THE 1914 AMALGAMATION OF NORTH | SOUTH: A HISTORIC MISADVENTURE
A HISTORY OF THE NIGER DELTA QUESTION...Part 2
PRE-COLONIAL RESISTANCE: THE AKASSA RAID 1895
King Frederick William Koko, Mingi VIII of Nembe (1853–1898), was an African ruler of the Nembe Kingdom (also known as Amayanabo of Nembe-Brass) in the Niger Delta, now part of southern Nigeria.
A Christian when chosen as king of Nembe in 1889, Koko's attack on a Royal Niger Company trading post in January 1895 led to reprisals by the British in which his capital was sacked. Following a report on the Nembe uprising by Sir John Kirk which was published in March 1896, Koko was offered a settlement of his grievances but found the terms unacceptable, so was deposed by the British. He died in exile in 1898.
An Ijaw , Koko(prosecutor of the Akassa Raid) was a convert to Christianity who later returned to the local traditional religion. Before becoming king (amanyanabo), he had served as a Christian schoolteacher, and in 1889 this helped him in his rise to power. The leading chiefs of Nembe, including Spiff, Samuel Sambo, and Cameroon, were all Christians, and after having ordered the destruction of Juju houses a large part of their reason for choosing Koko as king in succession to King Ockiya was that he was a fellow-Christian. However, there was at the same time a coparcenary king, the elderly Ebifa, who ruled at Bassambiri and was Commander-in-Chief until his death in 1894.
With the settlement of European traders on the coast, Nembe had engaged in trade with them, but it was poorer than its neighbours Bonny and Calabar. Since 1884, Nembe had found itself included in the area declared by the British as the Oil Rivers Protectorate , within which they claimed control of military defence and external affairs. Nembe was the centre of an important trade in palm oil , and it had refused to sign a treaty proposed by the British, opposing the Royal Niger Company's aim of bringing all trade along the kingdom's rivers into its own hands.
Admiral Bedford , who routed Koko's forces in February 1895
HMS Thrush, one of Bedford's ships Sir Claude MacDonald , British consul-general at Brass
By the 1890s, there was intense resentment of the Company's treatment of the people of the Niger delta and of its aggressive actions to exclude its competitors and to monopolize trade by imposing heavy tax and trade restrictions on certain commodities e.g. alcohol and other European manufactured goods. Denying the men of Nembe the access to markets which they had long enjoyed along the Orashi River, Brass Sea, Furcado and Sombraro up to Aboh Kingdom. A restriction and taxation which dealt heavy blow on the life and economy of the people of Nembe.
Similar with present day realities in the Niger Delta oil politics. In a bid to survive, the people virtually resorted to smuggling of goods which the RNC has sanctioned with heavy tariff. As king, Koko aimed to resist these pressures and tried to strengthen his hand by forming alliances with the states of Bonny and Okpoma. He renounced Christianity and in January 1895, after the death of Ebifa, he threw caution to the winds and led more than a thousand men in a dawn raid on the Royal Niger Company's headquarters at Akassa. Arriving on 29 January with between forty and fifty war canoes, equipped with heavy guns, Koko captured the base with the loss of some forty lives, including twenty-four Company employees, destroyed warehouses and machinery, and took about sixty white men hostage, as well as carrying away a large quantity of booty, including money, trade goods, ammunition and a quick-firing gun. Koko then sought to negotiate with the Company for the release of the hostages, his price being a return to free trading conditions, and on 2 February he wrote to Sir Claude MacDonald, the British consul-general, that he had no quarrel with the Queen but only with the Royal Niger Company. MacDonald noted of what Koko said of the Company that it was "complaints he had written the Consular-General, duty to listen to for the last three and a half years without being able to gain for them any redress". Despite this, the British refused Koko's demands, and more than forty of the hostages were then ceremoniously eaten. On 20 February the Royal Navy counter-attacked. Koko's city of Nembe was razed and some three hundred of his people were killed. Many more of his people died from a severe outbreak of smallpox.
Worthy of note is the fact that, Koko's prosecution for the dawn raid on Akassa set the tone for the review and eventual revocation of the charter establishing the Royal Niger Company(RNC). Thence marked the full takeover of administrative duty from Goldie's RNC in 1900.
MODERN RESISTANCE
The genesis of modern Niger Delta struggle started from Oloibori in the Niger Delta region, The first place where oil was struck in commercial quantities in 1956. The scientific survey published in 1997 by the Niger Delta Environmental Survey { NEDES} reported that:
“ Poverty is prevalent in the Niger Delta and has been linked to degradation of agricultural lands and fishing waters. Affected people become impoverished. In many cases, they tend either to migrate to become part of the urban poor or to remain in their villages to grapple with the low yielding lands and poor sources of water”. It is not only sad, but also heartbreaking to note that despite the fact that the region provides almost 90% of the nation resources {oil} and revenue, 75% of the Niger Delta people living in rural areas are without pipe borne water, electricity, roads and health centres. The whole region is devastated by oil exploitation, our waters polluted by almost daily oil spillage and the air poisoned by eternal gas flares, this led to the temper of the people bound to be short resulting to militancy and form part of the root causes of what has today become known as the Niger Delta struggle.
The above characterisation can be said to fit, if one take into consideration the inter-ethnic clashes that have taken place among the people, which pitched notable nationalities like the Ijaw and Urhobo against their Itsekiri brothers and sisters. Now, The issue of Akwa-Ibom and Cross Rivers tussle over who owns the littoral waters and its rights is now rearing its ugly head. Not forgetting that of Soku disputed between Rivers and Bayelsa State. Today, Niger Delta is witnessing bloody clashes among the repressed and exploited with the benefactors of oil exploration in the country stoking the fires of ethnic hatred with the hope that these types of diversions would preoccupy the people while the naked exploitation continues. Indeed, the argument has been made that the basis of Nigeria ‘s unity is oil, this writer wonder what would have happened if the oil was not discovered , considering the fact in the early 50s before the discovery of oil in the Niger Delta, The three largest ethnic nationalities in the country provided the country’s major resources. The North dominated by the Hausa- Fulani produced groundnut, hides and skin, The west peopled by the Yoruba’s were famous for cocoa production and the East controlled by the Igbo’s had cola and palm oil.
What then went wrong after the oil was discovered in the Niger–Delta region?
It was argued that with oil becoming dominant, derivation was reduced from 50% to zero % which the Niger-Delta people seen as being grossly unfair and an insult to the sensibilities of the people of Niger Delta. In not too distant time ago, this injustice led to an uprising by the ijaws led by a former student leader , Isaac Adaka Boro. The revolt according to political analysts was stamp down in twelve days. It has also been argued that the Nigeria civil war that raged from 1967 to 1970 had the fight for the control of the Niger Delta oil wealth as part of its causes. Agitation after the war led to a 1%,then 3% derivation formula. Then a 13% derivation system was introduced by the military but the money was put in an oil minerals producing development commission{ OMPADEC} controlled entirely by the military from the centre.
The struggle so far had claimed many lifes including Ken saro wiwa from the Ogoni land and some army officers from the government { JTF}. Today, it is sad to note hostage taking, employed by the militants since early 2006 to draw international attention to the Niger Deltians struggle , has turned into a lucrative , criminally driven enterprise, with local politicians and their relatives frequent victims.Then Nigerians including this writer are beginning to ask how long shall our people continue to be killed?. Instead of just the oil industry expatriates who were the original targets, the practise has now begun to spread beyond the core Niger Delta to Ondo state on the western fringe of the region and other parts of the country like Enugu and Abia to mention a few.
President Yar’Adua's administration swiftly stepped in to address the situation in the Niger Delta twine in a 7 Point Agenda. President Yar’Adua identified the Niger Delta issue as one of the 7 point agenda of his administration. The president has not lose his opportunity to resolving the Delta crisis and has gone beyond rhetoric to establish a technical committee headed by retired General Orubebe, following a recommendation by Governor at the time Chief Timipre Sylva of Bayelsa state, who recommended amnesty for the militant leaders with a comprehensive demobilisation , disarmament and rehabilitation { DDR} program; an increased allocation of oil revenue to the Delta; urgent improvement of infrastructure and human welfare services; and new institutions for the regions long –term development . This committee has since submitted its report to the President with the first amnesty recommendation now being implemented by the government. While the report might not address all aspects of the crisis, its proposals however were sufficiently comprehensive enough to serve as the catalyst. While this writer believe in the sincerity of president Yar’Adua administration determination in solving the Niger-delta problems in an effective and peaceful manner.
Non-violent resistance
Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People(MOSOP)
The next phase of resistance in the Niger Delta saw the request for justice and the end of marginalization of the area by the Nigerian government with Ken Saro Wiwa as the lead figure for this phase of the struggle. The indigents cried for lack of developments even though the Nigerian oil money is from the area. They also complained about environmental pollution and destruction of their land and rivers by oil companies. Ken Saro Wiwa and other leaders were killed by the Nigerian Federal Government under Sani Abacha.
Recent armed Conflict in the Niger Delta
Unfortunately, the struggle got out of control, and the present phase has become militant. When long-held concerns about loss of control over resources to the oil companies were voiced by the Ijaw people in the Kaiama Declaration in 1998, the Nigerian government sent troops to occupy the Bayelsa and Delta states. Soldiers opened fire with rifles, machine guns, and tear gas, killing at least three protesters and arresting twenty-five more.
Since then, local indigenous activity against commercial oil refineries and pipelines in the region have increased in frequency and militancy. Recently foreign employees of Shell , the primary corporation operating in the region, were taken hostage by outraged local people. Such activities have also resulted in greater governmental intervention in the area, and the mobilisation of the Nigerian army and State Security Service into the region, resulting in violence and human rights abuses.
In April, 2006, a bomb exploded near an oil refinery in the Niger Delta region, a warning against Chinese expansion in the region. MEND stated: "We wish to warn the Chinese government and its oil companies to steer well clear of the Niger Delta. The Chinese government, by investing in stolen crude, places its citizens in our line of fire."
Government and private initiatives to develop the Niger Delta region have been introduced recently. These include the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), a government initiative, and the Development Initiative (DEVIN), a community development non-governmental organization (NGO) based in Port Harcourt in the Niger Delta. Uz and Uz Transnational, a company with strong commitment to the Niger Delta, has introduced ways of developing the poor in the Niger Delta, especially in Rivers State.
In September 2008, MEND released a statement proclaiming that their militants had launched an "oil war" throughout the Niger Delta against both, pipelines and oil-production facilities, and the Nigerian soldiers that protect them. Both MEND and the Nigerian Government claim to have inflicted heavy casualties on one another.
In August 2009, the Nigerian government granted amnesty to the militants; many militants subsequently surrendered their weapons in exchange for a presidential pardon, rehabilitation programme, and education.
Nigeria oil
Nigeria has become West Africa's biggest producer of petroleum. Some 2 million barrels (320,000 m 3 ) a day are extracted in the Niger Delta. It is estimated that 38 billion barrels of crude oil still reside under the delta as of early 2012. The first oil operations in the region began in the 1950s and were undertaken by multinational corporations, which provided Nigeria with necessary technological and financial resources to extract oil. Since 1975, the region has accounted for more than 75% of Nigeria's export earnings. Together oil and natural gas extraction comprise "97 per cent of Nigeria's foreign exchange revenues". Much of thenatural gas extracted in oil wells in the Delta is immediately burned, or flared, into the air at a rate of approximately 70 million m³per day. This is equivalent to 41% of African natural gas consumption, and forms the largest single source of greenhouse gas emissions on the planet. In 2003, about 99% of excess gas was flared in the Niger Delta, although this value has fallen to 11% in 2010. The biggest gas flaring company is the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Ltd, a joint venture that is majority owned by the Nigerian government. In Nigeria, "...despite regulations introduced 20 years ago to outlaw the practice, most associated gas is flared, causing local pollution and contributing to climate change."The environmental devastation associated with the industry and the lack of distribution of oil wealth have been the source and/or key aggravating factors of numerous environmental movements and inter-ethnic conflicts in the region, including recent guerrilla activity by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND).
In September 2012 Eland Oil & Gas purchased a 45% interest in OML 40, with its partner Starcrest Energy Nigeria Limited, from the Shell Group. They intend to recommission the existing infrastructure and restart existing wells to re-commence production at an initial gross rate of 2,500 bopd with a target to grow gross production to 50,000 bopd within four years.
Oil revenue derivation
Oil revenue allocation has been the subject of much contention well before Nigeria gained its independence.Allocations have varied from as much as 50%, owing to the First Republic's high degree of regional autonomy, and as low as 10% during the military ictatorships. This is the table below.
Oil revenue sharing formula
Year/Federal/State*/Local/Special Projects
1958 40% 60% 0% 0%
1968 80% 20% 0% 0%
1977 75% 22% 3% 0%
1982 55% 32.5% 10% 2.5%
1989 50% 24% 15% 11%
1995 48.5% 24% 20% 7.5%
2001 48.5% 24% 20% 7.5%
* State allocations are based on 5 criteria: equality (equal shares per state), population, social development, land mass, and revenue generation.
*The derivation formula refers to the percentage of the revenue oil-producing states retain from taxes on oil and other natural resources produced in the state.
World Bank Report
Media
The documentary film Sweet Crude , which premiered April 2009 at the Full Frame Documentary Film Festival, tells the story of Nigeria's Niger Delta.
Environmental issues
The effects of oil in the fragile Niger Delta communities and environment have been enormous. Local indigenous people have seen little if any improvement in their standard of living while suffering serious damage to their natural environment. According to Nigerian federal government figures, there were more than 7,000 oil spills between 1970 and 2000. It has been estimated that a clean-up of the region, including full restoration of swamps, creeks, fishing grounds and mangroves, could take 25 years.
https://patnengii.blogspot.com/2016/06/amalgamation-of-northsouth-historical_14.html
Contributions from, Benjamin Ogbebulu ,BA HONS, MBICs, London. An administrator, political Scientist/Analyst and campaigner for Good Governance. He lives and work in the UK, England.
benjaminogbebulu@yahoo.co.uk
oglobalservices@yahoo.co.uk
