colleagues, then I would ask you not to get angry with me. After all, this is only a conference.” It certainly made for some colorful theater at the UN.
