Worthy Beyond Self: Unraveling the Threads of Internalized Misogyny and its Impact on Feminist Solidarity
Department of Women and Gender Studies at Syracuse University
“Feminism cultivates a desire to change the world.”
Abstract
Feminist solidarity is a crucial foundation for building strength, amplifying diverse voices, challenging systemic oppression, providing support, and forming alliances within feminist and gender movements, along with other justice movements. Without the grounds for solidarity, resistance and collective action are out of reach. The central inquiry of this research involves the ways in which internalized misogyny, ingrained through societal norms and cultural conditioning, hinders the collective strength of feminist coalition and upholds systems of gender oppression.
Through a comprehensive exploration of feminist theories and a critical analysis of relevant readings, this study seeks to illuminate the subtle yet pervasive ways in which internalized misogyny and implicit bias exists and impede feminist circles. Internalized sexism, I argue, is a significant barrier for feminist solidarity. The research aims to address and answer key questions: How does internalized misogyny impact the ability for embodied feminist solidarity? How can feminists actively work to counter internal misogyny and promote solidarity within coalitions?
This research does not present or suggest a “but,” but an “and.” My motivation to pursue this topic is the importance of addressing internalized misogyny; In essence, acknowledging and confronting misogyny is not only a personal journey of empowerment but a collective contribution to the movement for gender equality. By understanding and addressing these internalized barriers, this research aims to contribute to the development of strategies that foster strong solidarity among feminists, paving the way for a more resilient movement for gender equality.
Worthy Beyond Self
Misogyny refers to a deep-seated prejudice or hatred against women, often rooted in societal, cultural, or historical norms rooted in upholding a patriarchal power structure. The word originates from the Greek word misein (“to hate”) and gynē (“woman”). “Patriarchal cultures are misogynistic in that they constrain women because they regard them as lesser beings than men” (Griffin, Dictionary). Misogyny can be expressed at an individual or systemic level, influencing behaviors that disadvantage and/or harm women. Misogyny is often linked to power dynamics, where certain individuals or groups seek to maintain control and dominance over women. It manifests in various forms, ranging from subtle biases and stereotypes to explicit discrimination and gender-based violence. Misogyny, in any form, can be unconscious or conspicuously intentional (Griffin, Dictionary).
Misogyny can be observed in both interpersonal relationships and broader societal structures. It is important to note that sexism is embedded in institutional structures, including educational and academic disciplines that house feminist theory and social justice advocacy. Discriminatory practices and policies perpetuate gender-based inequalities, reinforcing misogynistic attitudes. Misogyny supports patriarchal societies and structures on multiple levels. It is simultaneously institutionalized and personal, external and internal. Because it is so pervasive, it even extends within women’s consciousness, hindering and impacting their sense of self and ability to form meaningful relationships and to participate in feminist coalition building. Internalized misogyny, or internalized sexism, involves a person “subconsciously project[ing] sexist ideas onto other women and even onto themselves” (Anthony, 2008). The central inquiry of this body of research and original work is that internalized misogyny presents a pervasive barrier to the ability to build and sustain feminist thought and solidarity.
This research is built on the premises that oppression can and does exist rampantly and unconsciously even within the communities that work to dismantle it; sexism is present in feminist circles. In some cases, people may hold misogynistic beliefs without being fully aware of them. Cultural norms and societal conditioning can contribute to the internalization of these biases. Internalized misogyny does hinder coalition building and presents a significant barrier for feminist solidarity. Feminist and lifestyle writer Suzannah Weiss wrote in Bustle Magazine:
“Internalized misogyny does not refer outright to a belief in the inferiority of women. It refers to the byproducts of this societal view that cause women to shame, doubt, and undervalue themselves and others of their gender. It shows up even in the most feminist and socially conscious of us. And it’s insidious.”
Internalized misogyny negatively impacts individuals’ perception of reality, self, and embodiment.
The significance of this inquiry revolving around barriers to feminist solidarity is relevant in both gender and women’s studies in academia and in the personal lives of those who engage in feminist thought. The practice of feminist thinking has extended relevance in academic disciplines beyond women’s and gender studies, including but not limited to the study of English, philosophy, and political science. Additionally, research has shown that internalizing oppressions, specifically gender oppression, can have a serious impact on mental health. In the 2021 essay, “Not Like Other Girls: Implicit and Explicit Dimension,” social psychologist Kira K. Means unpacks the lasting impact internalized misogyny and sexism has on one’s sense of self and mental health when left unattested: “The effects of internalized oppression are not only highly individual, but also wide-ranging. Internalized oppression has been associated with lower self-esteem, both personal and collective, as well as poor body image. Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that experiencing internalized oppression can lead to depression or anxiety” (Means 5). Additionally, the study of internalized misogyny holds importance due to the limited research in this area compared to other internalized oppressions. According to Means, “very little research surrounds the sexism that occurs within groups of women, called internalized sexism” (2).
This area of research is significant to the field of women’s and gender studies due to the profound impact internalized misogyny can have on an individual level and on a community level related to feminist coalition. Further, internalized misogyny and its harmful influences are unique because in this case, a victim and perpetrator can be one; a woman can suffer from the consequences of her own internalized thoughts, and also suffer from the actions of other women acting on their own internalized oppression. Recognizing and challenging misogyny does not solely entail a personal avenue for empowerment; it’s also a collective contribution to the movement for gender equality and inclusion that can transcend transnational borders and intersections.
The most significant aspect of this inquiry, to me, involves loving perception, as defined by decolonial feminist María Lugones in her essay “Playfulness, ‘World’-Traveling, and Loving Perception,” and the grounds for feminist solidarity and powerful coalition related to feminist thought. Lugones’ paper “emphasizes the need to understand and affirm the plurality in and among women as central to feminist ontology and epistemology” (Lugones 3). She unpacks her own internalized conflicts and presents world-traveling as an effective form of feminist thinking and connecting with others wholly. Without explicitly defining her work as instructional, Lugones offers a process of loving that involves intentionally breaking down internal barriers to help one come to terms with trauma and internalized challenges for a better quality of life and relationship with others.
An Extension of Loving Perception
The influence of internalized misogyny extends to feminist solidarity, as one’s self-perception plays a significant role in shaping interactions and perceptions — which are perceived and projected onto others unconsciously. Without empathy for oneself and others, and personal experiences of oneself and the attempt to understand those of others, meaningful action towards a more just and loving world for feminist thinking and inclusion may fall short of its full potential.
Feminist philosopher and activist María Lugones described her relationship with mother as a contributing factor to her overall view of women when she was growing up in Argentina in her essay, “Playfulness, ‘World’-Traveling, and Loving Perception” in Keya Mairtra and Jennifer McWeeny’s book Feminist Philosophy of Mind. The paper, published in 1987, draws on the intersection and impact of two branches of her life, the “coming to consciousness as a daughter” and the “coming to consciousness as a woman of color” (Lugones 77). In the expansion of Lugones’ work, I draw a connection between “arrogant perception,” as defined by the feminist scholar, in parallel with internalized misogyny.
In the text, Lugones described the fear she had as a child of turning into her mother, who she felt she only loved as a servant, in the capacity that her mother cared for her. Lugones felt as though she could not fully connect with her mother; there was a separation. Due to the environment, generational factors, and social structures of gender, Lugones viewed love through a socially constructed and corrupt lens of women. These factors caused Lugones to view other women, specifically but not limited to her mother, disdainfully. She identified the cause of her arrogant perception as a lack of love “systematically organized to break the spirit of all women and of most men” (Lugones 79). Further, she explains, “…I also think that there is a complex failure of love in the failure to identify with another woman, the failure to see oneself in other women who are quite different from oneself” (Lugones 82). I tie this epiphany to contemporary Western society deeming a subject different equal to deeming the subject abject and undesirable.
In drawing this conclusion, Lugones determined that her perception of other women stems from a lack of love within her own embodied self and her relationship with her mother: “I was disturbed by not wanting to be what she was. I had a sense of not being quite integrated, my self was missing because I could not identify with her, I could not see myself in her” (Lugones 82). In the context of this inquiry, I draw connections between arrogant perception, as defined by Lugones, and internalized sexism.
Lugones provides an overview of recommendations for overcoming arrogant perception: “In recommending ‘world’-traveling and identification…as part of loving other women, I am suggesting disloyalty to arrogant perceivers, including the arrogant perceivers in ourselves, and to their constructions of power barriers between women” (Lugones 89). In her recommendations for loving other women, Lugones claims that we cannot fully love another until we fully understand them. Eliminating personal biases towards other women, that form within internalized misogyny, allows for stronger alliances within coalitions of feminist thinkers and for the development of social justice philosophy and advocacy. Women forming relationships and coalition building towards common goals is beneficial towards liberation and collective action, personal fulfillment, and inclusion.
Intersectionality and Interlocking Oppressions
When drawing on feminist thinking and coalition building, it is important to note and understand how other factors intersect with embodiment, identity, and internalized oppression. Intersectionality acknowledges that there are individuals who face multiple tangled oppressions based on their identity. Intersectionality recognizes that systems of oppression are interconnected and mutually reinforcing. For example, Black women face racial oppression and gender oppression simultaneously, and face the impediments of both social factors of their identity. Individuals may experience compounded prejudice based on the intersection of their gender with other social identities; non-heteronormative women face further oppressions due to their sexuality and gender identity. Intersectionality is often used as a framework for social justice advocacy. The framework encourages a more comprehensive understanding of social issues and a more inclusive approach to activism and advocacy. Additionally, intersectionality calls for addressing and dismantling interlocking systems of oppression to create more equitable and just societies for diverse groups.
Intersectionality is a product of Black feminism as it is Black feminists who have long been at the forefront of feminist thinking and action. It was the intricate work of Black feminists and scholars that identified intersectionality, due to the presence of both racial and gender oppression occurring simultaneously in their own lives. In 1974, a study group of Black American lesbian feminists in Boston collaborated and published the Combahee River Collective Statement under the name the Combahee River Collective.
The collective was the one of the first groups to identify intersectionality, or what they called, “interlocking oppressions.” The women were heavily focused on the experiences of Black women, and how Black feminism is on the forefront for other social justice concerns. They believed that the liberation of Black women would result in the liberation of all other oppressed people, as the liberation of Black women would dismantle multiple systems of oppression: “If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression” (Combahee River Collective 7).
Additionally, the women wrote on the importance of their individual experiences and solidarity as the means of liberation: “We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work consistently for our liberation are us” (Combahee River Collective 2). In connection to Lugones’ essay, it is difficult to connect with, and “travel” to other women’s worlds, when we are not secure in our own sense of self and embodiment. “To the extent that we learn to perceive others arrogantly or come to see them only as products of arrogant perception and continue to perceive them that way, we fail to identify with them — fail to love them — in this particular way.” (Lugones 4). Therefore, feminist thinking involves both our perceptions of ourselves and of those around us.
Although the collective does not explicitly identify internal misogyny as an impending factor in their work towards liberation, it can be tied within the list of highlighted problems the group faced in organizing Black feminists. The Combahee River Collective acknowledged the challenges and internal struggles that a feminist thinker must confront, while simultaneously recognizing the positive impact the work has presented for those involved the collective and the related coalition building:
“Still, hundreds of women have been active at different times during the three-year existence of our group. And every Black woman who came, came out of a strongly felt need for some level of possibility that did not previously exist in her life …. As Black feminists and Lesbians we know that we have a very definite revolutionary task to perform, and we are ready for the lifetime of work and struggle before us.”
Aside from their theoretical contributions to feminism, the Collective functions as a clear example of feminist coalition and solidarity support. In the Collective’s statement, the women discuss fluctuation in the group, which started as a study group, and transitioned to a political group. As the goals and functions of the group shifted over time, the Combahee River Collective consistently offered one service, emotional support and community: “Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work” (Combahee River Collective 4).
Although feminist work is demanding due to emotional factors related to fighting for your own liberation against interlocking oppressions, the Collective identified that working alongside others towards a common goal was not only helpful but contributed to the emotional capabilities of the members. The Collective identified identity politics as crucial to the success of their goals: “We believe that the most profound and potentially most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else’s oppression” (Combahee River Collective 4).
While the idea of identity politics is embodied in the “political realization that comes from the seemingly personal experiences of individual Black women’s lives,” the concept has been since been critiqued for generalizing women’s experiences. In feminist work, generalization(s) are dangerous. While it can be extremely effective and comforting for groups to organize and bond around shared identities, the success of feminist work heavily relies on the recognition of intersectionality and the unique difference in the individual experiences of people that impacts their embodiment and identity.
Traditionally, academia and other professional disciplines confront internalized misogyny as it impacts women alone. In this body of work, I find it important to note the impact of internalized sexism for non-women. Individuals who identify as neither men nor women also face disadvantages within patriarchal systems and heteronormative constructs. Non-heteronormative women face more complex discrimination that extends beyond their gender identity. The term “misogyny” is linguistically tied to women, but the broader impact extends beyond this narrow definition; this fact enhances the significance of intersectionality. Although this study concentrates on women, nonbinary and gender non-conforming individuals may encounter internalized sexism as well.
Breaking The Cycle: Inclusion Over Difference
It is important to note that, inherently, internalized misogyny is difficult to battle. While internalized misogyny impacts women by hindering their self-expression, self-confidence, mental strength, and ability to participate fully in feminist solidarity, it is not self-evident in identification nor in unraveling. The Combahee River Collective noted that feminist work is particularly demanding and challenging. In The Combahee River Collective Statement, the group used their words and experiences to express the reality of their Black feminist politics to others, noting both the importance and difficulty of organizing Black feminists.
The Collective revealed the challenges in feminist organizing, including the psychological toll of battling multiple forms of oppression, alienation, and isolation in society, a lack of access to privilege and associated resources, and more. Overall, the weight of feminist solidarity and collective action is a heavy weight to carry, specifically related to internal struggles: “The fact that racial politics and indeed racism are pervasive factors in our lives did not allow us, and still does not allow most Black women, to look more deeply into our own experiences and, from that sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and inevitably end our oppression” (Combahee River Collective 3).
The Combahee River Collective Statement stands as one of the most compelling documents produced by Black feminists and highlights a reality of intersectionality that other documents before it rarely touched upon. The statement further reflects the significance of Black feminist practices in order to battle systemic issues and interlocking oppressions: “As Black women we see Black feminism as the logical political movement to combat the manifold and simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face” (Combahee River Collective 1).
It is important to note that battling internalized misogyny is an ongoing process where progression is non-linear. Working on actively engaging in feminist thinking that rejects sexism and internalized misogyny involves cultivating self-awareness and education, questioning societal gender norms, and actively working towards positive change within oneself.
Feminist Solidarity as a Means of Empowerment
Feminists who actively work to counter internal misogyny and promote solidarity within their communities and coalitions are engaging in a transformative and empowering pursuit that fosters a more inclusive, supportive, and resilient feminist movement. Feminist solidarity has the ability to bring women together despite their differences across race, sexuality, as well as political and socio-economic positions. Collective solidarity empowers individuals to take action and create change at various levels, from personal relationships to larger societal structures and institutional oppression. This empowerment is significant for building confidence and agency among feminist practitioners. Countering internalized misogyny and promoting solidarity within communities goes hand-in-hand in quality empowerment and coalition building.
In “Towards a Field of Intersect,” authors Sumi Cho, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw, and Leslie McCall identified the importance of collective action and feminist solidarity. The feminist scholars emphasize inclusion over difference. In their analysis of the importance of intersectionality, they provide insight from writer and trans activist Dean Spade: “Marginalized and oppressed people can and should form alliances — tied together by their similar experiences of oppression, even where the genesis of these oppressions does not have a common link — to collaboratively fight to tear down structural regimes that serve to oppress peoples across multiple axes” (Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall 803). Spade not only states the power of feminist coalition building, but simultaneously acknowledges the fact that those involved have difference experiences that affect the way they interact with the world.
English writer Lady Margaret Lucas Cavendish, Duchess of Newcastle, wrote socially provocative poetry and fiction throughout her life until her death in 1673. Born into high royal social standing, Lady Cavendish rejected societal expectations in 17th century England where women were bound to marriage and excluded from creative endeavors. Undoubtedly, Cavendish embodied a privileged role which dampened her ability to speak fully about the situation(s) of women. But she used her voice to disprove and denounce the contemporary belief that women were inferior to men. Additionally, she wrote strongly in advocation for women’s access and participation in education.
In her essay “Female Orations,” published in 1662, she extended advice to women battling sexism and internalized doubts and reflected on the limitations society placed on women. As the literary essay progressed, each heading addressed women through formal social titles, which shift as the text goes on. The first section addresses the reader(s) as, “Ladies, Gentlewomen, and other Inferior Women,” a sarcastic reclamation of the labels patriarchal society implements on women. Progressively, the final section of the text shifts from the formal language used to confine women to boxes based on their class standing, as Cavendish simply addresses the audience as “Worthy Women.”
Lady Cavendish encouraged women to seek social and intellectual coteries as a source of empowerment, peace, and togetherness in the gendered literary world:
“Ladies, gentlewomen, and other inferior women, but not less worthy: I have been industrious to assemble you together…That we may unite in prudent counsels, to make ourselves as free, happy, and famous as men.”
To cope with the quarrels of living in a patriarchal society with sexist critiques and professional barriers against working women writers, Cavendish identified coalition building and feminine friendships as an outlet for self-expression and support.
While modern day life differs from that of 17th century England, Lady Cavendish extended advice that transcends the bounds of time and history–the importance of coalition building and empowerment. Cavendish was not the first nor the last to recommend feminist support. I raise her advice because of her position of power and privilege; she was encouraged to engage in academic discourse with male experts, who were widely published, acknowledged, and respected in their academic disciplines. She denied recommendations to publish under a male surname and to collaborate with male authors in the publication of her work. Instead, she used her position of relative power to encourage women to pursue education and to urge society to accept the contributions of female creatives.
Conclusion: Amplified Voices
In conclusion, my journey as a candidate for a Master of Arts degree in magazine, news, and digital journalism has not only deepened my understanding of the media and writing industry but has also shed light on the pervasive issue of internalized misogyny within its confines. The historical dominance of white, cis-gender men in journalism has perpetuated a competitive landscape, where sexism manifests both externally and internally in newsrooms. Through personal experiences, I have witnessed the challenges female writers face, often subjected to comparisons that breed a competitive and tense atmosphere among colleagues.
Drawing inspiration from the groundbreaking work of scholars María Lugones, Kimberlé Crenshaw, and the women of The Combahee River Collective, I advocate for a paradigm shift towards feminist solidarity.
Building on the insights provided by these scholars and through the learning and cultivation of Dr. PJ DiPietro at Syracuse University, I recommend fostering feminist coalitions as a transformative approach to address internalized misogyny. By embracing solidarity, we can create intragroup relations that offer support and understanding, countering the detrimental effects of oppressive factors within the industry. It is my hope that this research contributes to a broader conversation on dismantling systemic gender biases and fostering a more inclusive, collaborative environment in the writing industry.
There are many benefits for those involved in feminist thinking, solidarity, and coalition building. Feminist solidarity fosters a supportive community where individuals can share experiences, offer guidance, and provide emotional support. These networks and communities can combat feelings of isolation, that internalized misogyny can invoke, and strengthen the resolve to challenge systemic injustices, in women’s and gender studies and advances in related social justice movements. Further, feminist solidarity and support have the power to transcend beyond to additional disciplines and oppressions to provide and encourage support and liberation in professional industries such as journalism and professional writing.
Further engaging in collective efforts for gender equality that extend beyond the self can provide a sense of purpose and reinforce the foundation for feminist thinking. Contributing to larger movements for gender equality can empower and provide a sense of purpose in combating internalized misogyny on a broader scale. Transformative feminist solidarity and action should not be an individualized task, but a collective of empowering personal and shared experiences in an ongoing, non-linear process. On a more personal level, meaningful alliances offer support, enabling women to navigate challenges, discomfort, and fear. Feminism “cultivates a desire to change the world” (Cho, Crenshaw, and McCall 804).
Moreover, feminist solidarity possesses the capacity to extend beyond borders, giving rise to the movement for gender equality on a global scale. Engaging in collaborative efforts internationally enables feminists to tackle global challenges, exchange resources and support, and gain insights from a variety of cultural perspectives on feminism. I find it important to acknowledge the turmoil faced by those around the world, in the midst of global conflicts, in feminist research involving discussion of advocacy for social justice and human rights. By risking their own lives to share the brutal reality of conflict, journalists are amplifying marginalized voices. Through their words, they pave the way for empathy and meaningful solidarity. Transnational solidarity holds significant relevance in addressing the impacts of current global conflicts that impact women and children specifically. When done intentionally and undivided, feminist solidarity can offer extensive support.
