Paris’s Haussmannization & NYC’s Bustling Streetscape

Maya Yegorova
5 min readJul 30, 2020

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In their writing, Nancy Forgione, T.J. Clark, and Griselda Pollock incorporate the themes of how vital it is to take a leisurely stroll and how modernity is manifested in a city’s center, social establishments, and neighborhoods. These authors uphold the perspective of how walking nourishes one’s mind and that modernity is only confined to a major area. However, the hectic lifestyle of those living in New York City and the ongoing production in all five boroughs contradict these author’s beliefs. This paper will employ a close analysis of New York City’s frenzied culture, landmarks, production levels, and local issues, arguing that New York City juxtaposes tranquil Paris and New York City’s modernity results in consequences for locals.

A city walker in Paris that is conscious of their surroundings is an antithesis of a New Yorker, as New Yorkers always have a specific reason for walking, the fast-paced environment of this American city contributes to a restless atmosphere, and there is little time remaining for introspection. For instance, in Forgione’s Everyday Life in Motion: The Art of Walking in Late Nineteenth-Century Paris, Forgione writes that “a flaneur practiced leisurely strolling as a form of entertainment.”[1] Forgione’s belief that a relaxing walk is a worthwhile pastime is overruled in New York City, as each New Yorker walks with a sense of purpose and has a responsibility to fulfill, whether that be walking to work or school. While walking in New York is a customary component to any city dweller’s daily routine-similar to a Parisian-walking in New York is a step toward accomplishing a certain task in one’s day. Perhaps the positive ambiance in New York City is derived from the city’s bustling spirit: Walking down a crowded avenue is soul-stirring, as seeing people engaged in their daily life tasks is motivating and one may feel inspired to improve themselves. Moreover, Forgione says that walkers in major cities “articulate the nature of their experiences and found that the crowds and commotion of the street, though distracting, did not preclude introspection.” [2] The idea that a city permits time to gather and collect one’s thought processes is reversed when addressing New York City, as the act of attempting to subdue outside noise when putting their earbuds in is intrinsic to a local’s personality. This promotes an element of disconnect between the local and the city, as the sense of wonder that tourists experience while walking the city streets is brushed aside because a local is so accustomed to their surroundings.

In contrast to the concept of leisure between Parisians and New Yorkers, both cities are a testament to how certain landmarks successfully emerge from upheaval. For instance, Clark writes that nineteenth-century Paris suffered heavy crime and packed streets. Georges- Eugène Haussmann restored the city’s architectural heritage when he oversaw the construction of the Gare du Nord, the Paris-Gare-de-Lyon, and the Palais Garnier. This redesign of a city to improve its infrastructure and residents’ quality of living parallels to New York City’s Times Square, as this commercial and entertainment center experienced crime, homelessness, and drug trades in the 1980s. Yet in 2019, each segment of this region appeals to a wide variety of people: newcomers to the city can experience a Broadway show, a family can enjoy a restaurant dinner, travelers from other parts of the country can arrive into the city through Port Authority, and locals can find work at Reuters.

Pollock’s two viewpoints on modernity in Modernity and the Spaces of Femininity-modernity is less apparent in places outside of metro areas and that there is a division between men and women-is evident in New York City, but her viewpoint that modernity is less apparent in places outside of metro areas is negated when examining how a heavy workforce is present in all five boroughs. To illustrate, when one relates this to New York City, one realizes that offices, tourist destinations, and resident spaces are not only limited to Manhattan. Queen’s Long Island City is home to JetBlue headquarters, the Bronx exemplifies New York’s athletic tradition, and Brooklyn’s Bushwick has murals that mark an artist’s freedom and claim their identity. Staten Island has secured a reputation of where middle-aged couples move to because they want to raise children in a suburban home. Pollock’s theory that a city’s social arrangements are constantly evolving is noticeable, as each neighborhood establishes its own character. Williamsburg has a thriving arts scene, Chelsea is home to art galleries, and SoHo is a shopping mecca. Pollock’s theory that there is a partition between men and women is also reflected in the city’s institutions. The Fearless Girl statue, located right across the New York Stock Exchange, inspires women on Wall Street.

Modern-day New York City has a divide just as Pollock notes for nineteenth century Paris, as this city’s expensive cost of living impacts locals. As an illustration, for locals who are escaping expensive neighborhoods but want to remain in the metro area, moving habits are reflected when Queens residents move to Long Island, south Brooklynites move to Staten Island, and Staten Islanders move to New Jersey. Possibly the biggest result of high production levels in New York City is gentrification, as this issue disproportionately targets demographics such as minorities and immigrant populations. Long Island City accommodate tourists and incoming upper middle-class residents with new hotels and restaurants at the expense of African American natives. In Greenpoint, an immigrant enclave in Brooklyn, the Polish flag on the Greenpoint Water Tower was removed, as the elderly generation moves back to Poland or locals move to Queens for more affordable housing. While Pollock’s idea that production is a healthy indication of how a city adapts to modernity, it is crucial to note how success alters a city’s civic space.

In summary, Forgione, Clark, and Pollock spotlight how the act of leisurely walking in Paris is a beloved pastime, and how modernity generates manufacturing in a city’s central district. These notions are contravened when addressing New York City, as walking is always linked to a motive and all five boroughs display innovative production hubs. New York City is a testament to how walking helps locals achieve their daily responsibilities, how certain landmarks surface from social struggles, and how modernity-while transforming a city’s social identity-offers repercussions for locals.

Bibliography

Chakraborty, Deblina. “When Times Square was sleazy.” CNN, April 18, 2016. Accessed November 15, 2019. https://www.cnn.com/2016/04/18/us/80s-times-square-then-and-now/index.html.

Clark, T.J. “The View From Notre-Dame,” in The painting of modern life Paris in the art of Manet and his followers, (London, Thames & Hudson, 1985), 179–193.

Forgione, Nancy. “Everyday Life in Motion: The Art of Walking in Late-Nineteenth Century Paris,” The Art Bulletin, Vol. 87, №4 (Dec., 2005): (664–687), http://www.jstor.org/stable/25067208.

Pollock, Griselda, “Modernity and the Spaces of Femininity.” 1988.

[1] Forgione, Nancy. “Everyday Life in Motion: The Art of Walking in Late-Nineteenth Century Paris,” The Art Bulletin, Vol.87, №4 (Dec.,2005): 664.

[2] Forgione, Nancy. “Everyday Life in Motion: The Art of Walking in Late-Nineteenth Century Paris,” The Art Bulletin, Vol.87, №4 (Dec.,2005): 668.

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