What have recent terrorist attacks revealed about Britain’s security services?

Ollie Potter
Jul 27, 2017 · 3 min read

After four major terrorist attacks in 2017, it has become evident that the British intelligence services have legal, logistical and financial problems when it comes to tackling extremism. In what has become commonplace for recent attacks in Europe, the Westminster, London Bridge and Manchester attackers were known to security services. These terror attacks have been difficult to prevent, with extremists often using simple techniques such as lorries, cars and knives. The Manchester bombing, however, was different in its sophistication, even though intelligence services believe suicide bomber Salman Abedi largely acted alone. How was such a deadly plot not prevented?

On Friday 26th May intelligence officers identified around 23,000 jihadist extremists living in the UK, with 3,000 judged to pose a threat. The other 20,000, who have previously been monitored, are termed “subjects of interests”. Khalid Masood, the Westminster attacker, Khuram Butt, the London Bridge ringleader, and Abedi were described as fitting within this “subjects of interest” pool, with intelligence having to move on and prioritise apparently greater threats. The killers of Lee Rigby in 2013, Michael Adebalajo and Michael Abedowale, were also in this 20,000-strong group. This presents a tragic and pressing problem for the tackling of violent extremism. Terrorist, Prevention and Investigation Measures (TPIMs) can be placed on potential terrorists, but controversy remains regarding surveillance being utilised on British citizens that haven’t committed an actual crime. This is coupled with a lack of adequate resources.

Troublingly, Abedi evaded arrest, despite his visits to Libya, a hotbed of jihadist activity, and his purchasing of bomb-making ingredients. Salman’s father, Ramadan Abedi, was granted refuge in the UK because of his anti-Gaddafi activity in the 1990s. From 2011, he fought against Gaddafi under the Al’Queda-aligned Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, which had been designated as a terrorist group by the UK in 2005. Quilliam’s Haras Rafiq argued that Salman was radicalised from birth by his father’s Islamist activities. All the signs were there that he was a threat, but with such an extensive terror watch list and continuing financial limitations, intelligence services were unable to maintain continual surveillance. Greater Manchester Police previously believed Salman acted as part of a Libyan Islamic Fighting Group-linked network, but 22 people arrested after the attack were subsequently released without charge. The contention remains as to how Salman’s radicalisation was allowed to slip under the radar. Salman reportedly said to two college friends that “being a suicide bomber was okay”, and condemned an anti-extremist imam at Didsbury Mosque, culminating in him being reported to the government’s anti-terror hotline.

The challenge for Britain’s intelligence services is to effectively balance its resources. It has also become clear, especially with terrorists like Khuram Butt openly expressing extremist views on Channel 4’s The Jihadi Next Door, that more stringent anti-terror legislation is required. This is despite criticisms of the government’s anti-terror programme, ‘Prevent’. The Finsbury Park attack in June 2017 presents an equally troubling case, because coupled with the murder of MP Jo Cox in June 2016, it alludes to an increase in far-right extremism. The popularity of groups like Britain First, the rise of the alternative-right and increase in anti-Muslim sentiment across Europe has heightened the chance of far-right radicalisation. This presents an additional problem for the intelligence services’ already stretched resources. It is self-evident that British intelligence requires greater funding from the government.

Ollie Potter

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