CRITIQUING MURPHY & BALDWIN: A CONVERSATION (SORT OF) ABOUT RACIAL SEGREGATION IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS ( copyright Ⓒ July 2022, by Howard J. Eagle)
WHAT: “community” dialogue, or actually, more of a monologue regarding racial segregation in the majority-Black public schools of Rochester, New York, as well as in the lily-white public schools in the surrounding suburbs of Monroe County, which is where Rochester is located
WHO: A multimillion dollar, locally based organization called PathStone, which views itself as a leader regarding anti-racist education
DETAILS: A keynote speaker and panel discussion (featuring Justin Murphy, the education reporter for the only daily, local newspaper, and author of a recently released book about the history of racial segregation in the Rochester City School District (RCSD), and a panel discussion that included Murphy; Rochester’s Mayor, Malik Evans, who, prior to becoming Mayor in January 2022, had been the youngest person ever elected to the Rochester Board of Education, and was also later elected to Rochester City Council, where he served until he became Mayor. Prior to becoming Mayor, he had also worked for 20 years as a banker; Corinda Crossdale, Deputy County Executive for Health And Human Services, which includes administrative oversight of the local Department of Human Services, Monroe County Hospital, Department of Public Health, and Veterans Services; Dr. Tiffany Manuel, apparently a PathStone consultant, author, and President and C.E.O. of an organization called “The Case Made” ( https://www.thecasemade.com/ ). The discussion was moderated by Kesha James, an “educational consultant [and] co leader [of PathStone’s] Anti-racist Curriculum Project,” as well as a RCSD teacher, reportedly at the school that (according to the keynote speaker) bears the “name most associated with the anti-integration-movement in Rochester, Louis Cerulli. He was the school board President in the mid ‘60’s, and has a school named after him today on Lexington Avenue.”
PathStone Presents 2022 Recording (at the link below)
Thursday, June 16th, 2022
There are two parts of the recording (at the link below)
1) Justin Murphy’s Presentation
2) Panel Discussion
https://pathstonepresents.org/pathstone-presents-2022-recording/?playlist=32b334c&video=5d3b965
A “RADICAL” CRITIQUE: FROM A LOCAL BLACK VETERAN EDUCATOR’S
PERSPECTIVE ( https://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/local/communities/time-to-educate/stories/2018/07/13/racism-rcsd-rochester-city-school-district-howard-eagle-investigation/760499002/ )
INTRODUCTION
It was great to hear the hosts say they welcome feedback — of course, as the local anti-racist goat ( http://minorityreporter.net/tooting-my-own-horn-i-am-the-local-goat-of-anti-racism/ ), especially and particularly as it relates to urban, public education, I have plenty to offer.
First and foremost, I would like for people to understand that this critique is not about cynicism and/or pessimism. Instead, it is about realism. A critical part of crystal-clear, objective reality is — with regard to widespread, fundamental, measurably-effective change and improvement in urban public education, as the mayor mentioned — “young [Black] people [in particular] don’t have decades to wait. We’re losing tons of them now. All you gotta do is turn on the news, and you see what’s happening to them.” So, this is about debunking falsehood (whether inadvertent or not), and advancing objective reality, as well as promoting the dire, acute need for urgency.
With regard to the above referenced conversation, the very first thing that’s wrong — the most fundamentally-problematic, flawed assumption is the premise and pipedream-idea ( http://minorityreporter.net/chasing-pipe-dreams-dogs-wont-hunt/ ) that the solution, or even a significant part of the solution relative to successfully addressing and/or solving the deep-seated, historic, worsening, urban, public education crisis — is racial integration. Folks often talk narrowly about so-called “successful” public school integration models in certain sectors of the nation, which in many cases, are questionable at best (such as, for example, Charlotte and surrounding Mecklenburg County, which was cited during the presentation ( https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-desegregation-and-resegregation-of-charlottes-schools ). However, there is no evidence that racial integration (of any sort) represents a potentially viable solution, or even a significant part of a viable solution locally. I repeat, THERE IS ABSOLUTELY NO CREDIBLE EVIDENCE (NONE), and that includes Monroe County’s whimsical, minuscule, so-called urban / suburban program, which happens to be the oldest such program in the nation ( https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/countrys-oldest-voluntary-school-desegregation-program-grows-in-rochester-new-york-2 ). Yet, with regard to the overall racial makeup of Monroe County’s student population, nearly 60 years later (57 to be exact) — to say that the program is still tiny, is a gross understatement. And let’s not play games. Let’s be totally honest. It’s still tiny because that’s the way the vast majority of white, suburbanite residents in particular, and probably (as sick as it may sound) some of color as well, want it — period. As a matter of fact, with regard to evidence — nearly all of the evidence indicates that the overwhelming majority of whites in particular, and no doubt, growing numbers of Black folks, and other people of color in Monroe County, do not want racial integration of public schools, and obviously, never have. I’m reminded of the largest landslide electoral victory in the history of Monroe County Executive races (as late as 2003). Many of us recall the “metropolitan”- government platform of the first Black Mayor of Rochester, who was literally trounced by a former, white, female, news reporter who is or was married to a convicted felon. And let’s not forget about the infamous (according to many), racist Pac-Man Political Ad: https://x.com/i/status/1819774147183964263 ;
https://www.rochestercitynewspaper.com/rochester/lessons-from-the-johnson-loss/Content?oid=2128217 .
Mayor Evans also mentioned another extraordinary example of just how deep white resistance to racial integration of public schools has been historically, as well as recently, e.g., the example of the Spencerport school district (just seven years ago) — https://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/news/2014/12/09/spencerport-urban-suburban-debate/20172821/ . In spite of constant super-hyper, liberal, “progressive” rhetoric, obviously, over the past seven years, nothing has changed (not fundamentally, nor significantly).
Again, this critique is not about negativity and/or attacks. Instead, it is about objective reality, in which we must remain grounded. It’s dangerous not to. This really is, in many cases, a matter of life and death (literally). Urgency must be a priority, and false premises, misinformation, and/or
half developed thoughts and ideas, some of which (at times) are presented as absolute facts, cannot be allowed to go unchallenged. Our children can’t afford such mistakes (even if they are inadvertent). If our premises are not sound, then of course it’s not likely that we will end up with viable solutions.
PART 1:
MISSTEPS, DISTORTIONS, INCOMPLETE THOUGHTS & IDEAS
The very first questionable thought or idea was espoused by the opening speaker (Pathstone’s President & CEO, Alex Castro) who claimed that “school segregation is a growing concern at the local, state and national levels,” but of course he didn’t say according to who? Is there research-based evidence? It really appears that objective reality is actually the exact opposite, e.g., with regard to school segregation, there is less concern at the local, state and national levels than any time since the 1970's. It is obviously important not to make such bold assertions without supportive evidence. If we’re serious about viable solutions, we can’t just make things up, to fit our desired narrative(s) and/or agenda(s). In addition to being disingenuous, that’s dangerous.
A whole lot to say about the keynote address:
The keynote speaker (Mr. Justin Murphy) asserted that, with regard to “the Rochester City School District [RCSD], and more generally our educational disparities, [he] realized that what [he] had been looking for is that underlying, unifying thing, and the thing that we never talk about — when we talk about low performance in RCSD is segregation; is the fact that by some measures, our community is the most segregated in the entire country.” The latter quote is what is known as a quantum leap. That is, the speaker seems to be suggesting that the single most critical thing that we don’t discuss in the process of dialogue regarding the old, old, deeply entrenched, historic, urban education crisis is “segregation.” I categorically reject that idea on its face. In fact, the most critically important thing that we never really have full-fledged, deep, and informed conversation about is the nature, essence, functioning, and numerous manifestations regarding the tripartite beast and illness of individual, institutional, and structural racism ( http://minorityreporter.net/the-tripartite-beast-and-illness-of-individual-institutional-and-structural-racism/ ), of which racial
segregation is but one element. The underlying, fundamental issue and problem that ties historic and ongoing racist realities together is widespread, pervasive, belief in, and practice of white supremacist behavior, which is not always active or aggressive, e.g., not always what people do, but is also frequently inactivity, that is, what they don’t or won’t do. By the way, note that the latter quote above contradicts, especially at the “local level,” the opening statement regarding the unsubstantiated idea that “school segregation is a growing concern.” That is, if it is accurate that, in the process of “discussing low performance in the RCSD [we] never talk about segregation” — then how do we logically conclude that it is “a growing concern?”
It’s most interesting that the author declares the “goal with [his] book is to reframe the way that we think about education here, and in places like here,” which, in accordance with his own assertion, would include “essentially every metropolitan area in the entire country.” So, apparently, he intends (via his book) to “reframe” the way that the entire nation, or perhaps just
the “metropolitan” areas think about education. Those who have read his book can decide for yourselves whether or not you believe that’s a realistic goal, as opposed to merely book-selling, super-hyper-rhetoric and dogmatic pontification.
In the process of discussing the so-called desegregation movement in the RCSD — 1972 is mentioned as a pivotal year — the year when Regents exams were cancelled because of violent resistance from hateful white folks (students and parents) who gathered outside of school buildings to “greet” Black students, as they entered to take exams. Supposedly, “a lot of violence was instigated not by the [white] students themselves, but by their parents and other people in the neighborhood.” The author claimed: “There’s a really interesting ethnic component and class component to it — apart from race.” WHAT???!!! How can any aspect of this vitriolic, calculated hatred possibly be disentangled or separated from race, and more specifically, from racism? Regretfully, the writer is (at worst) making it up, and at best, simply mistaken — possibly based on his own anecdotal romanticism regarding ethnicity and class. Of course, I am always open to being corrected. However, the oxymoronic question, relative to the latter quote above becomes — how in the world can actions that are premised upon racism and hatred, possibly occur “apart from race?” The objective truth of the matter is that, within thoroughly racist, white supremacist-based societies (such as the granddaddy of them all — this one), and subsequently, within thoroughly racist, white supremacist-based institutions (such as the public education system in general, as well as the RCSD specifically) — racism is omnipresent, especially, and particularly regarding old, historical socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and sociocultural issues and problem such as racial segregation. Following the possible romanticism outlined above regarding so-called “ethnicity and class,” the very next quote (based on something that the RCSD Assistant Superintendent at the time, 1972) reportedly had said relative to [Black and white] children “mistrusting, fearing, and even hating one another [because they had] been segregated by the [white] adults responsible for their education” — represents a thoroughly evasive, convoluted interpretation of objective reality. That is to say, by and large, white children have always been taught to mistrust, fear, and even hate Black children. On the other hand, if Black children have learned to mistrust, fear, and even hate white children (for the most part, in the main) — it has been based on generational mistreatment, abuse, discrimination, exploitation, oppression and any other dehumanizing noun that one can conjure up. Thus, any implication that there has been some sort of “even playing field” so to speak, relative to perpetuation of mistrust, fear and hate, is again a serious mistake at best, and possibly, purely intentional disingenuousness at worst, which might very well hinge on deep-seated, cognitive dissonance-based denial ( https://www.rochester.edu/newscenter/ibram-x-kendi-the-very-heartbeat-of-racism-is-denial-470332/ ). There is an assertion that “the Spring of 1972 is essential the end of the [so-called] targeted desegregation movement in Rochester [,and that] from a national perspective, the final nail in the coffin comes two years later, in Detroit, in a Supreme Court Case called Milliken v. Bradley [,which stipulated] that desegregation orders cannot go beyond district lines — so essentially, white flight becomes a successful escape strategy for integration efforts.” Again, the latter quote represents a complete distortion of objective reality. The facts of the matter are that the Milliken v. Bradley Supreme Court Case of 1974 ( https://www.npr.org/2019/07/25/739493839/this-supreme-court-case-made-school-district-lines-a-tool-for-segregation ), represents an outstanding exemplar relative to the objective reality that each and every major U.S. institution is necessarily racist in nature — because they were all developed under thoroughly racist, white supremacist-based social, economic, political, and so-called “dominant” cultural systems, and they have always (for the most part — in the main) functioned in ways that have bolstered and/or supported the constant, consistent ability of white supremacy to remake itself, and morph into new, more sophisticated forms. The following represents a prime, classic example: http://minorityreporter.net/d-e-i-and-the-continued-evolution-of-white-supremacy/ . And even when such institutions have moved in anti-white-supremacy directions, their decisions have been either thwarted altogether, and/or half-heartedly enforced. Don’t take my word for it — check the historical record. There is no more-perfect example of this than the Brown v. Board of Education Supreme Court Case of 1954, which (unlike the Milliken v. Bradley Supreme Court Case), still has not been completely enforced until this very day (nearly 70 years later) — not to mention the directly-related, devastatingly-negative, disastrous so-called “unintended” impact and consequences that were heaped upon Black communities — from which they have not recovered until this very moment:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=z4UARsqclMU
https://www.johnlocke.org/an-unintended-consequence-of-brown-v-board-of-education/
https://www.aclu.org/podcast/school-segregation-65-years-after-brown-v-board-ep-46
Etc… Etc… Etc… — by the tons.
The presenter had declared that he wanted to talk about the “bigger picture.” If the critically important elements outlined via the articles above, which only scratch the surface — relative to the full nature and essence of the old, old, ongoing, urban education crisis, are not part of the discussion concerning the so-called “bigger picture” — then the approach is necessarily and definitely, fundamentally flawed (right from the start). I digress. The assertion that, as it relates to the “end of the [so-called] targeted desegregation movement, from a national perspective — the final nail in the coffin” was the 1974 Milliken v. Bradley Supreme Court Case, and therefore “white flight becomes a successful escape strategy for integration efforts” — comes across almost like some sort of hocus-pocus magic. Surely, we must be aware of the fact that white flight began way before 1974 ( https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2016/03/17/white-flight-began-a-lot-earlier-than-we-think/ ). So, what the Milliken Case effectively did was to assure white folks, who were already fleeing cities, and by 1974, had been doing so for decades — that the overwhelming majority of Black folks would not be able to follow them, nor enter their newly created, lily- white school districts — because they would surely not be able to afford to live in those communities, and the white-supremacy-supporting Supreme-Court would otherwise forbid them from crossing school boundary lines, and in fact, would provide (via law) for them to be locked up if they attempted to do so ( http://america.aljazeera.com/watch/shows/america-tonight/america-tonight-blog/2014/1/21/where-school boundaryhoppingcanmeantimeinjail.html ). Thus, to present “information” regarding the Milliken Case without providing deeper and broader, in-depth context is either a serious mistake that actually could feed into miseducation, or a matter of being elusive and/or plain disingenuous ( https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgiarticle=3001&context=flr ). In addition to illuminating and reinforcing the historically racist nature of one of the most powerful institutions in U.S. society (the U.S. Supreme Court) — the Milliken Case also represents an exemplar regarding the fact that individual, institutional, and structural racism are thoroughly bound up together, completely intertwined, and totally inseparable from one another, e.g., there can be no continued institutional, and/or structural racism without continued individual racists — by the millions. Without individual racism, the other two forms would wither and die. The writer noted that, since 1972, it has been “taken as a given that the schoolhouse is going to be [racially] segregated, and we either don’t know what to do about that, or we don’t feel like doing anything about that — so we’re just gonna work the best we can in the current setting.”
The latter statement, my friends, represents an outstanding example of bastardizing objective reality — in order to accommodate one’s utopian pipedream of racial integration. I challenge us to find people who are in charge of even the most dismal urban school districts who would take the position that they “either don’t know what to do about [racially segregated schools], or don’t feel like doing anything about that.” The author is literally making it up, which is very, very dangerous. I can imagine some (if they are honest) declaring that they don’t plan to do anything about it — because it’s crystal-clear that (due mainly to massive white resistance), it’s a matter of wasting time and chasing pie-in-the-sky pipedreams. This certainly is what Rochester’s most recent, previous Mayor had concluded, without a doubt, and I agree wholeheartedly and unequivocally ( https://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/news/education/2019/03/05/rcsd-nothing-off-table-except-integration-roc-future/3057972002/ ). I can also imagine lily-white school district administrations taking the position that they are already doing all they can by participating in minuscule urban-suburban programs. They might well take the position that they “don’t know what [else] to do [, and I can even imagine some taking the position, privately, that they] don’t feel like doing anything” else. It is so very important to admit (rather than continuing to wallow in chronic denial and chasing pie-in-the-sky-integration-pipedreams) that the overwhelming majority of Monroe County’s suburban residents love their lily-white schools and districts just as they are.
Next, the writer/reporter/keynote speaker launched into an extended diatribe (‘backed’ by charts and graphs), regarding a study that supposedly proves that poor Black children who attend so-called “desegregated” schools are much more likely to be academically “successful” than those who attend segregated schools. In this particular regard, logic fails — because the overwhelming majority of white children attend the most racially segregated schools in Monroe County, New York State, and throughout this thoroughly racist, white supremacist-based nation-state. Yet, their ability and likelihood of doing well academically is never questioned. So, apparently, racially segregated schools have a crippling effect on poor Black children, but does not negatively impact middle- and upper-class white children at all? Really? How (exactly and specifically) does that work? Additionally, a major, fundamental problem and issue is specific definition regarding so-called “desegregated” schools. Usually, and in fact, almost always, the language refers to lily-white schools with minuscule populations of children of color and are more reflective of assimilation than so-called “desegregation.” That is, if children of color don’t adjust and/or actually adopt the thoroughly entrenched, pervasive white cultural norms of the so-called “desegregated” schools — they will not attend for very long, and that’s for certain
( https://www.democratandchronicle.com/story/local/communities/time-to-educate/stories/2018/12/16/suburban-racial-disparities-personal-experiences-suspensions-challenging-interactions-peers-teachers/2215008002/ ). As I listened to the reporter, I couldn’t help but wonder if he recalls some of the numerous, ongoing atrocities that he has helped uncover via his own reporting? Sometimes (based on articulation of his utopian, pie-in-the-sky-integrationist- pipedreams), it doesn’t seem like he remembers. I have also often thought — isn’t it interesting (to say the very least) that a lily-white school can have 10 or 15%, or less students
of color within their overall student population, and frequently not a single Black teacher or administrator, or one or two at most, and generally be considered and referred to as a so-called “desegregated” school. While on the other hand, predominantly Black schools that have 10 or 15% white students, and nearly all white teachers, are generally referred to as “segregated.” How (again, logically) does that work?
SNAKE OIL “SOLUTIONS” ( http://minorityreporter.net/snake-oil-solutions-critique-of-novice-mess-makers-and-those-who-know-better/ )
As noted previously, with regard to the old, old, historic, urban education crisis, and potential, realistic, viable solutions (in our lifetimes, as opposed to the abstract, distant bye-and-bye), it makes no sense at all to seriously entertain gradualist, throw-backs to an earlier era of complete failure. And of course, the very last thing we need is another study and/or so-called “white paper.”
With regard to the “keynote” presentation, there are countless contradictions, which are clearly evident. One of the most outstanding examples is the unsubstantiated assertion that “an important take-away from the [modern] Civil Rights era’s push for integration is that they had an extremely favorable judicial climate.” If that is true, then how do we logically explain that 10 years after the supposedly ‘earth-shattering’ 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Ruling, with regard to deep-seated, pervasive, systemic, racial segregation in public education — nothing had changed significantly, nor fundamentally, and up to that point — the mighty, U. S. Supreme Court had done exactly nothing to ensure enforcement of their much-celebrated, largely symbolic Decision? Furthermore, and even more importantly, if the so-called “judicial climate [was so] favorable” then how do we logically explain the Milliken v. Bradley Case, which the author asserted, represented “the final nail in the coffin of the [so-called] desegregation movement?” Additionally, if as the author claimed — “they had [school] administrators and executives, all the way up and down the line who believed in integration, and were willing to use their political capital on it” — then again, how do we (logically) explain the ultimate victories of folks like Dr. Louis A. Cerulli, whom the author asserted was the RCSD “school board President in the mid ‘60’s, and the name most associated with the anti-[racial]-integration movement in Rochester” (the latter of which is the focus of his book)? He also asserted that — “the main reason [why so-called desegregation efforts failed] is that they underestimated the push-back they would get from white parents, and they were not able to meet that.” WHAT???!!! How is it possible that the people who, for example, in Rochester, Monroe County, and New York State (not to mention the national level), controlled the so-called “extremely favorable judicial climate” (locally and State-wide) — in addition to controlling the Rochester Police Department; Monroe County Sheriff Department; New York State Troopers, and the New York Division of the National Guards — “were not able to meet that?” Potentially, the latter assertion hinges on deep-seated, possibly race-based, cognitive dissonance and chronic denial. More than likely, in fact, it’s highly likely (that is, if the long, long historical record is an accurate indicator), the objective truth of the matter is — “they were [NOT WILLING] to meet that” (based on racist, nationalistic, white-affinity-reluctance or refusal), which we saw play out again, as recently as January 6, 2021, which has not changed, and which is the major reason why pursuing the author’s old, tired, worn-out, warmed-over, integrationists ideas would amount to “chasing pipe dreams and dogs that won’t hunt.”
http://minorityreporter.net/chasing-pipe-dreams-dogs-won't-hunt/
The writer attempts to advance rhetoric about so-called “avoiding the temptation of blaming things on individual racist people,” which is a very popular mantra, especially among white super-liberals and frequently their Black supporters. Those whom I work closest with understand that institutional and structural racism are the most insidious and damaging forms. However, if we are to take his advice, and avoid “retreating into very vague language,” relative to the beast and illness — then it is absolutely vital that we make it totally plain and crystal-clear that the manner in which institutional and structural racism were/are established, perpetuated, reinforced, and maintained is by way of rules, regulations, policies, practices, procedures, and laws that guide and governs institutions, which did/do not establish, perpetuate, reinforce, and/or maintain themselves — individuals do. Thus, once again, individual, institutional, and structural racism are thoroughly bound up together, completely intertwined, and totally inseparable from one another, e.g., there can be no continued institutional, and/or structural racism without continued individual racists — by the millions. Without individual racism, the other two forms would wither and die.
Speaking of extremely abstract thoughts and ideas regarding the beast and illness, the one that follows, takes the cake, so to speak: “We have kind of distilled racism and the backlash to these single actors who we all now can agree are bad people. Anybody living today can say that you shouldn’t go and do that,” (he’s referring to the type of racist abuse that was heaped upon Black children during the so-called “desegregation movement.” Again, this represents another of those extremely nebulous, and to some degree and extent, nonsensical statements, which are seemingly being palmed off as objective and factual. First of all, apparently, he must be referring to white
folks regarding the idea that “we have distilled racism and the backlash to single actors.” Certainly, all Black folks born and/or raised in this thoroughly racist, white supremacist-based nation-state, who are even minimally versed in U.S. history, and via their own lived experiences, are fully and clearly aware of the fact that this is not about so-called “single actors.” Also, how in the world can we talk (realistically) about “anybody living today [agreeing] that you shouldn’t” commit racist acts — when savage-like-white-supremacist- domestic-terrorist are still taking Black people out (execution style) en masse, in 2022? Again, statements such as the latter one quoted above are potentially dangerous, if for no other reason than — they represent miseducation and bastardization of objective reality.
While discussing one of his slides (as part of his presentation), the presenter made an important connection (sort of), e.g., with regard to the Great Migration, he referenced a statement concerning the idea that only “a few northern neighborhoods would admit” Black people. He asserted (correctly) that “neighborhoods don’t admit people — people admit people, and the way that neighborhoods get structured, and the rules get written is done by people, in particular, important, elected people in communities. So, they’re the ones that didn’t admit people.” However, he did not extend his argument to the logical end or conclusion, which includes the fact that — “important, elected people” ACT in accordance with the will of the masses of their constituents, and we certainly know who they were, especially during the Great Migration era (the latter of which, as the son of Central Florida migrants, I know a whole lot about). I digress, the point is, with regard to rampant, systematic, housing discrimination and intentional, red-lined, racial segregation — for the author to point the proverbial finger solely at so-called “important, elected people,” without acknowledging that they acted, and most still do act in accordance with the desires and demands of the majority of white voters — again, represents either serious naïveté, or a matter of intentional, gross distortion of objective reality. In either case, it’s very, very problematic, especially and particularly as it relates to helping people gain clarity regarding the specific manners in which individual, institutional, and structural racism have functioned/colluded (both historically and contemporarily), in the process of creating, perpetuating, reinforcing, and maintaining overall socioeconomic, sociopolitical, and sociocultural conditions. Lastly, if we say “education” is a vital part of antiracist solutions, which the author maintains, with which I agree — then we must necessarily avoid miseducation (inadvertently or otherwise) at all costs.
PART 2: THE PANEL DISCUSSION
Dr. Tiffany Manuel opened up with a lengthy speech about how important this topic is. She praised PathStone for bringing in “important regional and national speakers [and] matching the best and brightest ideas nationally with the best and brightest ideas locally.” Right. Of all the speakers that they have brought in, guess which voices are missing from the discussion? That’s right, as usual, the voices of those who are most directly, most devastatingly impacted, and in most need of effective remedies regarding the old, old deepening urban education crisis — namely, economically poor Black folks in particular.
One of the most important things that was noted throughout both parts of the two-hour session was Dr. Manuel’s assertion that, with regard to massive abuse that was heaped upon Black people, not only during the so-called desegregation era, but since the time that Black folks were first made the victims of the largest, most damaging and devastating forced-migration in modern history — is the fact that it’s way past time to “move beyond the politics of apology — to the activities of redress.” There is absolutely no doubt about that. In fact, all else is merely rhetoric and noise. The Dr. also noted that her message to Rochester (as if the PathStone crew
represents all of us) — is that “y’all are halfway there,” e.g., according to her, they have done the research, and supposedly have done “education all across the region,” and supposedly the other half is “the redress and move mountains parts.” With all due respect, and yes, I really, sincerely mean it — if this particular session is indicative of the kind of “education [that they have supposedly done] all across the region,” that’s highly problematic (based on clear examples of pseudo “education,” which in actuality amounts to the exact opposite, e.g., miseducation). In the course of this critique, I have pointed out numerous, specific examples.
The next speaker was Mayor Malik Evans, and of course it wasn’t long before he “sang” that old, tired, worn-out tune that “change won’t happen overnight.” I (for one) am sicker and more tired than Mother Fannie Lou Hamer was of being sick and tired of hearing that. I have literally heard it all of my life. I actually remember hearing that same old, tired, sad, rhetoric as a child. Since, as the mayor acknowledged, staunch, deep-seated, pervasive, systemic racial segregation has existed in this place for “over 400 years” — then doesn’t logic dictate that it’s way past time to drop the old, tired, worn out “overnight” rhetorical excuse and rationalization? I mean darn — how many more centuries do we need to wait? The remainder of Mayor Evan’s opening speech focused on the need to so-called “change [racist] hearts and minds.” I do believe in giving credit where credit is due, e.g., he noted that it needs to be done “without it seeming to be incremental,” which again speaks to the point that — attempts to address deep, deep-seated, pervasive, systematic racial segregation is centuries old. Mayor Evans ended his opening remarks by saying we can’t give up hope regarding this issue (whatever that means). I’m not sure (specifically) about which “issue” he was referring to — because it seems clear (based on numerous other comments that he made — to the extent and degree that Justin Murphy had the unmitigated gall to try and ‘paint’ him as so-called “pessimistic”) — he is convinced that any significant level of racial integration (relative to public schools) is not going to happen in his lifetime. He even said so. Thus, as it relates to not giving up, I assume the “issue” that he referred to — is the longstanding, deepening, urban education crisis, which, if that is in fact the case — we absolutely, unequivocally must not “give up on.”
During Ms. Corinda Crossdale’s opening statement, she noted that she “doesn’t think for one second that this community has given up.” She presented as ‘evidence’ the idea that she “sits at way too many tables of [them] trying to figure this out” (whatever that means) — “trying to figure [what specifically] out?” Ms. Crossdale also referenced a Swahili Proverb: “How are the
children,”and she noted that “the tables that [she] sits at [they] embrace that.” Embrace what (specifically)? This is not a time for super-hyper, meaningless, symbolic rhetoric and slogans. Instead, we need substantive, measurably-effective ideas and plans now!
As the panelists discussed potential ‘solutions,’ they literally seemed to be all over the place. There was no real, coherent focus at all. So, I’ll just note, and comment on what I believe were some of the most interesting remarks:
Mayor Evans noted that “elected people have to understand that [they] may do something that may not allow you to get reelected, but you have to not care, if it’s the right thing. On this issue, [again, not sure which issue he was speaking of, e.g., segregation in particular, or the larger issue of individual, institutional, and structural racism across the board] there are things that elected leaders have to take stands on, and have to push for, and it might cost them (in the short term) an election. They have to be willing to take that step. If they have another career, then fine, go back to their other career.” The latter part of his comment is congruent with the fact that there’s probably not a single elected official in Monroe County who does not have another career. In fact, I have often wondered if this is the main reason why most of them seem to treat their
elected posts as exactly what they are, e.g., part-time positions, which frequently require fulltime attention. That is, if the job is to be done properly and well. In fact, in most cases, it’s not even a matter of “going back to their other career” — most never left (just as the mayor did not leave
his banking career when he was elected to the Rochester Board of Education, prior to later being elected to Rochester City Council. In both cases he maintained his full-time banking position and treated the school board and later the City Council as part time positions, which required, but surely did not receive fulltime attention. So, apparently, as it relates to this particular point, the mayor is probably thinking about himself, and the fact that he had to leave his longtime banking career when he became Mayor, and at the same time, he seems to be signaling, if need be, he can
“go back.” It would have been most interesting, and very telling had someone pressed him regarding specifics, as to the types of things “elected leaders have to take stands on, and have to push for, [which] might cost them (in the short term) an election.” However, since (clearly), they were all ‘playing nice’ __ there was no pressure on any of them to clarify and /or elaborate relative to what seemed like hundreds of nebulous (to say the very least) statements that were flying all over the place.
Speaking of profoundly nebulous, and dare I say illogical, if not nonsensical statements: Justin Murphy opined that “there’s always a boundary between listening and acting, and [he] fears sometimes, when it comes to anti-racism in general, leaders can reflexively go too far away from their values, and toward trying to sort-of smooth every problem out person to person.” WHAT?! What in the world is that supposed to mean, especially the idea of so-called “reflexively going too far away from [ones] values?” It’s really too bad that everyone (those on the panel and the facilitator) sat there like bumps-on-a-log and pretended that they understood Mr. Murphy’s super-liberal, flaming-rhetoric, which again is potentially dangerous — for at least two
fundamental reasons: 1) It detracts from much-needed clarity regarding the nature, essence, functioning, and manifestations of racism, and therefore, of anti-racism as well; 2) many people are listening to this guy — he is being invited to speak at public libraries, book clubs, study groups and other organizations, such as the one that sponsored the event, which gave rise to this critique. It’s as if he has become some sort of overnight anti-racism-sensation, but obviously, he is NOT. In fact, some of us who really are grounded regarding broad-based, in-depth anti-racist insight and knowledge, have come to the conclusion that he is part of a long list of local, so-called “anti-racist” mess-makers:
Additionally, he is continuing to advocate acceptance of chronic gradualism, as exemplified via assertions such as the following: “We all recognize today that this journey — however we define this journey of a more equitable school system in the future, is gonna take a long time; gonna take a lot of work, and at every step we’re gonna be faced with the decision between getting easy wins, relatively easy wins, and hueing to our principles.” Other than deep-seated, Eurocentric, or white-supremacy-oriented hegemony, I can’t imagine what would make him think that his false dichotomy is automatically agreed upon and/or accepted as the only option.
Amazingly, the misguided writer is also still ranting and raving about the never-fully-enforced, U.S. Supreme Court Decision (via the damage-causing, Brown v. Board of Education Case, which occurred when I was born, 68 years ago). He’s literally arguing that, because of the ineffective Brown Case, today we should not “frame [racial] integration as a [public school] choice.” In other words, in his pipe-dream-chasing-mind, it should be viewed as mandatory. In response, all I can say is — if he really believes this, then he needs to get to work and convince his brothers and sisters, cousins, nephews, nieces, friends and associates in the lily-white town, and at the lily-white high school that I graduated from (13 years before he was born, in the same town where he was born and raised, which my parents had moved to as migrant farm workers in 1968 — 17 years before he was born). It’s instructive that when he graduated from Penfield High School in Penfield, New York, in 2003, it was nearly as lily-white as it is today (19 years later), and as it had been 31 years earlier, when I graduated from there in 1972. Yet, in essence, this guy is arguing that we should continue to chase a miserably failed pipedream (nearly 70 years later). We would be blind, pipe-dream-chasing-fools to do so. If folks are not willing to embark upon that failed path, he labels it as a so-called “philosophical concession,” which is a testament to the fact that he is clearly out of touch with objective reality, and should go talk that old, tired, worn-out “philosophical concession”-talk to suburbanite parents and families who are generally fighting just as hard today as they were in 1954 to maintain their lily-white schools and districts This is the Reality:
SEE THE ADDENDUM AT THE END OF THIS CRITIQUE
A question was raised, which clearly stumped them all: “Apart from white parents, what are the power structures that are invested in maintaining segregation?” It was absolutely amazing to watch them squirm, and listen to their evasive, rhetorical babble, relative to this question. Not one of them answered it directly, nor coherently. The truth of the matter is that (just as in most, if not every other U.S. county, city, town, village and/or hamlet) — there is only one power structure in Monroe County, which is dominated by wealthy white folks (the ruling class, if you will), and even if they themselves live in Rochester, which most don’t — in many, if not most cases, their children, grandchildren, nieces, nephews, cousins, etc…, live and attend school in the lily-white suburbs of Monroe County and beyond (either that, or lily-white private or parochial schools). The overwhelming majority of them, and their upper- and middle-class colleagues and associates are vested in maintaining segregation — because clearly, they simply do not want to live around poor Black folks in particular, and do not want their children, grandchildren, nieces, nephews, cousins, etc…, attending school with poor Black children — period. In the process of fumbling and stumbling through their nonsensical “answers” to the critical question, one of the most amazing, in fact, probably THE most amazing assertion I heard throughout the entire two-hour fiasco was Justin Murphy’s extremely bastardized version of how redlining developed in the U.S. of A. It’s absolutely mind-boggling that he “traced” the origins of U.S. racist-redlining-governmental-housing- policy back to events leading up to WWI and later, the Great Depression, e.g., “Archduke Ferdinand got shot, and that led to a war, and that eventually led to a Depression in the United States, and that led to creation of the Homeowners Loan Corporation, and they decided that they needed some guidance — so they created these redlining maps, and now here we are 90 years later talking about the incredible effects these redlining maps had — when in fact that was not specifically envisioned, and came about in an essentially random fashion.” WHAT???!!! Not only did the guy play disjointed, illogical, historical-leapfrog, but he also presented or revealed himself as either seriously confused and/or an apologist for systematic racism, e.g., “…when in fact that [intentional systemic racism] was not specifically envisioned and came about in an essentially random fashion.” WHAT???!!! And the kicker is — he had the raw audacity; unmitigated gall, and intestinal fortitude to turn to the other panelists and ask (in a serious tone) — “and that’s how history works — right?” HELL NO — wrong! Shamefully, not one of the other panelists (all of whom are Black) bothered to challenge this white, journalistic pundit regarding the above referenced, crystal-clear
bastardization of historical reality, relative to raw racism, and specifically racist housing policy. One can only wonder if the reason why they didn’t challenge him is because they were just ‘playing nice,’ or if they, themselves, are not well versed in the history that he alluded to and bastardized (in gross fashion)? I thought that at least the teacher would correct him.
Just so that we’re all clear, it was not (in and of itself) the drawing of maps that mattered, but rather the conscious racist intent, which of course predated WWI by one or two centuries (depending on which date one chooses to use), e.g., 295 years if we use 1619; 138 years if we choose 1776, or 126 years if we use 1788. I am still unable to wrap my mind around
the guy’s attempt to advance a thoroughly bogus position that racist-to- the-core, redlining housing policy “was not specifically envisioned, and came about in an essentially random fashion.” In fact, we can easily make the case that the practice of redlining, even though it wasn’t referred to as such, began on enslavement plantations. I mean we do remember the “Big House” and “overseers” housing being physically separate from the enslavement quarters — right, and we do remember the quality of each (respectively), right?
In accordance with Murphy’s final words during the two-hour session — he “thinks when historians look back at the United States a thousand years from now [if it survives that long] — the key question will be, here’s a country that was founded on these wonderful ideas of liberty and self-determination and everything. And it was done on land that was stolen from the native inhabitants; and it was done with wealth that was generated through enslaving Black people. And the question will be [he] thinks, did they ever come to terms with that, in any way (those two contradictory things) — did they ever even bother to try to make that make sense?” Talk about super-hyper, potentially dangerous, flaming-hot, super-liberal, symbolic rhetoric — this guy is full of it. With regard to his above referenced, outlandish, theoretical, hyperbolic question — let’s hope that the answer will emphatically be: ‘no, they never tried to make it make sense — because there’s nothing that anyone can say or do to make diabolical, white supremacist belief-systems, philosophy, ideology, and actions make sense. It’s diabolical, and that’s all.’ In fact, let’s hope that a thousand years from now, if this wicked place is still around, historians won’t be asking super-hyper, super-liberal, rhetorical questions — such as the one raised above, but instead, hopefully they will be asking — ‘were sufficient efforts made toward effective reparations?’ Even more importantly, let’s hope that they won’t have to ask, but that instead, they will be able to make a conclusive statement — to the effect that (even though it took centuries), the thoroughly racist, white-supremacist-based nation-state, which represents the granddaddy of them all, finally doled out reparations that are at least close to being commensurate with the unmatched, devastating socioeconomic, sociopolitical, sociocultural, and socio-psychological harm and damage that it caused.
A COUPLE OF AMAZING FACTS REVEALED
According to the keynote speaker, “the name most associated with the anti-[racial]-integration movement in Rochester is Louis Cerulli. He was the school board President in the mid 60's, and you may know that he has a school named after him today on Lexington Avenue, Dr. Louis A. Cerulli School No. 34.” The amazing fact is that we have allowed the name of a staunch, hardcore racist to stand on one of our school buildings for six decades, as opposed to demanding that it be renamed immediately, as in the case of Dr. Alice Holloway Young School of Excellence, which was formerly named after enslaver Nathaniel Rochester (for whom the entire City is branded forever it seems ( https://www.rochestercitynewspaper.com/rochester/portrait-of-a-slave-trader/Content?oid=2128459 ).
The Mayor and Deputy County Executive, and especially the Mayor, are deeply involved in allocation of millions of dollars, and are supposedly accountable for oversight regarding an effort that was heralded as “unprecedented” — when (in 2020) the County Executive and former Mayor launched an ongoing joint City/County initiative that is supposedly designed to address institutional and structural racism in nine major areas of life (Business Development, Criminal Justice, Education, Healthcare, Housing, Human/Social Services, Job Creation, Mental health/Addiction Services, Policing) throughout the City of Rochester and County of Monroe. What’s so amazing is that, as it relates to potential solutions, neither of them uttered a single word about the (supposedly) ongoing work of the so-called “RASE Commission.”
https://rocrase.com/files/report-rase.pdf
https://www.cityofrochester.gov/article.aspx?id=21474849513
https://www.monroecounty.gov/news-2022-03-16-rase=
https://rocrase.com/implementation
https://www.facebook.com/CityofRochesterNY/videos/359118922759264
ADDENDUM:
The Myth of Dismantling Racial Segregation Within
the U.S. Public School System: Chasing Pipe Dreams
By Howard J. Eagle
This slightly revised article (2004, on the 50th anniversary of the historic Brown v. Board of Education Case) was originally inspired in part by the work of several other authors, which I had read in Education Week Magazine during January and February of 2002, including a very lengthy, but limited analysis by a professor named Richard M. Merelman. The central theme of the above referenced authors is a mythical abstraction that they referred to as “re-segregation” in public education. In my response, I had argued and maintained, and still maintain that — although it had emerged (during the early months of 2002) as a topic of ‘scholarly’ debate within some education circles — there was and is no such thing as “re-segregation” within the U.S. public school system. The plain, simple truth is that, despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s Decision in the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education Case; thousands of citizens’ protests, marches and demonstrations in the streets; massive busing efforts; federal enforcement efforts, including the use of soldiers in numerous cases; sit-ins, teach-ins, and love-ins on the part of liberals, militants, and “revolutionaries” of every stripe, especially during the 1960's and 70’s — the U.S. never even came remotely close to achieving full (de facto, as opposed to de jure) desegregation within the vast majority of its public schools. In addition to numerous court cases, such as the Brown Case and many others, (some of which date back to the 1930's and 40's), the types of street actions described above were clearly, largely responsible for helping to produce a relatively small degree of progress (considering the price that was paid) toward equal, public, educational opportunity for all U.S. citizens. However, in the main, such efforts failed to the extent that the exact same, ongoing, fundamental issue of inequitable resource distribution between predominantly white, middle and upper class, suburban, public school students vis-à-vis predominantly Black and brown, poor and working class, urban, public school students, was as real and serious in 2004 (50 years later) — as it was in 1954, and as it is in 2022 (20 years after I first penned this article, and nearly 70 years after Brown v. Board). This failure can be attributed to numerous factors. One of the most critical and outstanding factors is that accommodations were made for expansion of the Black middle class in particular. Many of those who benefited most from accommodations and expansion — had been former leaders, activists, and participants in the types of street actions referenced above. Amazingly, many of the same people became willing “victims” of calculated, cooptation. Thus, due largely, but of course not exclusively, to a great vacuum in leadership, caused by desertion on the part of people who had once lent their skills to organizing and fighting so fervently for justice and equality, (apparently only for themselves and their children), sociopolitical movements that had been effective — died.
Another part of the hard, cold, simple truth is that throughout the history of this thoroughly racist, white-supremacist-based nation-state — the overwhelming majority of wealthy and middle class, white parents in particular — have always made it clear that they are not willing to allow their children to attend schools with large numbers of poor, Black children. In fact, wealthy and middle class people of color have also generally chosen to educate their children separately from the poor, Black masses.
It is probably important to pause at this point and remind readers of the fact that, with regard to public education, and specifically as it relates to academic achievement, ongoing discussions regarding the potential worth or value of desegregation and integration, are usually fueled by the
underlying reality that (decades after the 1954 Brown Decision, and other types of actions mentioned above), generally, so-called “minority” students attending public schools, lag behind their white counterparts by leaps and bounds. Numerous scholars and others continue to insist that desegregation and integration represent important aspects of the solution that will eliminate this so-called achievement “gap.”
The idea of desegregation and racial integration representing a remedy relative to effectively addressing the so-called achievement “gap” between white students and students of color (anytime soon), is totally unrealistic. This vitally important issue is much too urgent for us to give serious consideration to theories that are seemingly based primarily on people’s romantic wishes, dreams, hopes and prayers — as opposed to some type of scientific approach and/or evidence. It is time to stop pretending and romanticizing about this life and death issue, and come to grips with the total reality that surrounds continued, pervasive, racial segregation within the U.S. public school system(s).
Clearly, an important part of the reality is that, while integration may be desirable for some — there are far more people, especially middle and upper class whites — who do not, never have, and probably never will support racial integration of public schools. Although this reality applies
to considerably more white people, particularly parents, than any other racial group — it is not (exclusively) a white phenomenon. For example, in addition to hundreds of thousands of white educators, there are many Blacks and other parents of color who make their livings by working
in predominantly Black, urban schools, but would never consider sending their own children to the same school systems in which they work (even if there were no residency laws preventing them from doing so). More often than not, urban educators (both white and those of color) live in suburban areas. Although it hinges on sick thinking — I am thoroughly convinced that it is not far-fetched to believe that many people of color who reside in suburban areas, would oppose full, racial integration of public schools.
The degree and depth of resistance represents the main reason why racial integration is not a timely, practical, nor realistic solution for addressing the hard core, entrenched, massive, educational failure experienced in economically poor, predominantly Black, urban school districts throughout the United States. It is precisely due to the fact that large numbers of people, especially people of color, have come to realize and understand the depth and pervasiveness of resistance, that many are no longer willing to spend another 50 or 100 years fighting and struggling to achieve the unlikely and unrealistic goal of public school, racial integration.
For decades, many African Americans have viewed the idea of integration as being a matter of chasing pipe dreams, or a waste of precious time and energy that would be better spent on attempts to improve their public schools now (regardless of the socioeconomic and racial compositions of the student bodies). The latter point represents a major reason why (as pointed out by Professor Richard M. Merelman), organizations such as “…the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, which designed and executed the arduous legal strategy that [theoretically] won school desegregation in the courts, now has difficulty maintaining a public posture favorable to it against an indifferent and sometimes hostile membership” (Education Week, Feb. 6, 2002, p. 52). It is not likely that the majority of rank-and-file NAACP members are “indifferent” to the serious, deep-seated, widespread failure, and/or other problems that exist in poverty stricken, urban schools. On the contrary — they are probably quite concerned. Yet, there is no denying that many of them are absolutely “indifferent and sometimes hostile”relative to the idea of continuing to pursue public school integration as a possible, immediate, or near-future solution. They have undoubtedly joined the ranks of millions who are very, very tired of chasing pipe dreams.
Indeed, there is a need to carefully consider what will happen to generations of predominantly Black children who are currently left with no choices, except attending segregated, underfunded, relatively poor, urban public schools. One thing is certain: If their academic well-being and progress is dependent upon the unlikely advent of racial integration — such students will not become beneficiaries of significantly improved educational opportunities. Once again, it is impossible to overemphasize the fact that this unlikelihood is based on thoroughly pervasive, organized resistance — fueled by irrational racist and classist values and belief systems, especially, but not exclusively, on the part of middle and upper class, wealthy, or well-to-do white parents.
For those who are convinced that integration is, in part, or totally, the solution that will “fix” the urban education crisis — current and long range strategy is the key, pivotal issue. This is the most notable area in which staunch supporters and advocates of public-school integration fall
short. With regard to addressing the crisis, some scholars and others insist that the solution, or at least a significant part of it, lies within the need to “break up concentrated poverty,” which is another way of saying, there is a need to integrate public schools. Yet, these same advocates and supporters of integration are lacking, and in fact, totally deficient relative to development and/or implementation of practical, effective strategies and tactics that can be utilized to bring their proposed solution into fruition — without having to wait another two or three hundred years, which is the worst possible thing that people who are most in need of change can afford to do.
In addition to those referenced above, there are many other people who continue to advocate and fight for urban, educational improvement, but for the most part (understandably so) — in the face of widespread, predominantly white, well organized, and well financed resistance — have given up on racial integration as a potential solution. This does not necessarily mean that such people are pro-segregation or pro “re-segregation” (if there is such a thing relative to public education in the U.S., which I maintain — there is not). In order for something to be reinstated or reinstituted — it necessarily has to exist first. Since desegregation, and certainly integration, has never occurred on any substantial level within the U.S. public school system, it is not really possible, nor is it historically accurate or intellectually honest to engage in serious dialogue or discussion about so-called “re-segregation.”
Many people who clearly understand the desperate need for fundamental change and academic improvement within urban, public schools throughout the nation, but do not accept racial integration as a realistic or viable solution, often support positions such as the following: With
regard to urban schools in the main, (vis-à-vis overwhelmingly, predominantly white, suburban, public schools, in which children are generally doing well academically and otherwise), the reality that massive numbers of socioeconomically poor, African American children in particular, are flunking out, dropping out, dying out, and/or being imprisoned at younger ages than ever before — dictates the necessity of providing major amounts of additional, financial and human resources, and renewed commitment, in order to produce significant, fundamental change and improvement now (as opposed to the distant, “integrated” future). Those who support this or similar positions, often argue that we can worry about integration later — if at all, and often, also insist (correctly so) that it is mainly white Americans (as opposed to people of color) who need to be convinced of the morality, importance, and value of integration. Urban students, as well as all students — don’t necessarily need integration nor segregation. What they need is adequate and appropriate education. In other words, neither racial integration nor segregation (in and of themselves) represent prescriptions for success or failure.
With regard to professor Merelman’s above referenced Education Week Commentary, the essential argument that the scholar attempts (unconvincingly) to advance is that equitable, educational opportunities and significant academic improvement for economically poor, urban,
public school children is totally dependent upon the wealth and deeds of white, suburban parents. He argues that “… white parents have more money than Black parents to pay for schools, public or private. Parents are mainly interested in good schools for their own children, not for the children of others. It follows that whites will only support Black students who happen to be in school with white children. Thus, only if they are sitting next to white children will Black children benefit educationally” (p. 37). This is an incredibly shallow assertion, which seems to hinge upon acceptance of institutionalized racism. The argument completely ignores the fact that U.S. States are bound by their Constitutions to provide equitable educational opportunities for all children — regardless of race, socioeconomic status, or any other variable. Perhaps the intended point that the author was attempting to make is that — since predominantly white, suburban parents and communities (vis-à-vis predominantly Black, urban parents and communities) are generally far more wealthy and economically stable, as well as a lot more organized politically — the former group exercises considerably more clout and control over local, state, and federal legislative bodies, which are responsible for allocating resources to public schools. Herein lies one of the most critical factors embodied within institutionalized discrimination and injustice, which helps perpetuate the shameful, national, urban education crisis. That is to say, as it relates to resource allocation, nearly every state legislature in the Union has devised indecipherable financial aid “formulas,” (usually based largely on property tax), which clearly favor predominantly white, politically well organized, parents and children from wealthy suburban school districts — while blatantly discriminating against predominantly Black, and other parents and children from less organized, economically poor, urban school districts ( https://www.cnn.com/2019/02/27/us/education-funding-disparity-study-trnd ; https://edbuild.org/content/23-billion ). Such legally sophisticated, institutionalized racism and classism has always been an inherent part of the U.S. public education system. With regard to providing equitable (not equal, but equitable) funding and educational opportunities — the overall situation is literally a classic example of “robin-hood-in-reverse,” e.g., literally taking from the poor, and giving to the rich.
Until and unless decisive, and probably mass action is taken — professor Merelman is absolutely correct regarding his contention that “…poor Black parents, underfunded [so-called] minority school districts, and low-tax-base, largely Black cities [will] continue their losing struggle to come up with educational money they don’t have.” As noted at the outset of this treatise, U.S. history bears witness to the fact that the only type of action that is likely to be effective relative to helping to secure additional, much needed, and much deserved, sustained resources for economically poor, urban school districts is community organizing and civil disobedience, including, if necessary — protesting in the halls of local, state, and federal governments — as well as, in the streets. There is absolutely no question about the fact that the cause (demand for sustained, equitable public education funding, and equitable opportunities for all children now) is a just one. The cause was in fact the same one in 2004 (50 years later) that produced the well intentioned, but largely ineffective Brown v. Board Decision of 1954, and remains the same nearly 70 years later in 2022.
With regard to prospects for change and improvement, a critical missing element, which existed 50 years earlier, is the lack of bold, committed, courageous, political leadership, particularly within the nation’s most depressed and oppressed communities. It is totally amazing that those
who have been appointed, if not (in many cases) anointed, as part of the official and unofficial, elected and non-elected leadership and “representatives” of urban constituencies — have been able for as long as they have, (without a firestorm of public criticism and disowner-ship by those whom they claim to represent) — to get away with not initiating decisive and indeed radical action — designed to effectively produce significant, widespread improvement relative to the long-standing, scandalous, national, urban education crisis.
Lastly, the remote possibility of racial integration representing part of the solution relative to the crisis in urban, public education, is an issue and question that is largely dependent upon the commitment of its advocates, especially white persons. For those who are serious about their belief in the morality and value of racial integration, and truly committed to bringing it into existence, huge numbers of white people in particular, must necessarily be willing to confront the deep-seated, irrational, racism harbored in the hearts and minds of their mothers, fathers, aunts,
uncles, cousins, friends, neighbors, and colleagues. It is important to consider that, historically speaking, (in the main) people of color have not been guilty of establishment and maintenance of pervasive, organized, resistance to racial integration within the U.S. . On the contrary, there is probably no example in the history of the world in which people have surpassed the efforts of African Americans and other people of color to integrate into a society that has repeatedly rejected them as equals. It would not be morally or ethically right, nor would it be logical to now
blame African Americans and/or other people of color for being sick and tired of chasing that which certainly appears to be a pipe dream.
N.B. My assertion that “the exact same, ongoing, fundamental issue of inequitable resource distribution between predominantly white, middle and upper class, suburban, public school students vis-à-vis predominantly Black and brown, poor and working class, urban, public school students, was as real and serious in 2004 — as it was in 1954” — still held true in 2014 (60 years later), and in 2022 (68 years later), and will likely be true 80 years later — unless and until we build a deadly-serious, viable, effective, MOVEMENT TO IMPROVE URBAN SCHOOLS WHERE, AND HOW THEY CURRENTLY STAND — period.
WE NEED A MOVEMENT!!!
As a STARTING POINT, in my humble, but staunch and informed view, we need to get focused (with laser-like precision) on the foundational academic/intellectual development of our children — by doing everything that we possibly can to make certain that they master literacy skills and
knowledge — that is, reading, writing, math skills and knowledge at or above grade level (right from the very beginning), which is one of the most important reasons why we must address/change the standardized testing process, i.e., because it is driving everything that happens at the classroom level, and deprives teachers and support staff of the necessary time and energy to concentrate on developing foundational skills and knowledge. Instead, largely because of state and federal rules, regulations, policies, and mandates — teachers find themselves (more and more) teaching narrowly to tests. There is no mystery surrounding the reason why so many of our children don’t do well on tests. It’s because they don’t have adequate reading, writing, and math skills, which again represents the very foundation of all knowledge, and which is necessary for them to be able to master higher-order knowledge and skills — such as critical and analytical reading, writing, and thinking. So, I’m saying, if we lay the foundation properly, we won’t have to worry so much about tests. If the proper foundation has been laid, the testing issue will take care of itself (as long as that which is being tested, is fundamentally the same as that which is being taught). So, there are two issues wrapped up together: 1) the need for more local control (as opposed to far too many dictates from the state and federal governments, and 2) the need to free teachers and support staff up — so that they will have the time and energy to focus, again, with laser-like precision, on laying the academic foundation upon which all knowledge and skills-development is built. This issue is even more important when we consider that huge numbers of our children enter the system lagging far behind their middle-class peers — right from the very beginning.
The latter referenced issue is clearly among the most important of all issues we face, and is connected to another issue, e.g., the issue of widespread, concentrated poverty. Please don’t misunderstand me regarding this critically important issue. I do not subscribe (under any
circumstances) to any theory or idea about children not being able to learn because they live in poverty. If this was the case, many whom I’ve known (as children of migrant farmworkers) would be among the most uneducated people on earth. On the other hand, for us to stick our heads in the sand (as an ostrich would do), and pretend that issues and conditions, which often accompany, e.g., come along with abject poverty — does not impact our ability to educate well — is frankly ludicrous, but the main point is that we need to do all we can to make sure we have the necessary, equitable, resources to provide whatever our children need in order to develop to their full potentials, which is currently not the case, and to be honest, in order to secure such necessary resources probably will require a struggle and a fight (politically speaking). We know that often those who need less — actually get more — because they are well-organized and very effective advocates for their children (often exclusively). The other side of this coin is, we must make sure that the vast amount of resources we do receive (in the Case of the RCSD, at least one billion dollars $1,000,000,000) are being utilized efficiently and effectively, which obviously is not the case currently, and which raises another critical issue that we need to focus on, i.e., rooting out massive waste, and possibly fiscal mismanagement, malfeasance, and corruption, which is currently occurring in the Rochester City School District.
Two other critically important issues, which we must deal with are 1) the need to address individual, institutional, and structural racism, and the establishment of racial/cultural equity relative to curricula, hiring and retention practices, as well as other ways, including revisiting a number of existing policies, practices, procedures, and laws. I realize this is a sensitive issue, but it is one that we cannot shy away from. It needs to be addressed; 2) it is amply clear that traditional educational approaches and systems will not work for many of our students, especially many of those who have been shuffled through the system via the criminal practice of social (age) promotion. Therefore, we must get serious about developing authentic, alternative models of education.
Probably not much of this will get done unless and until we build a deadly serious, ongoing, movement of parents, grandparents, guardians, students, extraordinarily committed educators, politicians, including and especially progressive Board members, and anyone else who is really serious about widespread, fundamental change and improvement — working cooperatively, collaboratively and constantly around concrete, well defined, measurable goals, strategies, and tactics, which is in essence, what a movement is. Of course, any credible movement must necessarily center around concrete issues and conditions that are negatively impacting our children and families. Those include, but are not limited to the following:
1. Establishing relevant, broad-based, parent, student and community engagement at every level of the system, and throughout the community (movement)
2. Addressing/ending systemic, social promotion
3. Development/Implementation of effective, authentic, alternative educational models
4. Systemic change regarding standardization (in order to produce a new reality, in which the overall, initial focus is on properly and adequately laying the academic foundation, upon which all else is built)
5. Addressing/reducing individual, institutional, and structural racism, and establishing racial/cultural equity — relative to curricula, and hiring/retention practices
6. Working for relief from federal and state mandates (increased autonomy, and local/community control)
7. Reducing/mitigating the impact and effects of concentrated, widespread poverty (equitable resource acquisition, distribution, and efficiency, which includes rooting out massive waste, and possibly fiscal mismanagement, malfeasance, and corruption)
There is absolutely no doubt in my mind that the seven (7) areas above represent an objectively correct, and clear direction regarding movement-building. Real and serious efforts to help improve educational conditions for all children in the Rochester City School District, and within decrepit, urban school districts in general — must focus around issues such as those outlined above — period.
The Struggle Continues…
COMMUNITY CONTROL:
https://traue.commons.gc.cuny.edu/volume-iii-issue-1-fall-2014/issue-editors-introduction/