From 2005–2019: What Lebanon Today can Learn from the Cedar Revolution

Natalie
Natalie
Nov 6 · 6 min read
Cedar Revolution, 2005

The Lebanese Cedar Revolution in 2005 against the Syrian occupation and Syrian controlled government of Lebanon united Lebanese of all religions and sects following years of bloody civil war. Today, the essence of the Cedar Revolution lingers in the air as we witness the most recent uprising of Lebanon. However, this time, it isn’t against foreign occupation, rather, an occupation of homegrown political parties: the same political parties who led us to destruction during the civil war and who have grown from the seeds of sectarianism and devastation. Today, our fight is against corrupt politicians. The ones who make empty promises. The ones who for years, have taken our money just to put it in their pockets. The ones who leave people on the streets so they can spend a weekend in their mansions in France.

On February 14, 2005, The seed of the Cedar Revolution was planted after a car bomb shook Downtown Beirut, killing former prime minister Rafik Hariri in what was suspected to be an assassination by the Syrian government, who for 30 years prior had been in control of Lebanon and its politics. His funeral turned into a mass demonstration, attracting people from all religions, sects, and areas of Lebanon who marched together in unity. Weeks of protests followed.

Cell phones, email, and public announcements were used to mobilize people to attend the marches and vigils that took place around Beirut every day. A group of an estimated 500 youth activists slept at Martyrs’ Square for over two months, establishing a tent city that became known as the ‘Freedom Camp.’ Youth from different political parties and civil society organizations remained in the tents until Syrian troops withdrew from Lebanon the following April. The protests reached their peak in late February and early March as many businesses shut down to join protesters. With protests attended by up to 25,000 people daily, the government, fearful of being outnumbered, banned the protests and announced that there would be a crackdown on public demonstrations. Instead of responding violently, protesters placed flowers in the barrels of the guns of Lebanese soldiers who had been sent to close down the Freedom Camp at Martyrs’ Square. Eventually, security forces became unwilling or unable to enforce the bans.

As with every popular uprising, these series of protests sparked a counter-protest. On March 8, Hezbollah and allies organized a pro-Syria rally that was attended by half a million people. Leading the crowd was Hezbollah’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, who thanked Syria for creating stability in Lebanon. He warned protestors against American interference in the region and cautioned that “treason against the Arab” would re-occur if the protesters supported the West against Hezbollah. These protests were also peaceful and ultimately successful in the end, securing a March 8 parliamentary bloc in the government.

In response to the pro-Syrian March 8 opposition protest, the protesters held an even bigger demonstration on March 14. March 14 saw 1.4 million Lebanese, a fourth of the country’s population, who mobilized from all around the country to participate in the mass demonstration at Martyrs’ Square Beirut. The number of people who came together for one cause as one people and the carnival-like atmosphere caught the attention of international media. It was televised all around the globe. A sea of people and Lebanese flags flooded the downtown area. Prominent figures of the revolution made speeches demanding Syria withdraw immediately and end all control of Lebanon. The 14 March demonstration proved that a majority of Lebanese wanted the full withdrawal of Syrian troops and an investigation into Hariri’s death.

Following the 14 March demonstration and being largely outnumbered, President Bashar al-Assad announced that Syria would be withdrawing all troops. On April 26, 2005, the last Syrian soldier left Lebanon, making it free from Syrian domination for the first time in 30 years.

The Cedar Revolution was successful in its time. Protesters were able to identify their demands and pressure the government to meet them. Today, both the old and new generation of Lebanese have returned to the streets, but this time with a different set of demands: resignation of the current government, investigation of corrupt politicians and recovery of stolen funds, early elections, the establishment of a secular system, and an end to sectarianism. Frankly, the Lebanese are fed up. They have been fed up. Corruption in Lebanon is at an all-time high. The government fails to provide its citizens with basic living essentials such as clean water and 24/7 electricity. It takes one hour to get from Beirut to Beirut due to the congestion of traffic and no alternative methods of transportation. Garbage fills the streets. Women are treated as second class citizens. This is only to skim the surface. After a proposed tax on the free messaging application, WhatsApp, in October 2019 was announced, Lebanon oversaw the beginning of a new revolution. A new era. It was never about WhatsApp. It was about decades of being taken advantage of. Public spaces are being reclaimed. Culture is being celebrated. Feelings of unity are being revived.

So what can we learn from the Cedar Revolution? Firstly, we can learn that nonviolent resistance is key. Every successful revolution has been non-violent for legitimate reasons. Violence by protesters leads to illegitimacy and gives the corrupt government an excuse to “defend itself” against protesters, inciting even more violence. The international community, whose support is key to putting pressure on the government, will also lose sympathy with a movement once it becomes violent, thus leaving the movement isolated. Finally, to mobilize as many bodies on the ground as possible, protests must stay peaceful so more people including women and children will be willing to participate.

Secondly, it is important to get security forces on the side of the protesters. Once a government loses the loyalty of its security forces, they become powerless, as they are only as strong as the control they have over their forces. Security forces are not one body, rather they are compromised of units, and within those units, individuals. If a few of those individuals can be swayed or influenced by the protesters, they may be able to influence others within their unit, leading to influence throughout the whole body. The influence of one individual can be the difference between an entire unit’s decision to repress or to resist.

Thirdly, governments in power are dependant on the cooperation of their masses. As long as there is no cooperation between a government and the citizens of the country, the power of the government will inevitably deteriorate. Civil disobedience in the forms of strikes and boycotts are necessary. As long as life goes on as normal, it enforces the government’s power and rule. Additionally, protesters should focus on rebuilding and shaping the society they want to create, using resources dependant on the government. Living the envisioned social and political order will not only completely delegitimize the power of the government but make it easier to take over and transition power to the structures of government.

Lastly, every protest will attract a counter-protest. The key is to outnumber the opposition and be wary of figures trying to sabotage the movement or delegitimize it. When citizens stand firm and united with persistence for the sake of their parents, their children, their country, they can never be defeated. If the opposition yells, protesters should yell louder. If the opposition mobilizes 50,000 people, protesters should mobilize 100,000. They can’t be heard if their voices are being drowned out.

The Cedar Revolution was a pivotal moment in Lebanese history. It was a flame of hope. A beacon of coexistence. After years of hatred and war, we found out that whether we were Christian, Shia, Sunni, or Druze, we all bled the same color and deserved the same rights. Today, those feelings have once again been revived. Politicians know the power we hold when we unite. Nobody benefits from keeping us divided as they do. We watched our country fall apart before our eyes and stayed silent for too long. Now it’s our turn. Our turn to take our power back. Fourteen years later, we can hear Gebran Tueni’s voice echoing through the streets of Downtown Beirut, “In the name of God, we, Muslims and Christians, pledge that we shall remain united to the end of time to better defend our great Lebanon.”

The Cedar Revolution lives on.

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