Long Read — The Library of Lorenzo de Medici

This essay was written in response to the prompt: “Select one or two medieval or Renaissance patrons of illuminated books and comment on their tastes and interests as revealed by items in their collections.” With a topic like that it was impossible to look beyond Lorenzo de Medici, whose collection of manuscripts gives us a great insight into the man, his interests and the importance of books to the humanist movement in Italy.

The Ultimate Renaissance Man

The name Medici is synonymous with the Renaissance in Italy. Undertake an investigation into the details of the cultural and ideological movements that were happening during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in Europe — particularly the development of the humanist movement and the patronage and creation of enlightened and progressive artwork — and one name in particular will present itself over and over: Lorenzo de Medici.

His wide interests meant that Lorenzo was known during his lifetime and after as a great patron of almost every industry that boomed as a result of the widespread Renaissance movement. We can see his civic contribution reflected in many of his achievements, from paintings and sculptures created by artists such as Sandro Botticelli and Michelangelo, to architecture emblazoned with the Medici palle and the initiation of popular public festivities.[1] One of Lorenzo’s best-recognised achievements, and that which provides the strongest insight we have into the man himself, is his contribution to the Medici library.

The Renaissance was well underway when Lorenzo was born, and consequently his education — provided primarily by Gentile Becchi, “a priest, a sound Latinist, a poet”[2] — reflected the values of humanism, a dominant ideology of the time. Characterised by Morgan and Stocks as “the revival of interest in and emulation of the art, literature, culture and philosophy of classical Greece and Rome”[3], humanism centred on the study of the classical texts. Whilst Lorenzo de Medici’s collection of classical Greek works is well renowned, the scholarship detailing and investigating the specific works in the collection appears limited. Historian E. B. Fryde has compiled the most comprehensive exploration into Lorenzo’s Greek manuscripts, and it is his work to which I will primarily be referring throughout this essay.

Lorenzo and the Scholars

Throughout his life, Lorenzo developed meaningful relationships with scholars, with whom he felt a strong intellectual affinity, and for whom he had a deep affection. His childhood home had been filled with writers and thinkers who enjoyed the patronage of his father Piero and grandfather Cosimo — most notably, Marsilio Ficino. Ficino was a strong believer in the school of philosophical thought labelled Neoplatonism and had exposed Lorenzo to its theory since he was young. It has been suggested that Lorenzo’s extensive patronage of writers, scribes and illuminators was not entirely based on his private love for the arts and personal tastes, but rather because he enjoyed their company.[4] On his role call of humanist scholars appear names such as Poliziano, Matteo Franco, Luigi Pulci, Girolamo Benivieni and Pico della Mirandola. In exchange for his generous support, Lorenzo could expect these men to provide engaging and educated debate and discussion on his most favoured topics, but perhaps even more usefully, services such as administrative assistance, message delivery, tutoring and even babysitting.[5] Whether it is true or not that, as Hook somewhat cynically argues, Lorenzo kept his scholars employed because they were useful around the house as well as being evidence of his cultivated image as a great Renaissance patron, Lorenzo’s scholarly entourage stayed with him throughout his life and contributed significantly to his great collection of classical Greek manuscripts.

The Library

Lorenzo’s passions led him to view the Medici library, which he inherited upon the death of his father Piero in 1469, as in need of some attention. The library itself was a source of pride, having been created as a public testament to his family’s wealth and cultural standing. The room in which the books were housed was:

a compact four by five and a half metres. According to a contemporary description it had a white, porphyry-red and green barrel-vault ceiling into which were set twelve glazed-terracotta roundels of the months. The floor was of glazed-terracotta tiles by Luca della Robbia. Cupboards of decoratively inlaid wood housed the gems and other precious items, whilst the manuscripts, in their fine velvet and tooled-leather bindings, were displayed on flat, forward-sloping shelves built along the walls. A visitor described his pleasure at the mere sight of row upon row of gorgeously coloured velvet bindings of the books displayed in the studiolo. Piero’s books…were a lavish spectacle…a sign of conspicuous consumption, and a source of visual and aesthetic delight.[6]

Cosimo de Medici understood the power of patronage as a device to develop his political reputation, and believed that it was possible to achieve a posthumous fame through the commissioning of manuscripts. He poured resources into patronage, and employed scholars to advise him of the best steps to take in the competitive race to prestige that was the development of the private library. Vespasiano da Bisticci was employed for just that purpose, saying,

“One day when I was with him, Cosimo said: “what plan can you suggest for the formation of my library?”…I said that it would be necessary to have the books copied to order, whereupon he wanted to know whether I would undertake the task. I said that I would, whereupon he replied that I might begin when I liked, that he left everything to me, and that, as for the money for daily costs, he would order Don Archangelo, the prior, to present the bills to the bank where they would be duly paid. He was anxious that I should use all possible despatch, and, after the library was begun, as there was no lack of money, I engaged forty-five scribes and completed two hundred volumes in twenty-two months, taking as a model the Vatican library of Pope Nicholas V and following directions which Pope Nicholas had given to Cosimo, written in his own hand.”[7]

Lorenzo’s approach to the development of his library differed greatly from his grandfather’s. Further evidence of his genuine interest in scholarly pursuits, Lorenzo was keen to fill the gaps in the collection with classical Greek texts, of which the library housed none. That is not to say that Piero and Cosimo neglected their collection; their tastes were similarly influenced by humanist preferences as demonstrated by their commissioning of favourites such as a “personalised illuminated [copy] of the works of Roman historian Livy and the Greek chronicler Plutarch” and works by “ancient historian Josephus and Suetonius and of contemporary historians Bruni and Palmieri”. It was that these were always translated into Latin that set them apart from later acquisitions. And no dedication to sourcing and commissioning new manuscripts could compare to the fervour shown by Lorenzo.

The extensive collection of Greek manuscripts that Lorenzo managed to develop over his lifetime numbered approximately 600 by the year 1494 when the Medici family were expelled from Florence. Whilst Latin and Italian manuscripts were often copied out especially for the family, the majority of Lorenzo’s Greek texts had been acquired by scholars employed to travel and make purchases on his behalf. Before launching into a discussion on the content of Lorenzo’s many acquisitions, it is worthwhile spending some time investigating the decorative elements of the commissioned works within the Medici library, and considering what can be deduced from them about the life of one of the most powerful men in Italy.

Decoration

The highly sought-after illuminator Francesco d’Antonio del Chierico was responsible for the adornment of the commissioned Medici manuscripts. Known for his elaborate use of the bianchi girari motif, his decorative illumination included “naturalistic plant forms, and small scenes were inserted in roundels in the borders, showing portrait heads, studies of animals, birds, insects.”[8] Having worked extensively with Medici manuscripts, historian E. B. Fryde exhibits precisely the reaction that one imagines the Medicis hoped del Chierico’s illumination would elicit:

The greatest pleasure awaiting a student of Lorenzo’s library comes from handling the illuminated manuscripts commissioned by his ancestors and himself. Written on superb, shiny, white vellum, with elaborately decorated title pages and ingeniously varied initials at the start of each new section, they seem almost too beautiful to touch.[9]

It was not del Chierico, however, that Lorenzo had working on his commissioned manuscripts. Rather, the majority of his commissions were decorated by del Chierico’s student, Attavante di Attavanti. His work was less refined that that of his teacher, employing “stronger colours and tending to overcrowd his compositions”, however he still managed to “produce decorative schemes of impressive richness and elegance.”[10]

There were some mottos and devices common to all members of the family after 1465 that tend to appear in books “specially decorated for presentation to them.”[11] These common decorations included the Medici balls in varying numbers, with one ball often containing three golden lilies on a blue field. Another oft-used device was a diamond ring inside which was inserted three Medici feathers.[12] The motto ‘semper’ was popular amongst the family. Lorenzo was not averse to using these family icons, however his manuscripts often included an additional group of insignia. His most commonly used motto was ‘non leset qui non lessaie’, the spelling of which may vary. Other options include, ‘le tens revient’ and ‘par le fue reverdira’.

The symbols used to denote Lorenzo’s patronage were ornate, including “a group of butterflies over a flame, a beehive surrounded by flames, bees flying over an assemblage of beehives, and a green parrot among the rye.”[13] Lorenzo’s elaborate decorations differ significantly from those of his family members. Whilst they were content to follow the accepted conventions of the Medici family symbols, in line with their intention that the manuscripts act as representations of family prestige, Lorenzo’s more unorthodox and personalised symbols could reflect his feeling of a more personal responsibility for, and pride in, the Medici manuscript collection.

Another sign of Lorenzo’s patronage was the inclusion of miniatures. Whilst it has been argued that miniatures were uncommon in humanist manuscripts, perhaps an extension of the Italian preference for historiated initials over miniatures in religious texts (and it is true to say that their general popularity decreased dramatically in the years following the renaissance),[14] still Lorenzo enjoyed them in his commissions. Evidence of his love for miniatures can be found in a number of items within his library. Knowing that Lorenzo favoured the work of Attavanti, his friends would often commission illuminated manuscripts with his decoration as gifts. In particular, Lorenzo received Ficino’s Life of Plato in 1477, and De Triplici Vita, which he received from Francesco Valori in 1489.[15] One of the most beautiful examples of miniatures in Lorenzo’s collection is Evangelia cum Commentario Circumposito (MS Laur. 6.18), a religious book containing the text of the four gospels and created around the tenth century. Each of the miniatures fills its page, and depicts one of the four evangelists sitting with an “open bible with the first words of their respective gospels clearly readable and this replaces the need for their traditional symbols.”[16]

The Texts

Whilst the decoration of manuscripts commissioned by Lorenzo tells us a lot about his preferences for illumination, it is his choice of texts that illuminates us to his character. Lorenzo’s library was filled with manuscripts that had been collected from around the country by his scholarly contemporaries. In July of 1490, Lorenzo sent Janus Lascaris to travel around Italy and Greece searching for Greek manuscripts to purchase.[17] This was a common and effective method of book collecting employed by Lorenzo, for whom Lascaris claims to have brought back two hundred Greek manuscripts.[18] Poliziano was another who was given the task of hunting abroad for Greek texts to bring home to his patron. In 1491 he travelled to North-Eastern Italy to make acquisitions for Lorenzo’s library. These missions are evidence of Lorenzo’s wealth and power as well as his zeal for collecting manuscripts, particularly Greek works, that were genuine and of good quality. In the final years of Lorenzo’s life, cut short in 1492 when he was just 43 years old, the pilgrimages on which he was sending his friends were becoming more frequent. He also commissioned a great number of works. Amongst these additions were a significant number of manuscripts written by Christian religious writers.[19]

Humanism and Other Belief Systems

It has been argued that humanism is incompatible with Christianity, and that at the time of the Renaissance there was a clash of ideologies as humanists moved towards a more secular belief system.[20] This may be true for some individuals but is not an accurate assessment of the overwhelming sentiment throughout Florence, or Italy more generally. Many humanists still considered themselves to be Christian, Lorenzo amongst them, and the writings of Origen provided them with a framework within which they could attempt to bring together these seemingly conflicting beliefs. Origen (185–253 AD) was one of the first Christian theologians, and believed that through his “immense erudition and wide acquaintance with Greek philosophy” he could “disarm the opposition to Christianity of educated Greeks.”[21] It is therefore no surprise that humanists who were looking for a way to reconcile a less dogmatic Christianity with their interest in Greek classical studies found his work to be of interest.

Within Lorenzo’s collection is a commissioned copy of Philocalia (MS Laur. 4.15) that contains selections of Origen’s work as compiled by St Basil and St Gregory in 358 AD. Having inherited a number of manuscripts that addressed the controversy surrounding Origen and his condemnation by St Jerome, Lorenzo was already familiar with the discourse surrounding Origen’s writings and sustained a great interest in the theological debates, obtaining in 1492 a copy of Origen’s most well-known work, Peri Archon (MS Laur. 22.9).[22]

Christianity was not the only belief system with which Lorenzo was acquainted. His collection of manuscripts also contains works that alert us to the attention he paid to the neoplatonic movement. Closely aligned with the humanist emphasis on the Classical arts, Neoplatonism uses the writings of Plato as the basis for a school of thought that expounds the need to “live one’s life philosophically.”[23] Considerable focus was placed on therapy of the soul, which required “healing the soul from excessive desires and emotions” and this was particularly done by engaging in “inwardly turning contemplation” as a form of “intellectual intensification.”[24] Lorenzo commissioned “two manuscripts of commentaries by neoplatonic writers of the fifth century AD”[25] for himself, and two similar copies for his son Piero. It is not hard to understand Lorenzo’s interest in Neoplatonism and the philosophy of Plato on a superficial level — humanists across Europe shared in his curiosity. But if we’re to look a little deeper, it is possible to use these inclusions in Lorenzo’s library to uncover more about the man.

It has been said that in 1464, as Lorenzo’s grandfather lay dying, Ficino comforted him by reading aloud his translation of Plato’s Paramenides (MS Laur. 80.7). Seeing this act take place, Lorenzo was enthralled and went on to share Ficino’s belief in the “profound religious significance of the Paramenides.[26] James Hankins’ account of Cosimo de Medici’s relationship to Neoplatonism declares no such devotion on the part of Cosimo[27], but it is known that Lorenzo was much more invested in the ideological movement.[28] In the same way that Origen had attempted to use Greek philosophy to encourage interest in Christianity, the neoplatonists aimed for the “reconciliation of Christian theology and pagan philosophy, particularly [that of] Plato.”[29] Forming themselves into the Platonic Academy, the formal existence of which has been disputed,[30] some of Lorenzo’s closest friends advocated strongly for the movement. This group included Poliziano, Pico della Mirandola and Ficino.

In particular, Lorenzo was interested in the question of the One, a central tenet in both the work of Plato and Aristotle. Neoplatonists believed in the “derivation of the multiplicity of being from [a] single origin”[31] as opposed to the Aristotelian emphasis on the categorisation of beings. Lorenzo believed strongly in the Platonic interpretation, evidenced by his very first neoplatonic commission, a manuscript copy of Proclus’ commentaries on Paramenides. Lorenzo would go on to commission a number of manuscripts relating to neoplatonic scholarship, including a commentary on Phaedrus by Hermias (MS Laur. 86.4); the only surviving work of Syrianus, a commentary on books 3, 1 and 14 of Aristotle’s Metaphysics (MS Laur. 85.25); and two volumes of writings by Damascius, the last known head of the Platonic Academy of Athens, including his Treatise on the First Principles and commentary on Paramenides (MS Laur. 86.5).[32] These inclusions in Lorenzo’s manuscript collection are evidence of his interest in classical Greek philosophy, however, as was always the case with Lorenzo, art and poetry were never far from his mind. One of the few attempts Lorenzo made to write his own commentary on Plato and Aristotle in a neoplatonic context was in the “introduction to an edition of his love poetry.”[33]

Poetry

Lorenzo’s love of poetry was, as with many of his interests, strongly associated with his love of the Greek classics, as his book collection shows. Whilst his patronage of the arts was extensive, Lorenzo was not going to let the artists and scholars have all the fun. He had always been adept at the arts and interested in language, the combination of which had led him to try his hand at poetry. There are some records that dispute Lorenzo’s assessment of his own work, which he deemed of sufficient quality to occasionally include in manuscripts that he was commissioning for friends. However, his natural talents and genuine interest meant that his work was good enough to “appear in some anthologies of early Italian poetry.”[34] His love of literature was matched by his love of mythology, and the Filelfo acquisition had these in spades.

In 1481, 31 volumes were added to his collection when he purchased the library of deceased professor Francesco Filelfo of the University of Florence. Filelfo had spent his early years working for a Byzantine emperor and “brought with him an assortment of important Greek texts upon his return to Italy”[35]. The high quality collection was long coveted by Lorenzo, who courted the professor with gifts and financial support from as early as 1472.[36] These additions to Lorenzo’s collection are a window into the life and interests of Lorenzo de Medici.

Amongst the manuscripts inherited from Filelfo’s collection were a number that featured classical Greek poetry and poetic commentary, such as an Homeric collection beginning with the epic poem the Iliad and concluding with the Odyssey (MS Laur. 32.4). Another treasure found within Filelfo’s collection and now housed in the British Library was the work Phaenomena of Arators, an astronomical poem of the third century BC, written out by the young scribe working under the instruction of Poliziano, Demetrios Damilas (MS Add. 11886). These collections of Hellenistic poetry provided a good introduction to the subject for Lorenzo, and provided opportunities for scholars to make important discoveries. In particular, the manuscript containing Hellenistic poetry compiled by Maximos Planudes (1255–1305) between the years 1280 and 1283 proved to be very significant (MS Laur. 32.16). Poliziano was working with the manuscript when he came across Dionysiaca, a work in 48 books that had been previously undiscovered in Italy.[37] Further research led Poliziano to uncover the name of the poet, an Egyptian named Nonnus who had lived in the fifth century. The discovery was thrilling for Lorenzo who had a particular interest in Greek mythology, and he was as excited as Poliziano about the development. Poliziano made further headway as a result of the Filelfo acquisition, this time in the field of Classical Greek literature. Another collection of Hellenistic poetry containing the writings of poet Callimachus proved useful to Poliziano who included in his work Miscellanea I an elegy on the “Bath of Pallas” along with the “first ever Italian humanistic publication of a poem by Callimachus (MS Laur. 32.45).”[38]

That Lorenzo had put down money in 1472 to ensure that he would be given this collection upon Filelfo’s death speaks to his strong interest in Greek manuscripts, and to the depth of understanding he had with regard to the scholarship — Filelfo’s manuscripts proved to be important works. But it also highlights the importance that Lorenzo placed on lending out his manuscripts to scholars with the hope of fostering new discoveries and developments, in true humanist style. He was a very generous patron, and the scholars that he employed were happy to take advantage of his willingness to share his collection. Most commonly, the Medici library lent out manuscripts to Florentine scholars; Ficino, the great champion of Neoplatonism, certainly made use of Plato’s Dialogues, but Poliziano is recorded as borrowing the most of anyone.[39]

Lorenzo de Medici was a generous patron of writers, thinkers, scribes, illuminators and booksellers alike. For his ancestors, the development of an extensive and culturally significant library was considered simply another strategy to win public support and assert dominance. As the head of the wealthiest and most public family in Italy, it would not have been unreasonable for Lorenzo to feel the same. But when we look more deeply into his collection of richly illuminated manuscripts, we uncover a library filled with texts that reflect his passions. From the Hellenistic manuscripts that fuelled his love of language, mythology and poetry, to the works of Origen and Plato that worked to reconcile his Christian faith with the philosophical ideologies in which the humanist movement (and Ficino) had sparked his interest, the Greek collection of manuscripts that Lorenzo de Medici cultivated over his lifetime reveals the man behind the Medici library.

[1] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 107

[2] J. R. Hale, Florence and the Medici; The Pattern of Control (Phoenix Press Paperback, 2004), p. 49

[3] N. Morgan & B. Stocks (eds.), ‘The Book and the Renaissance: The Humanist Book’, The medieval imagination: illuminated manuscripts from Cambridge, Australia and New Zealand, (Melbourne: Macmillan Art Publishers, 2008), p. 243

[4] J. Hook, Lorenzo de’ Medici, (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984), p.119

[5] ibid, p. 129

[6] L. Jardine, Worldly Goods, (London: Macmillan, 1996), p. 183

[7] ibid, p. 190

[8] JJG. Alexander, Italian Renaissance Illuminations, (New York: Chatto & Windus, 1977), p. 13

[9] E. B. Fryde, Humanism and Renaissance Historiography, (London: The Hambledon Press, 1983), p. 173

[10] ibid

[11] ibid, p. 174

[12] ibid, p. 175

[13] ibid

[14] N. Morgan & B. Stocks (eds.), ‘The Book and the Renaissance: The Humanist Book’, The medieval imagination: illuminated manuscripts from Cambridge, Australia and New Zealand, (Melbourne: Macmillan Art Publishers, 2008), p. 246

[15] J. Hook, Lorenzo de’ Medici, (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984), p. 128

[16] E. B. Fryde, Humanism and Renaissance Historiography, (London: The Hambledon Press, 1983), p. 208

[17] ibid, p. 169

[18] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 102

[19] ibid, p. 97

[20] C. Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)

[21] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 97; also see

J. A. McGuckin (ed.), The Westminster Handbook to Origen, (Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 2004), p. 1

[22] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 98

[23] P. Remes, Neoplatonism, (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008), p. 9

[24] ibid

[25] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 99

[26] ibid, p. 100

[27] J. Hankins, ‘Cosimo de’ Medici and the Platonic Academy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 53, (1990), pp. 144–162

[28] J. Hook, Lorenzo de’ Medici, (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1984), p. 119

[29] R. Lyne, ‘Alive or Dead? The letters of Marsilio Ficino’, Cambridge Quarterly, vol. 33, no. 1, (2004), p. 87 — “One of Ficino’s letters takes the form of a life of Plato in which the subject is made to seem as much like Christ as possible, not excluding an immaculate conception for Plato’s mother.”

[30] J. Hankins, ‘Cosimo de’ Medici and the Platonic Academy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 53, (1990), pp. 144–162

[31] P. Remes, Neoplatonism, (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2008), p. 36

[32] E. B. Fryde, ‘Lorenzo’s Greek Manuscripts’ in Mallett, M. & Mann, N (eds.), Lorenzo the Magnificent: Culture and Politics, (London: Warburg Institute, 1996), p. 99

[33] ibid

[34] ibid, p. 95

[35] ibid, p. 94

[36] ibid

[37] ibid, p. 95

[38] ibid

[39] E. B. Fryde, Humanism and Renaissance Historiography, (London: The Hambledon Press, 1983), pp. 170 & 178

MANUSCRIPTS

British Library

MS Add. 11886 — Phaenomena

Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana

MS Laur. 5.38 — Biblia graeca a Genesi usque ad Ruth

MS Laur. 32.45 — Callimachus

MS Laur. 86.5 — Damascius, Treatise on the First Principles and commentary on Paramenides

MS Laur. 6.18 — Evangelia cum Commentario Circumposito

MS Laur. 32.16 — Hellenistic poetry

MS Laur. 32.4 — Homeric collection beginning with the epic poem the Iliad and concluding with the Odyssey

MS Laur. 4.15 — Philocalia

MS Laur. 22.9 — Peri Archon

MS Laur. 80.7 — Paramenides

MS Laur. 86.4 — Phaedrus by Hermias

MS Laur. 85.25 — Syrianus commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics