For Ukrainians, it’s time to abandon the inferiority complex
“We support Ukraine’s right to self-determination!” I’ve heard this phrase one too many times. The phrase makes me itchy enough to write about it two months after I’ve last heard it from the rally stage.
I take issue with the implied doubt therein: that Ukraine is somehow less of a country, that it needs a reassurance of sorts — a reassurance that it does, in fact, have the right to choose its political and economic course.
Why the inferiority complex?
The sovereign state’s “right to self-determination” should be obvious enough. Try replacing “Ukraine” with, say, “Germany”, or “France” or “Poland”. Surely, a poster in support of “Germany’s right to self-determination” — would raise eyebrows. But the tautology in declaring sovereign Ukraine’s right to choose its own future — seems non-obvious to some.
In case of foreigners, it merely reveals ignorance. If someone thinks that Ukraine is a satellite of Russia, a puppet of America, or a failed post-Soviet state — they plainly have their facts wrong. The remedy to this is education. Understanding history, foreign relations, economics and politics comes from listening to independent media, reading history books, traveling to the region and speaking to Ukrainians. To combat ignorance, one should be capable of analyzing the facts and making one’s own conclusions based on critical thinking and research rather than propagandistic narratives.
In case of Ukrainians, however, the issue runs deeper than ignorance alone. My diagnosis is that Ukrainians as a nation have been susceptible to inferiority complex — a tendency to underestimate our ability to govern and prosper.
The historical background
Certainly, it doesn’t help that Ukraine has been crippled by Russian imperialism for centuries — at least since 1654 when Khmelnytskyy signed the Pereiaslav Agreement, a treaty between the Ukrainian Cossack Hetmanate and the Tsardom of Russia. Subsequent events in history further tested Ukrainians’ ability to sustain an independent democratic state. That — despite having a written Constitution as early as 1710, and a strong democratic tradition of the Cossack Hetmanate throughout 17th and part of 18th century.
Seven decades of Soviet occupation — from 1922 to 1991 — dealt a blow to Ukrainian culture, politics and state building. Ukrainian elites have been persecuted, deported to Siberia, or killed in Soviet concentration camps. In one week alone (from 27 October to 4 November 1937), 289 Ukrainian writers, playwrights, scientists and other members of the intelligentsia were executed in Solovki Labour camp in Northern Russia. The NKVD prosecuted hundreds of Ukrainian writers of the 1920s-1930s during the period known as Executed Renaissance.
The Stalin regime was merciless to the Ukrainian language, culture and church, aiming to destroy the elites — a tactic employed also in the current Russia’s war against Ukraine. Stalin targeted common Ukrainians, too: in an act of genocide known as Holodomor (translated as “murder by starvation”), Russia killed between 3.5–5 million Ukrainians in 1933.
Against this historical background, it is not surprising that Ukraine emerged from the Soviet occupation severely wounded. For one thing, the truly Ukrainian state-building elites of the 1990s were vastly outnumbered by the former aparatchiks (Communist Party functionaries from the Soviet period). Secondly, Ukraine — a country of 46 million people and the largest area in Europe, with a lion’s share of economy in heavy industries (e.g., mining, steel production etc.) and agriculture (similarly dependent on economies of scale), —was much slower to cleanse itself from large-scale Soviet-style corruption than smaller, nimbler economies like the Baltics. In short, the cleaning up of the Soviet hubris in politics and the economy, — both dominated by pro-Russian oligarchs born out of the 90’s privatization, — was a process full of setbacks. Constant Russian meddling in Ukrainian elections also did not help.
Against all odds: Ukraine’s resilience
But despite all the difficulties with transition, Ukraine’s democratic leaning always stood in stark contrast to Russia’s autocracy. Ukrainians sustained a versatile economy with an increasing share of the service sector. The IT sector, though still small (accounting for 4% of GDP), is growing at a whooping 20–30% a year. Ukraine made good progress in transparency and anti-corruption measures: for example, a public procurement platform like ProZorro is one of the most innovative systems of making public spending radically transparent.
Ukraine is home to a rich art scene. Since 2014 — the time of Russian invasion into Eastern Ukraine, — Ukrainian cinematography experienced something of a Renaissance. The Ukrainian-language films became modern, trendy, and abundant. Many are about war. Many have won international awards. Many are prophetic about the current events.
Ukrainians have shown incredible bravery and resilience in the face of war. Since the war started, over 60,000 men returned to Ukraine from abroad to fight on the front lines or deliver humanitarian aid. The donations to the Ukrainian Armed Forces and humanitarian relief efforts have mostly come from Ukrainian individuals and businesses (both domestic and overseas). Ukrainian military have proven very effective both on the battlefield and in using the modern technology creatively. The list goes on.
Moving past the inferiority complex
In this war, Ukrainians can rightly feel proud of their bravery, their stamina, and their readiness to fight for Ukraine.
But let’s have a look beyond this war. Ukrainians have every reason to also be proud of Ukrainian culture, Ukrainian language, Ukraine’s democratic tradition. Ukraine’s standing up to Russian imperialist bullying since 1654. Be proud of Ukrainian competence. Of Ukrainian anti-corruption progress. Of Ukrainian ingenuity. Of Ukrainians’ self-depreciating sense of humor, and so much more.
It’s time we move past the inferiority complex. As for the self-depreciating humor, it can stay. We can compensate by ramping up the Russia-depreciating humor by a notch.