CARICOM in Haiti: Decoding Failures, Designing a Blueprint for Tomorrow.
Haiti is currently grappling with the most significant political and security crisis in its history. Various global entities have engaged in efforts to mediate a resolution, with notable involvement from the United States, Canada, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the latest addition, the Caribbean Community and Common Market (CARICOM).
On November 15th, 2023, the CARICOM special envoy’s visit to Haiti concluded with disappointment, mirroring their arrival—devoid of any tangible accomplishments. Indeed, their mission turned out to be a monumental failure. The persistent political gridlock endures, with various factions competing for power in Haiti unable to forge a consensus. Those harboring optimism for a different outcome seemingly overlooked the lessons of history, where foreign interventions driven by misguided motives often meet with futility. Such endeavors typically falter, as evidenced by countless precedents.
Yet anticipating this failure required no or little extraordinary insight. The signs were evident from the onset of negotiations, especially when one of the opposing factions, led by the de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry, adamantly clung to power without any legal or constitutional justification to do so, relying on dubious claims no more substantial than a mere tweet. Given this scenario, whether CARICOM attempts further intervention or not, the outcome is likely to remain unchanged. CARICOM lacks the necessary means and its primary mission on economic integration does not provide grounds for predicting a different result than what has transpired.
That being said, in the wake of this failure, which itself succeeded other past failures by the US, Canada, the and the UN– one pressing question emerges: What course of action should Haitians pursue next?
We propose that it is now time for authentic inter-Haitian negotiations, untethered from external intervention. Within these discussions, the departure of the de facto prime minister should be an important topic. As stated above, there are no legal or constitutional grounds justifying his continuing presence as head of the government and head of the state. Furthermore, the on-the-ground realities do not lend support to the Prime Minister’s position either. The social and economic situation and the level of insecurity has only deteriorated since the tragic murder of former President Jovenel Moise. As a result, it is not a question if the de facto Prime Minister Ariel Henry should leave power; rather, it is a question of when and how he should leave power. Our call is for an orderly departure to avert institutional vacuum and pave the way for a much-needed fresh start.
Equally crucial for these inter-Haitian discussions is the establishment of an independent and sovereign justice system. Proposing a political framework to solve the crisis that is devoid of a simultaneous commitment to address the judicial aspect is an exercise in futility. Too many crimes have happened: too many current and past officials are listed in relation to corruption, gangs, kidnapping, illegal drug trafficking, and others. There is a genuine risk of the same elements that precipitated the crisis resurfacing at the forefront of the political process without concurrently addressing the critical question of justice in Haiti.
This implies a political response to the question of contested judges in the Haitian High Cassassion Court: judges who have assumed their positions outside the boundaries defined by current constitutional and legal provisions. The court constitutes a crucial focal point for reform; namely, the inception point of a transformative process within the system that is vital for restoring faith and trust. It is also an indispensable step toward (1) finding a consensus interim president in line with Haitian political culture and constitutional jurisprudence; and (2) lay the foundation for a potential Grand Consolidation Trial. This trial would aim to address major national crimes. Without at least the specter of such a judicial process, as hinted earlier, these criminals may as well already be plotting their triumphant return to the realm of the country. Or, better said, they may already start celebrating the continuation of the corrupted system for generations yet to come.
In actuality, we propose an inter-Haitian general conference, comprising three distinct sessions or sub-conferences. These conferences or sessions will be dedicated to addressing crucial contextual issues, foremost among them the imperative of establishing an interim government for the state and addressing national security concerns.
Haiti urgently requires a capable executive with ethical and civic values, supported by competent and fairly compensated security officials—individuals well-versed in a patriotic ideology and committed to safeguarding Haiti’s collective security. This security apparatus, in turn, requires capable and ethically grounded leadership. In addition, the conferences will tackle the immediate social and economic challenges that form integral components of the crisis. These conferences would propose measures for economic and social relief for the population. Potential members of the upcoming interim government might include influential conference speakers—individuals who advocate for the most innovative ideas and effective strategies aimed at fostering sustainable development and instituting meaningful institutional changes.
Beyond these pressing contextual issues, these conferences would serve as a platform to confront systemic challenges and specifically address the matter of national sovereignty. This crisis presents a unique opportunity to engage with four key areas crucial to national sovereignty and national security: (a) the constitution; (b) the national army; (c) the national currency; and (d) the establishment of an independent and sovereign judiciary. We are proposing a refoundation of Haiti through these national conferences.
It is imperative for the international community, including CARICOM, to step aside and permit this indigenous process to unfold. That is what we should learn from CARICOM’s failure.
Headly Noel
