From Charlottesville to George Floyd: How the Radical Right is Exploiting This Moment
Something significant is happening in American streets. The murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police and resulting protests throughout the nation have forced many to confront systemic racism and inequality. The toxic burden of slavery and oppression weighs heavily on our democracy.
Instead of reckoning with America’s racist legacy, the Right is transforming the protests into a battle-cry against “Leftist radicals.” Coupled with the mobilization of the military against American citizens, there is a dangerous pretext for an increasingly embattled and erratic President Trump to exploit in his final months in office. Though the fences have been pulled down and the troops sent back to the barracks, the events of the past weeks could have grave consequences for our republic.
As a historian of modern Germany, I find alarming parallels between current headlines and the past. In particular, I often ponder the fragility of democracy. Let’s begin at street level.
Embedded among the thousands of protesters, right-wing agitators marched with the intention of provoking violence. Social media posts and arrests suggest that suspects with ties to white supremacist groups have, in several instances, emerged at the center of sudden flurries of violence.
Right-wing internet chatter abounds with brainstorming tactics, including opening fire on crowds to spark deadly crackdowns from police. Their ultimate goal is to initiate the Boogaloo, the supposedly inevitable race war that will culminate in a white ethno-state purged of America’s racial and political enemies.
Along with the pandemic, white supremacist groups see an opportunity to exploit the protests for “accelerating” the Boogaloo and further their extremist agendas. In Nevada, three men with military backgrounds were arrested and charged with intent to launch a terrorist attack on the protests and spark a larger uprising. In California, an active Air Force sergeant murdered a deputy and ambushed police, hoping to use protests as a cover to instigate the race war.
It is highly improbable that these feverish fantasies will manifest themselves in the way proponents imagine. Moreover, critics justifiably warn that “outside agitator” narratives obscure the voices of people of color. However, one cannot categorically dismiss fears of white supremacist activity as overblown. We need to take their presence and influence on this moment seriously.
The covert influence of white supremacy on our national discourse is cause for grave concern. The narrative of “outside agitators” is politically useful. Violence fueled by right-wing extremists provides ammunition to those who wish to discredit the protests and paint them as out of control, illegitimate, and fomented by supposed radical leftist agitators.
Over the past weeks, a counter-narrative to the protests has formed on the political Right. The ubiquitous references to “law and order” and calls for the mobilization of force against protesters disguise the Right’s authoritarian and illiberal agendas, and the grave threats they pose to our democracy.
“Send in the Troops”
The Right knows exactly what it is doing. While their provocations may not culminate in a race war, right-wing activists aim to exploit an emotionally-charged moment and drive a wedge into an already polarized American society.
Focusing on riots and looting, conservatives cast the scenes unfolding in America’s streets as wanton destruction requiring a vigorous response. Whether they are motivated by racism, ignorance, or obstinacy, the lawlessness is the fig leaf that justifies a dismissal of public outrage, and refusal to engage with questions of white privilege or racial injustice. The fact that some of the violence looks to be initiated covertly by white supremacists makes this morally dubious position even more problematic.
But something even more sinister is at play. Another indicator that the increasingly sophisticated and coordinated white supremacist groups are consciously working toward something bigger than street brawling can be seen in the fabricated demands for bloodletting under the banners of the political Left and antifa. Such language is music to the ears of some at the levers of power. From below, neo-Nazis stir unrest and generate pretexts for their authoritarian fellow travelers to seize upon from above.
Donald Trump and his loyal paladins have long railed against the “radical Left,” decrying shadowy antifa legions aligned against them. But at a moment of national crisis, and as the president contemplated deploying active duty military forces against American citizens, this specter suddenly took center stage.
Republican Senator Tom Cotton, for instance, demanded the mobilization of active military forces, who should give “no quarter for insurrectionists, anarchists, rioters, and looters.” The lawmaker, a former military officer, on this occasion cosplaying SS Gruppenführer Kotton, undoubtedly knows that “no quarter” means the summary execution of those who surrender, and constitutes a war crime.
Lawmakers using such incendiary language and providing justification for using draconian measures against peaceful protesters hold grave consequences for our republic. Equally as dangerous, however, is Cotton’s telling reference toward quelling “antifa terrorists.” Indeed, the Justice Department swiftly moved to issue the mostly symbolic order of declaring antifa a terrorist organization.
Florida Representative Matt Gaetz, a fierce ally of Trump, took to Twitter to ponder whether “we can hunt them down like we do in the Middle East.” The president riffed on similar themes, when instead of denouncing the assault of a 75-year-old man by police in Buffalo, New York, he claimed the attack, caught on tape and widely distributed, was a “setup” by an “antifa provocateur.” The implication is clear: Nothing to see here, other than leftist shenanigans and the just desserts for those Americans in the camp of the “enemy” not owed sympathy or even decency.
This is more than red-baiting. When Cotton paints grim scenes of leftist terrorists assassinating police, he transforms protests against the murder of Black people into an exhortation to wage war against a political enemy. These themes continued in Cotton’s June 3 New York Times op-ed demanding the state to “send in the troops,” citing “left-wing radicals,” police murderers, and overwhelming public support as the justification. On the same day, Attorney General William Barr and FBI Director Christopher Wray explicitly pinned the blame for violence at protests on antifa, while vaguely referring to the right-wing agitators filling up jail cells in higher numbers.
The extreme Right and their conservative allies are working diligently to transform a historic moment of national introspection into an argument for “law and order” in the face of ostensible socialist terror. The attempts to twist the demands for racial justice into a leftist assault against democracy is an affront to the victims of police brutality and all true democrats.
What the president and his allies intend to do with notions of “chaos” and “law and order” is starting to emerge. After warning that he would deploy the military against American citizens exercising their constitutional rights, Donald Trump sauntered into a Lafayette Square violently cleared of protesters, awkwardly fondling a Bible, and crowned himself the defender of Christendom and imposer of “law and order.”
Manufacture or exploit a crisis, then ask for sweeping powers to solve it. It’s a classic page from the authoritarian playbook.
The Authoritarian Playbook
The strategy we see playing out is reminiscent of how the Nazi Party broadened its appeal as a champion for “law and order.” Adolf Hitler’s assurances that he represented stability and a return to normalcy after years of economic and political crisis were among the most consistent themes of National Socialist propaganda and messaging.
To lend their self-styled image credence, the Nazis adopted a simple yet effective strategy: First, they sowed chaos by disrupting rallies of the opposition, initiating brawls, and drumming up fears of communist terrorism. Second, the Nazis cited the ensuing anarchy as a failure of democracy, claiming Germany required a force that would sweep away the ineffectual republican system that produced only suffering and turmoil. Lastly, this allowed Hitler to cast himself as the only man with the clairvoyant vision to end the ignominious period of unrest and division, and reign in enemies of the state.
With breathtaking speed, the Nazis eliminated rivals, dissolved laws, and purged offices to turn Germany into a single-party dictatorship. Less than a month after Hitler became chancellor, a deranged communist set fire to the Reichstag, Germany’s parliamentary building. Nazi propaganda turned the brazen act of arson into a communist terrorist plot. Using legal mechanisms to suspend civil rights and arrest communists, Hitler decimated the ranks of the opposition. Three weeks later, a rump parliament passed the Enabling Act, investing Hitler with full powers to rule by decree. The destruction of democracy was over before most knew it had begun.
There are many factors that help explain the Nazi assumption of power, yet the strategy of exploiting unrest and offering “law and order” were a key aspect of making authoritarianism palatable and comforting for large segments of the public unsettled and disillusioned by democracy. A Great Depression and atrocious unemployment, partisan gridlock, voter apathy, a loss of faith in institutions, political violence in the streets, and a sharply polarized public…it is no wonder authoritarianism found broad appeal.
History never exactly repeats itself. Yet the fragility of democracy remains a warning to us all. The allure and promise of “law and order” is a smoke screen that obscures authoritarian tendencies — a phenomenon not limited to 1933. It is for this precise reason that the Trump administration’s campaign to polarize and paint many American citizens as terrorist threats poses a great danger to our democracy.
Weimar on the Potomac
The themes of civil unrest and violence have always been a consistent theme of Donald Trump’s rhetoric and messaging. Now he has put American boots on American ground as he and his acolytes ratchet up warnings of “radical socialism” and murderous leftists — a tailor-made narrative and pretext.
Are Trump’s demands for “law and order” and deployment of the military just the start of his bid to secure a second term? Is it possible these actions have little to do with maintaining peace, and everything to do with intimidating opposition and cementing power? The playbook: Identify or fabricate a crisis, ask for sweeping powers to “solve” it.
There are many things to be concerned about without descending into hysterical alarmism. American neo-Nazis may dream of emulating Hitler, but they remain a long way from the levers of government. On the proverbial throne, however, sits a man with demonstrable authoritarian predilections and instincts, who seemingly speaks their language and shares their concerns.
Here we have the first alarm bell: a man who admires authoritarians abroad and has a soft spot for the “very fine people” marching under the banner of white supremacy, is hardly a defender of democracy.
The people dreaming of restructuring the United States into a white ethno-state, for their part, see the President of the United States as their champion. They revere him enough, that when their leader demanded the “liberation” of states locked down from the pandemic, loyal supporters marched on statehouses with rifles in hand. Some white supremacists even contemplated whether the president had in fact finally called for the “Boogaloo.” Undeniably, there is a great deal of admiration between the darkest, most radical domestic terrorist threats to our democracy and the leader of the free world.
The second alarm bell is the immense power the “imperial presidency” enjoys generally. It is a chilling prospect when the Oval Office is inhabited by a thin-skinned and aggrieved man who dreams of violently suppressing his opposition and sees checks and balances as a nuisance to be circumvented with executive orders.
Bragging about his “tough” friends in the police, military, and biker gangs, Trump warned his “enemies” that if conflict reaches “a certain point,” things would get “very bad, very bad.” When the president cheered on armed insurrectionists defying stay at home orders, we saw an escalation from fawning over tiki-torch-bearing fascists to overtly encouraging horrific acts against duly elected state officials. Time and again, the president reveals his predilection for violence toward those who defy him.
The third alarm bell is there has been little to thwart Trump’s authoritarian aspirations, and no serious effort to prevent him from getting away with anything that pleases and benefits him. Why would the man who said he can “do whatever I want as president” and claims “total authority” balk at using extreme measures if he sees an advantage? Belief that “adults in the room” will save us is misplaced, when one supposedly moderating force after another has failed or been ousted.
Unqualified sycophants fill government offices, which the administration is still purging of “disloyal” elements. The Justice Department under William Barr has devolved into an extended arm of Trump, moving to protect him and his accomplices while keeping an eye on his “enemies.” We have now learned that it was Barr himself who personally directed police to violently clear Lafayette Square of peaceful protesters on June 1, all so that his boss could relish in a fascistic PR stunt.
The president is moreover backed by a party that continuously refuses to chasten him no matter which new bottom he reaches, let alone hold him accountable. Whether they like what they see, fear his base, or see a marriage of convenience, the Republican Party has gone all-in, and made it clear that it is “ride or die” with Trump. For them, he has not crossed any lines, though based on their nauseating obsequiousness, it is doubtful that a line exists.
What has succeeded in reigning in Trump, other than his own indolence and fundamental cowardice hidden behind a wall of bravado? That mere incompetence has saved us is a terrifying thought. If backed into a corner, can we be sure Trump will not attempt to go full fascist? What will happen in November, facing sagging polls in a tight election against a party of “radical socialists,” when the alliance between MAGA and American conservatism begins to fear its time is up? Have they already stumbled upon a means of cementing power, by leveraging “law and order” against the “radical Left” into an authoritarian gambit?
A Dark November: “Law and Order” and the Assault on Democracy
I have been called a pessimist once or twice in my life. It is possible that I am too immersed in my area of expertise, and just have Nazis on the brain. It is difficult to write this without fearing that one has fallen victim to hysteria and paranoia. I am a historian, not a conspiracy theorist untethered from reality. Why do I still feel so anxious, as do many of my colleagues? After all, there are positive signs.
The reframing of the protests into a criticism of lawlessness and persecution of “good apples” in the police barrel, for instance, shows that conservatives know they have already lost the argument and are trying to gloss over issues that the majority of the public wants to address. It is possible as well, that the saber rattling is just a campaign strategy — an attempt to toss red meat to Trump’s base and open the newest front in a culture war that, ultimately, Republicans are losing. Trump’s numbers are plummeting, and people are fed up. They now see that the emperor has no clothes.
Many are confident of the professionalism of the United States military and that our sophisticated system of checks and balances will prevail, if it even comes to that. After all, throughout his life and his presidency, after talking tough and sneering and threatening and tweeting, Donald Trump has shown his innate fecklessness and backed down from every confrontation, either by going silent, not following through on threats, or simply turning off the lights and scurrying off to inspect bunkers.
Come November, is it not likely that he will question the elections and tweet furiously, but in the end hand over the keys to the office and move on as the elder statesmen of aggrieved White America, selling books and reigning over an empire of victimhood and resentment during Comrade Biden’s Stalinist dictatorship?
Maybe. Hopefully.
As the nation turns against him, the air gets thin for Trump and his allies, and the range of options narrow. Soon there will be only two choices: defeat, or power. For a man who has feared being a “loser” his entire life, who may face legal charges without the protective shield of his office, many are rightfully pondering how a desperate Donald Trump will act.
Perhaps social unrest or a second wave of the Coronavirus will provide the excuse to postpone the elections. Conservative courts have already defended Republican efforts to influence elections during the pandemic. Would not a postponement of the elections — perhaps for a few months or maybe a year, or longer — make sense from a public health perspective? Would conservative lawmakers support such arguments? Would Republican-appointed judges legally sanction it? Would the military break with their commander-in-chief?
Just as importantly, if a national crisis ensues and the clarion calls for “law and order” begin, how will we respond? Contemplating this question is difficult and exhausting in a rapid news cycle. The inconceivable images we are taking in are only recognizable as things that occur elsewhere, in other times; they are in our history textbooks, or faintly overheard on the BBC’s report of some outrage happening in some place “over there.”
But make no mistake: it can happen here.
Four years of assaults on checks and balances, on norms and traditions have taken a terrible toll, and a crisis — real, imagined, or fabricated — can tear our democracy asunder.
These days, our heads spin and we feel disoriented. It takes energy and effort to have clarity of thought, and piece disparate information into a full picture of what is going on. Many will prefer to look away, and accept the easy and reassuring “law and order” the authoritarian offers as the price for stability and tranquility. Are we ready for that moment? Are you ready for our Reichstag fire?
