Understanding the Role of Placemaking and Third Places: A Case Study on Cubao Expo
Before Metro Manila, there was just Manila. During the Spanish colonial period, Intramuros was the center and first gated community in the Philippines, serving as the heart of political, religious, and commercial activities. This walled city began its formal urbanization in the metropolitan area with essential establishments such as schools, churches, hospitals, municipalities, global trades, and marketplaces. Overtime, these builds were further developed beyond its walls and continued during the American colonization– towards what is Metro Manila today. A normal travel around the region would consist of car congested roads, long queues for public transports, and endless shuffle of high rise and low rise buildings. To add, remarks such as “Saan na tayo?” (Where are we?) is a common question while in transit. This is because of the absence of distinct boundaries between each city and the repetition of the same establishments. In order to distinguish one’s location, the reliable signposts would be attached to the large mall, establishment branch, government tarpaulins, or that green and white road sign.
Metro Manila is a salad of post-colonialism, political power, and big enterprises. The Philippine Pavilion during the 16th Venice Architecture Biennale presented The City Who Had Two Navels, curated by Edson Cabalfin. The installation uses ‘two navels’ to represent the two forces shaping the metropolis — (1) a confrontation on the tension between the vicissitudes of the past and (2) the challenges of constructing contemporary subjectivity (Cabalfin 1). The art and research explored the impacts of colonialism on the formation of the built environment and how the process of neoliberalization reshaped the urban landscape of Metro Manila (Cabalfin 3). This [study] will only discuss the force of neoliberal urbanism in Metro Manila. Neoliberal urbanism is defined as the following:
“Neoliberal urbanism is a concept used to describe the progressive privatization and the commodification of our cities as profit making machines. The overarching goal of neoliberal urban development policies is to “mobilize city space as an arena both for market oriented economic growth and for elite consumption” (Brenner & Theodore 368)(Gonzales 2)
“The effect has become pervasive across the globe, often linked with the process of globalization, where public and private lives are placed under strict governmentality and control, despite the ideals of personal liberty” (Stiglitz)(Cabalfin 19).
Neoliberal urbanism can be simply defined as the drive for modernization and privatization of assets in a city, a global widespread pursuit initiated by people of power. However, such prolific progression is not ideal as it often leads to more layers of urban problems. The consequences of neoliberal urbanism are discussed in the research of The City Who Had Two Navels and categorized into seven factors. Homogenization of Cities is a characteristic present when observing cities and is one of the collective outcomes of neoliberal urbanism (Cabalfin 25). This [paper] will only be covering the product of homogenization of cities.
Homogenization of Cities in Cabalfin’s research was interrelated with Marc Ague’s Non-Places (25), He asks “But what happens to the sense of place that each city embodies once it is globalized? ”
“non-places are the real measure of our time; one that could be quantified — with the aid of a few conversions between area, volume and distance — by totaling all the air, rail and motorway routes, the mobile cabins called ‘means of transport’, the airports and railway stations, hotel chains…”(79)
“Modernity does not obliterate them [premodern figures] but pushes them into the background. They are like gauges indicating the passage and continuation of time” (Augé 77).
“non-place creates neither singular identity nor relations; only solitude, and only similitude (103).”
“If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which can not be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place (77).”
Marc Augé’s concept of Non-Places reflects the passage of time by transforming and modernizing premodern structures without entirely erasing their presence. These spaces — such as airports, highways, and shopping malls — embody the forces of supermodernity, where functionality and transience take precedence over historical and cultural significance. Non-places do not fully obliterate the past but rather push premodern figures in the shadows. The remnants of history are still present but overshadowed by the demands of modernity, as these spaces continuously evolve to meet the needs of global flows and individual mobility. Non-Places are the product of supermodernity, examples of this are motorways, shopping malls, airports and more.
The duplication of the same build whose sole purpose is in relation to certain ends are most likely seen as profitable or ‘successful’, yet these builds are clearly not economic workings that contribute culturally.
“Third places, manifesting as a component of good public spaces, are argued to be vital ingredients of successful cities, enhancing civic identity, cultural identity, quality of life, social capital, economic development and community revitalization. Third places being centers and gathering spaces of a community, these places can contribute to creating a diverse and active neighborhood through placemaking.” (Cilliers 73)
Placemaking focuses on a community-based and people-centered approach. These are important in societies because of its social benefits of the development of a sense of belonging and participation. (Ellery 238) “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they lively urbanization or culture. (Jacobs)
Meanwhile, one of the anchors of a community that contributes economically and culturally is the third place. The third place is where people spend time outside of their home (first place) and work (second place). It is a term coined by Ray Oldenburg in his book The Great Good Place. Oldenburg describes these places as informal public gatherings that foster community and relations. Examples of these third places are bars, restaurants, coffee shops, barbershops, and other public spaces where people meet, gather, and connect. It is a place where people go to ‘just to enjoy each other’(Jeffres, et al. 334).
“Third places, manifesting as a component of good public spaces, are argued to be vital ingredients of successful cities, enhancing civic identity, cultural identity, quality of life, social capital, economic development and community revitalization. Third places being centers and gathering spaces of a community, these places can contribute to creating a diverse and active neighborhood through placemaking.” (Cilliers 73)
Placemaking focuses on a community-based and people-centered approach. These are important in societies because of its social benefits of the development of a sense of belonging and participation. (Ellery 238) “Cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody. (Jacobs 238) With this, it is important that communities are exposed to more than just non-places but spaces made by and for the community.
Back in the 1970s, Marikina Shoe Expo was built and located in General Romulo Street of Cubao (Baltazar) close to the Ali Mall, the first mall in the Philippines (Clement). This U-shaped compound was a quaint space for Marikina shoemakers to showcase and sell their leather products (Baltazar). The space closed down during 1997 and reopened again in 2000– as today’s Cubao Expo or Cubao X, as nicknamed by its frequent visitors and mainstayers (Baltazar). It was no longer a landmark for shoe retailers; it has adapted into a creative district that housed different kinds of third places– homegrown bars, shops, cafes, galleries, restaurants, and alike.
Amidst its location in a modern commercial estate, Cubao Expo retained its old shophouse build that kept its charm. When entering, the third places in the compound are abreast with one another and each displays its own unique identity and provides different needs to its community or visitors– may it be art, coffee, music, antiques, and other finds. Cubao Expo is a melting pot of subculture and this is sustained through the “community-driven effort” from its tenants (Aquino). Subcultures are social groups, or groups of individuals who share similar lifestyles, belief systems, or other commonalities… subculture refers to individuals who are a part of a group that is different from the dominant culture or dominant people in a particular part of society (Lennon, Johnson, & Rudd 292).
“Cubao X (or Cubao Expo) are prime examples of the community’s efforts to revitalize otherwise underutilized areas. Cubao X, originally known as the Marikina Shoe Expo in the 1970s, was transformed into rows of boutiques, second-hand stores, restaurants and artist-run spaces… Exhibitions, gigs and events are still held there, forging a specific lifestyle that caters to enthusiasts and the youth.” (British Council 8)
If Marc Augé’s Non-Place is a product of supermodernity and similitude, then Cubao Expo — a compound created by fellow Filipinos for local endeavors is the opposite, an anthropological place– in a cesspool of supermodernity.
Special thanks to Sofia Gomez, Jorell Legaspi, Gard Calub, and Roberto Bellini. This research was conducted under supervision of Paula Victoria Acuin.
