Emotions, Expressions, and Signals
What’s really universal about emotions?
Are emotions a human universal? Charles Darwin suggested it (I doubt he was the first), at a time when biological/genetic determinism and pseudoscience were running rampant, usually under the guise of scientific racism. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the pendulum began to swing back. Anthropologists like Boas and Mead rejected biological determinism, and viewed culture as the prime determinant of the human experience. Emotions, to them, were cultural creations and not innate human behaviors (a stance as much political as evidence based).
That view held sway until the 1970s, when psychologist Paul Ekman conducted a series of simple studies in which he showed pictures of facial expressions to thousands of people across the globe. He found that six emotions—happiness, sadness, anger, fear, surprise, and disgust—were universal. People recognized them everywhere he asked, even in cultures where their expression was subject to rules of time, place, gender, and propriety—or even proscribed completely.

And so the pendulum swung back and most people began to view emotions as a shared innate human experience—albeit an experience that could be strongly regulated by cultural demands. (Ekman achieved such fame that the lead character of the series Lie to Me was based on him…and, oddly, given their ideological contretemps, Margaret Mead’s later work showed that in certain cultures being portrayed on network drama was a universally recognized social distinction)
Facial expressions, though, aren’t just static photographs like Ekman used. The dynamics of expressions are important, too—and results from one recent study might challenge how we think about what’s universal in emotion. In that study, researchers generated an animated sequence for each of Ekman’s six emotions, showing not just where our faces end up, but how they change as we express different emotions. They then used “fancy math” (highly technical term) to isolate which parts in each sequence—which aspects of emotional expressions—actually allow us to discriminate one emotional expression from another.
What they found is that timing matters. Whereas happiness and sadness share little in common and are easily distinguishable, other emotions aren’t. Fear and surprise, it turns out, begin similarly: the eyes widen and the jaws drop. Only later, when the eyebrows raise, are we able to distinguish fear from surprise. Anger and disgust are also similar: both start with a wrinkled nose and a funneled lip before we are able to distinguish them later. Thus, when an expression first forms, only four emotions are separable: happiness, sadness, anger/disgust, and fear/surprise.
Why might fear and surprise or anger and disgust be “linked” like this? The answer lies in the role of emotions as signals. Emotions aren’t just intrapersonal—they also communicate important information to people around us. Indeed, the social aspect of emotions is so important that we even empathetically feel emotions simply from seeing other people express them.
If we view emotions as signals, the authors of this study suggest, we might see that anger/disgust and fear/surprise are temporally related. Fear and surprise both mean that something is important right now; they carry connotations of urgency and fleeting (and fleeing). Anger and disgust, in contrast, are focused and longer-lasting; relevant but not urgent. So, the authors contend, these results may suggest the brain is really hard-wired to send and recognize just four universal emotional “signals”: happy, sad, be on your guard (anger/disgust), and alert! (fear/surprise).
It’s a compelling suggestion, but does it really mean that anger and disgust are actually one big mega-emotion that we’re culturally trained to parse? I don’t think so. It’s possible that at some early, pre-conscious level our brain doesn’t discriminate between fear/surprise or anger/disgust. But even it’s true, there don’t seem to be strong behavioral consequences. We still end up distinguishing fear and surprise in Ekman’s photos (no matter which culture we’re in), and there’s no culture where the two aren’t distinguished. Patients with Huntington’s disease rarely show or recognize disgust, but at the same time often are quick to anger. Patients with OCD tend to react more strongly to disgust-inducing images than healthy controls, but don’t have any associated effects related to anger. Thus, even if fear/surprise or anger/disgust are initially similar in the brain, they diverge so quickly and so completely that, in practice, they’re distinct.
To me, it’s an interesting study that raises two questions. By the 1990s, Ekman’s list of universal emotions had nearly tripled in size to further include amusement, contempt, embarrassment, excitement, guilt, pride, relief, satisfaction, sensory pleasure, and shame (yes, contempt—how would humanity survive without it). So what happens if we apply the same type of dynamic analysis to more than just Ekman’s “initial six” emotions?
Second, how does the explanation here—hinging on the importance of signaling in expressions—extend to other modes of communicating emotion? Our voice can carry emotional signals (not even just the words we use). Body movements can communicate emotions—especially embarrassment. An even wilder example comes from a study in which two participants were separated by a curtain; one was asked to communicate emotions only by touching the other person’s hand. And the “receiver” was more often than not able to discriminate the emotions. Face, voice, touch…how are they related?