Unveiling Kenneth Kaunda’s Legacy: The Untold Stories
Amidst the vast expanse of time, on the 28th of April in the year 1924, emerged Kenneth Kaunda, the last offspring among eight siblings, at Lubwa Mission in Chinsali. This occurrence unfolded in what was then referred to as Northern Rhodesia, now known as Zambia. Reverend David Kaunda, an ordained Church of Scotland missionary and educator, undertook a pivotal relocation from Nyasaland (modern-day Malawi) to Lubwa Mission, bringing with him a profound sense of purpose.
The intricate tapestry of Kenneth’s familial background is interwoven with educational lineage, as both his parents were educators. His mother, a trailblazer, held the distinction of being the first African woman to impart knowledge in colonial Northern Rhodesia, focusing her efforts on the Bemba ethnic enclave in the northern reaches of Zambia. The early departure of Kenneth’s father, Reverend David Kaunda, cast a formative shadow on his nascent years.
Navigating the corridors of education until the early 1940s, Kenneth Kaunda embraced the legacy of his progenitors, initially assuming the role of an educator in Northern Rhodesia. His journey subsequently unfolded in the expanse of Tanganyika Territory, now a constituent part of Tanzania, during the mid-1940s. The resonance of his influence extended to Southern Rhodesia. Between 1941 and 1943, the hallowed halls of the Munali Training Centre in Lusaka bore witness to his educational cultivation, the crucible in which his foundational knowledge germinated. It was during this period that Kaunda, immersed in the writings of Mahatma Gandhi, discovered a wellspring of inspiration that profoundly shaped his convictions.
The temporal arc from 1943 to 1945 witnessed Kaunda’s stint as an educator at the Upper Primary School, progressing to the roles of Boarding Master and ultimately ascending to the esteemed position of Headmaster at Lubwa. His professional odyssey also led him to the environs of the Salisbury and Bindura Mine for a fleeting interval. Early in 1948, the trajectory of Kaunda’s narrative intersected with the United Missions to the Copperbelt (UMCB), where he assumed the mantle of a teacher in Mufulira. His multifaceted responsibilities encompassed roles such as assistantship at an African Welfare Centre, stewardship as Boarding Master at a Mine School, and leadership of a Pathfinder Scout Group. Simultaneously, he undertook the mantle of Choirmaster within a congregation affiliated with the Church of Central Africa. Kaunda’s organizational acumen manifested as he held the pivotal role of Vice-Secretary at the Nchanga Branch of Congress during this epoch.
In the annals of 1949, Kenneth Kaunda embarked upon the political stage, assuming a pivotal role as a founding luminary within the Northern Rhodesian African National Congress. The narrative of his political sojourn took a decisive twist on the auspicious date of November 11, 1953, as he translocated to Lusaka, donning the mantle of Secretary General within the African National Congress (ANC) under the aegis of Harry Nkumbula leadership. Despite their concerted endeavors, Kaunda and Nkumbula found themselves grappling to galvanize indigenous African communities against the overbearing dominance of the European-fueled Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.
The year 1955 marked a crucible as both luminaries faced a two-month stint of rigorous imprisonment for disseminating seditious literature. Yet, this tribulation unveiled a schism between their paths, with Nkumbula inclining towards the embrace of white liberals, forsaking the advocacy for the rights of native Africans. In the throes of disillusionment, Kaunda spearheaded a dissident faction, parting ways with the ANC and birthing the Zambian African National Congress (ZANC) in the crucible of October 1958. The edicts of authority frowned upon ZANC, imposing a ban in March 1959, accompanied by a nine-month incarceration for Kaunda. The bars first clanged in Lusaka, only to resound later within the confines of Salisbury.
Amidst Kaunda’s internment, Mainza Chona and fellow nationalists severed ties with the ANC. In the tapestry of October 1959, Chona ascended to the inaugural presidency of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), the progeny succeeding ZANC. Though Chona demurred from claiming the mantle of primary progenitor, when Kaunda emerged from the shadows of confinement in January 1960, he ascended to the presidency of UNIP. The year 1960 witnessed Kaunda’s pilgrimage to Atlanta, where he engaged with Martin Luther King Jr. In July 1961, he orchestrated the Cha-cha-cha campaign, an act of civil disobedience unfurling in the Northern Province, characterized by acts of arson and obstruction on major thoroughfares.
Subsequently, Kaunda, donning the mantle of a UNIP candidate, navigated the political currents in the 1962 elections. This heralded the ascent of a UNIP–ANC Coalition government, with Kaunda bestowed the mantle of Minister of Local Government and Social Welfare. Triumph crowned UNIP in the ensuing pivotal elections of January 1964, triumphing over the ANC and etching Kaunda’s legacy as the prime minister. The apogee of his ascendancy crystallized on October 24, 1964, as he assumed the mantle of Zambia’s inaugural president, appointing Reuben Kamanga as his vice-president.
Educational policies.
At the juncture of Zambia’s emergence into independence, the trajectory of the nation’s modernization was still unfolding. The educational landscape, a tableau of underdevelopment, stood as one of the most nascent among the remnants of Britain’s colonial dominion. A mere hundred denizens adorned with the academic regalia of university graduation, and a paltry 6,000 indigenous minds could boast of two or more years within the corridors of secondary education. In the face of this lacuna, a pressing imperative beckoned — Zambia demanded substantial investments in education, spanning all echelons of the scholarly spectrum.
In response to this exigency, Kenneth Kaunda unfurled a policy that cast an egalitarian net over the nation’s youth. Every progeny, irrespective of the fiscal station of their progenitors, was endowed with the bounty of free exercise books, pens, and pencils. Uniforms, though, rested within the purview of parental procurement, tethered to a nominal “school fee,” and a mandate of unwavering attendance. This strategic orchestration propelled the journey of the most gifted scholars, navigating the scholastic terrain from primary enclaves to the hallowed halls of academia.
The advent of the University of Zambia in 1966 marked a collective endeavor, a tapestry woven with contributions from altruistic Zambians, who, within their means, poured resources into its construction. Kaunda, embodying the ethos of intellectual stewardship, assumed the mantle of Chancellor, presiding over the inaugural graduation ceremony in 1969. The citadel of learning was situated along the Great East Road, while the medical bastion nestled near the precincts of the University Teaching Hospital. The year 1979 witnessed the genesis of another campus at the Zambia Institute of Technology in Kitwe, metamorphosing over time into the Copperbelt University in 1988. This institution unfurled its banner offering programs in the realms of business studies, industrial studies, and environmental studies.
Expanding the horizons of tertiary education, Kaunda’s tenure bore witness to the establishment of vocational sanctuaries under the auspices of the Department of Technical Education and Vocational Training. These included the edifices of Evelyn Hone College and the Natural Resources Development College, both gracing Lusaka, alongside the Northern Technical College in Ndola, the Livingstone Trades Training Institute in Livingstone, and an array of teacher-training colleges scattered across the nation.
Economic policies.
Subsequent to the attainment of independence, the stewardship of Kenneth Kaunda found itself at the helm of a nation endowed with one of the most formidable economies in sub-Saharan Africa, a largesse bestowed by the bountiful reservoirs of mineral wealth. However, the reins of this economic prowess were tethered to the whims of foreign and multinational entities, a landscape intricately woven with vested interests beyond the borders. The venerable British South Africa Company (BSAC), birthed from the vision of Cecil Rhodes, clung tenaciously to commercial assets and mineral rights, a legacy rooted in a concession linked with the Litunga of Bulozi in the annals of 1890. On the precipice of independence, Kaunda, invoking the specter of expropriation, deftly negotiated favorable concessions from the BSAC, ensuring a recalibration of economic control on native soil.
The labyrinth of economic management proved treacherous in the aftermath of independence, as Kaunda grappled with challenges that left an indelible mark on Zambia’s developmental trajectory. Despite the fecundity of its soil, Zambia found itself entangled in the web of socialist agricultural policies mirroring Tanzania’s paradigm, culminating in repercussions of calamitous proportions.
Ambitiously embracing a planned economy, Zambia unfurled a national development program orchestrated under the aegis of the National Commission for Development Planning. This comprehensive strategy encompassed the realms of the “Transitional Development Plan” and the “First National Development Plan,” serving as magnets for substantial investments in the arenas of infrastructure and manufacturing. The watershed moment of April 1968 heralded the Mulungushi Reforms, a concerted effort by Kaunda to wrest control of Zambia’s foreign-owned corporate entities through the conduit of the Industrial Development Corporation. In subsequent years, the echoes of nationalization reverberated through the corridors of several mining corporations, although the financial institutions, including Barclays and Standard Chartered, retained their foreign imprints. The economic tapestry of Zambia encountered headwinds in 1973, as escalating oil prices and dwindling copper values constricted the state’s revenue from its nationalized mines. The specter of indebtedness with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loomed large, leading to the abandonment of the Third National Development Plan in favor of crisis management, relinquishing the reins of long-term planning.
Kaunda’s foray into economic reforms during the 1980s, though undertaken with fervor, inadequately stemmed Zambia’s descent. Dialogue with the IMF materialized, compelling Kaunda by the turn of 1990 to grapple with the imperative of partial privatization of state-owned corporations. The economic vicissitudes played a pivotal role in the denouement of his political tenure, casting a shadow over his legacy.
One-party state and “African socialism”.
In the tempest of 1964, on the eve of Zambia’s liberation, a conflagration of violence erupted between adherents of the Lumpa Church, under the leadership of Alice Lenshina. Responding to this upheaval, Kaunda wielded the authority to momentarily proscribe the church, coupled with the apprehension of Alice Lenshina, as a measure to quell the tumultuous currents.
The narrative of Kaunda’s governance, unfurling from 1964 onwards, took on authoritarian hues. As the specter of opposition loomed, Kaunda’s intolerance burgeoned, culminating in the proscription of all political factions barring UNIP (United National Independence Party) following the turbulence witnessed during the 1968 elections. However, a new entrant into the political arena emerged in the early throes of 1972, as Simon Kapwepwe chose to sever ties with UNIP and erect a rival edifice, the United Progressive Party. Swift and resolute, Kaunda moved to suppress this nascent entity.
The ensuing chapters saw the establishment of the Chona Commission in February 1972, helmed by Mainza China. Tasked with the formulation of a new Zambian constitution propelling the nation into a one-party state, the commission’s mandate was bereft of the latitude to scrutinize potential flaws in Kaunda’s decision. Instead, it focused exclusively on the pragmatic intricacies of this transition. In a nuanced political ballet, Kaunda secured the acquiescence of Harry Nkumbula, ushering him into UNIP and endorsing the Choma Declaration on June 27, 1973. The inauguration of the new constitution transpired formally on August 25 of that year, and in the inaugural elections under this paradigm in December, Kaunda emerged as the solitary candidate.
With the eradication of opposition, Kaunda sanctioned the blossoming of a personality cult and nurtured a left-nationalist socialist ideology christened Zambian Humanism. This ideological tapestry wove together mid-20th-century notions of central planning and state control with what Kaunda deemed elemental African values — mutual aid, trust, and fidelity to the community. Echoing the tenets of African socialism introduced by leaders such as Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana (“Consciencism”) and Julius Nyerere in Tanzania (“Ujamaa”), this political philosophy burgeoned into a nuanced narrative. Kaunda penned several treatises to articulate his ideology, including “Humanism in Zambia and a Guide to its Implementation,” published across three volumes. Notable additions to the discourse on Zambian Humanism included “Fundamentals of Zambian Humanism” by Timothy Kandeke, “Zambian Humanism: religion and social morality” by Rev. Fr. Cleve Dillion-Malone, S.J., and “Zambian Humanism: some major spiritual and economic challenges” by Justin B. Zulu. The release of “Kaunda on Violence” (published as “The Riddle of Violence” in the United States) in 1980 further enriched this ideological repository.
As the helmsman of UNIP within the precincts of a one-party state, Kaunda found himself unopposed in the general elections of 1978, 1983, and 1988. Each electoral denouement purportedly reflected a mandate of over 80 percent approval from the voting populace. Concurrently, parliamentary elections bore the imprint of Kaunda’s control. In the crucible of the 1978 UNIP elections, he amended the party’s constitution, introducing regulations that invalidated the nominations of challengers. Kapwepwe found himself disqualified under these new provisions, as only those who had been UNIP members for five years were deemed eligible for presidential nomination (he had rejoined UNIP merely three years prior). Furthermore, Nkumbula and another aspirant, Robert Chiluwe, found themselves outflanked by a novel stipulation mandating each candidate to secure the signatures of 200 delegates from each province to bolster their candidacy.
Foreign policy.
In the nascent years of his presidency, Kenneth Kaunda resonated as a vocal proponent of the anti-apartheid movement, vehemently opposing the specter of white minority rule that cast its shadow over Southern Rhodesia. Despite grappling with economic tribulations triggered by the nationalization of the copper mining industry in the late 1960s and the undulating tides of international copper prices, Kaunda intensified the complexity by extending logistical support to black nationalist movements across regions, encompassing Ian Smith’s Rhodesia, South West Africa, Angola, and Mozambique. His administration sought to mediate between entrenched white minority governments and various guerrilla movements harboring aspirations to dismantle these entrenched administrations.
Beginning in the early 1970s, Kaunda sanctioned prominent guerrilla organizations such as Rhodesian ZANU and the African National Congress (ANC) to utilize Zambia as a strategic base for their operations. A pivotal figure in this landscape was Oliver Tambo, the erstwhile president of the ANC, who spent a substantial portion of his 30-year exile within the confines of Zambia. Joshua Nkomo of ZAPU and SWAPO, along with its military wing, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia, also found sanctuary within military encampments nestled in Zambia.
In the initial two decades of Kaunda’s presidential tenure, there were multiple endeavors to procure modern weaponry from the United States. In a remarkable turn of events in 1967, he even explored the acquisition of long-range missile systems, including those endowed with nuclear warheads. Nevertheless, the United States consistently rebuffed these overtures. In 1980, Kaunda pivoted towards the Soviet Union, acquiring sixteen MiG-21 jets, eliciting a reaction from the United States. Kaunda, justifying this move, posited it as a response to the repeated thwarting of weapon procurement efforts from the U.S., potentially leveraging political tactics to instill a sense of apprehension and fortify his one-party rule in Zambia.
Kaunda’s imprint on international diplomacy reverberated across conflicts in Angola, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), and Namibia until the threshold of 1984. He facilitated Henry Kissinger’s visit to Zambia in 1976, maintained amicable relations with U.S. President Jimmy Carter, and collaborated closely with President Ronald Reagan’s assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Chester Crocker. Despite intermittent discord, Kaunda generally fostered a positive rapport with the United States during this epoch.
In 1975, Kaunda emerged as a mediator alongside South African Prime Minister B. J. Vorster at the Victoria Falls Conference, endeavoring to explore avenues for an internal settlement in Southern Rhodesia. Post the Lancaster House Agreement, Kaunda sought analogous majority rule in South West Africa but encountered hurdles in convincing South African President P. W. Botha in 1982.
In the crucible of ongoing conflicts in southern Africa, Kaunda negotiated the TAZARA Railway (Tanzam), linking Zambia to Tanzania’s port of Dar-es-Salaam. This transformative railway, completed in 1975, alleviated economic burdens stemming from Zambia’s reliance on white-dominated territories as trading partners.
During much of the Cold War, Kaunda staunchly supported the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), hosting a summit in Lusaka in 1970 and chairing the movement from 1970 to 1973. His diplomatic ties extended to leaders such as Yugoslavia’s Josip Broz Tito and Romania’s Nicolae Ceaușescu.
Despite occasional divergences, Kaunda maintained cordial relations with U.S. President Ronald Reagan and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. He consistently voiced concerns about the persistence of South African apartheid. Warm ties with the People’s Republic of China, a stalwart supporter in various projects, including the Tazara Railway, were an enduring facet of Kaunda’s diplomatic portfolio.
Kaunda’s diplomatic engagements extended to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, as he sought to dissuade him from invading Kuwait before the first Gulf War. In a notable episode in 1989, Kaunda negotiated the release of British nurse Daphne Parish, detained in Iraq along with Farzad Bazoft on charges of espionage.
Serving as the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) from 1970 to 1971 and again from 1987 to 1988, Kaunda etched his legacy on the canvas of African diplomacy.
Fall from power.
In the tumultuous year of 1990, tensions in Zambia escalated to a critical juncture. Against the backdrop of three days of widespread rioting in the capital, Kenneth Kaunda, in a momentous declaration in July, announced plans for a referendum on the legalization of other political parties, slated for October. However, he staunchly advocated for the perpetuation of UNIP’s monopoly, contending that a multiparty system would plunge the nation into chaos. The timing of the announcement teetered on the precipice of being too late, as a dissatisfied military officer, shortly thereafter, seized the airwaves to declare Kaunda’s overthrow. Although the attempted coup was quelled within three to four hours, it crystallized the evident struggle faced by Kaunda and UNIP. In a bid to placate the burgeoning opposition, Kaunda shifted the referendum to August 1991, with the opposition asserting that the original date did not afford adequate time for voter registration.
While expressing a willingness to allow the Zambian populace to cast their votes on the prospect of a multiparty system, Kaunda clung to the conviction that only a one-party state could stave off the specters of tribalism and violence engulfing the nation. By September, mounting pressure from the opposition compelled Kaunda to alter his stance. He abandoned the referendum and instead proffered constitutional amendments aimed at dismantling UNIP’s stranglehold on power. Additionally, he proclaimed a snap general election for the ensuing year, a deviation from the scheduled timeline by two years. In a decisive turn of events, Kaunda signed the requisite amendments into law in December.
During the subsequent elections, the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), helmed by trade union leader Frederick Chiluba, secured a resounding victory, decisively vanquishing UNIP and ascending to power. In the presidential fray, Kaunda experienced a significant setback, garnering a mere 24 percent of the vote in contrast to Chiluba’s commanding 75 percent. UNIP’s representation in the National Assembly plummeted to a mere 25 seats. An intriguing campaign facet involved Kaunda’s proposal to allocate one-quarter of the nation’s land to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, an Indian guru pledging to utilize it for a network of utopian agricultural enclaves, ostensibly promising the creation of “Heaven on Earth.” Kaunda, in a televised interview, found himself compelled to deny practicing Transcendental Meditation. On November 2, 1991, when Kaunda handed over the reins of power to Chiluba, he etched his name as the second mainland African head of state to facilitate free multiparty elections and peacefully relinquish power after a defeat. The first, Mathieu Kérékou of Benin, had charted this course in March of the same year.
Post Presidency.
Post his tenure, Kenneth Kaunda found himself embroiled in frequent clashes with Chiluba’s government and the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD). Chiluba, in a contentious move, sought to expel Kaunda from the country, asserting that he was of Malawian descent. The government, under the aegis of MMD dominance led by Chiluba, proceeded to amend the constitution, introducing a provision that barred individuals with foreign parentage from vying for the presidency. This strategic maneuver effectively precluded Kaunda from participating in the 1996 elections, an electoral stage he had originally intended to grace with his candidacy. Following a coup attempt in 1997, Kaunda faced arrest by paramilitary policemen on Boxing Day of the same year. Despite initial regional opposition to this coercive action, he found himself under house arrest until his court date on New Year’s Eve. In 1999, the Ndola High Court, in a verdict delivered by Justice Chalendo Sakala, declared Kaunda stateless. Kaunda successfully challenged this decision in the Supreme Court of Zambia, which, in the Lewanika and Others vs. Chiluba ruling, reinstated his status as a Zambian citizen.
On June 4, 1998, Kaunda, signaling a significant juncture, announced his resignation as the leader of the United National Independence Party (UNIP) and his retirement from the political arena. In the aftermath of his retirement in 2000, Kaunda redirected his energies towards various charitable organizations. His most impactful contribution was channeling his dedication to combating the proliferation of HIV/AIDS, a cause that bore personal significance as one of his children had fallen victim to the pandemic in the 1980s. The period from 2002 to 2004 witnessed Kaunda assuming the role of an African President-in-Residence at the African Presidential Archives and Research Center at Boston University.
In a poignant moment in September 2019, Kaunda, reflecting on global dynamics, expressed regret over the vilification and mudslinging directed at the late President Robert Mugabe by certain quarters. In Kaunda’s perspective, such criticism ran counter to Mugabe’s endeavors to instill social justice and equity in Zimbabwe.
Personal life and death.
Kenneth Kaunda entered into matrimony with Betty Banda in 1946, and the union blossomed with the arrival of eight children. Tragically, Betty Banda departed from this world on 19 September 2012 at the age of 83 while visiting one of their daughters in Harare, Zimbabwe. Beyond the political realm, Kaunda left an indelible sartorial mark, with the safari suit earning widespread recognition as a “Kaunda suit” throughout sub-Saharan Africa, given Kaunda’s frequent donning of this distinctive attire.
In tandem with his political pursuits, Kaunda showcased a musical facet, composing songs that mirrored his fervor for independence. Among his musical creations, “Tiyende pamodzi ndi mtima umo” (translating to “Let’s walk together with one heart”) stands out as the most widely known among Zambians.
On the 14th of June 2021, Kaunda found himself admitted to Maina Soko Military Hospital in Lusaka, shrouded in mystery regarding an undisclosed medical condition. The Zambian government assured that healthcare professionals were diligently working towards his recovery, although the specific ailment remained elusive. Subsequent revelations on the 15th of June 2021 disclosed that he was undergoing treatment for pneumonia, a recurrent health challenge, according to his doctor. By the 17th of June 2021, it was confirmed that Kaunda had breathed his last at the age of 97 after a brief illness at Maina Soko Military Hospital. His legacy extended to 30 grandchildren and eleven great-grandchildren.
Kaunda attributed his longevity to a stringent lacto-vegetarian diet, proclaiming, “I don’t take meat, no eggs, no chicken, I only eat vegetables like an elephant.” In addition, he abstained from alcohol and bid farewell to tea-drinking in 1953.
In the aftermath of his demise and the announcement of a state funeral, President Edgar Lungu conveyed on his Facebook page that Zambia would observe 21 days of national mourning. Vice-President Inonge Wina subsequently detailed plans for Kaunda’s remains to embark on a funeral procession traversing the country’s provinces, accompanied by church services in each provincial capital. A state funeral at National Heroes Stadium in Lusaka was slated for 2 July, culminating in interment at the Presidential Burial Site on 7 July.
Beyond Zambia, several other nations paid homage to Kaunda by declaring periods of state mourning. Zimbabwe designated fourteen days of mourning; South Africa proclaimed ten days of mourning; Botswana,Malawi,] Namibia and Tanzania[ all announced seven days of mourning; Mozambique observed six days of mourning; South Sudan acknowledged three days of mourning; Cuba marked one day of mourning. President of Singapore Halimah Yacob extended condolences to the politicians and people of Zambia for Kaunda’s passing.
