Democrats must avoid their own “Trump syndrome” after special election losses

Preslav Mantchev
Jul 20, 2017 · 3 min read
Taking a quick breather aboard the Ossoff bus. This moment would turn out to be the high point of my volunteer experience. Photo Credit: Chad Rhym, Atlanta Journal-Constitution

What started as cautious optimism quickly turned awry in north Atlanta last month.

Unease over election day storms, flooded roads, and Ossoff’s sub-par lead among early voters was initially drowned out by the Westin ballroom’s disco music. But not for long. As CNN aired a check-mark next to Karen Handel’s name on the projector, things boiled over.

Music continued to play, yet the crowd became ostensibly different. A few turned to the radio microphones and TV cameras to air their frustration. Others recused themselves behind phone screens, waiting for Ossoff to deliver closing comfort. My group stepped out to distract ourselves with news from the governor’s race back home.

And when we left the next day, one thing was clear: Democrats are still a broken machine on the national stage.

Set aside the special election record that’s now 0–5, last year’s presidential meltdown, or April’s poll which revealed 67% of Americans think the Democratic Party is “out of touch.”

The best indicator of Dems’ current dysfunction is the open finger-pointing by Democratic lawmakers themselves. Consider Congressman Tim Ryan’s testimony on national television. “The Democratic brand is just bad” he said, referring to ads that had cast Ossoff as a puppet of former House Speaker — current minority leader — Nancy Pelosi. Ryan’s sentiment was echoed by others, including Connecticut rep Seth Moulton.

To some extent, they’re onto something… It’s tempting to buck another baggage-laden figure from Democratic ranks. Someone who represents the “olden days” of a united — and now dreaded — establishment, but doesn’t have a clear vision on how to coalesce today’s party.

Nevertheless, Democrats must resist succumbing to their own “Trump syndrome” as they seek to regain power in Washington. Its symptoms include: a desire for quick results, sweeping promises, and hasty action from the top down.

Rather, it is by continuing scrappy, small-scale efforts that Democrats will best position themselves for national success. Not leadership changes or national re-branding.

Consider the fight to protect one of Barack Obama’s biggest foreign policy legacies: the Paris Agreement.

After Donald Trump fulfilled his promise to “cancel” the pact, 12 states passed laws to uphold its provisions. They formed a U.S. Climate Alliance to coordinate efforts and exchange information. New York and Pittsburgh’s mayors also signed executive orders committing their cities to the pact. The City of Chicago trolled the White House by publishing climate change data which had been wiped from the EPA website.

In other policy areas, New York state has expanded tuition-free college while California has brought single-payer health care back to its drawing board.

State a local politics are largely controlled by the GOP. Republicans control 56% of state legislative seats throughout the country, their highest share since the 1920s. However, this dominance has persisted for less time than one might expect. Almost a quarter of Republicans’ current share has been captured since 2010.

Inconsistent Democratic turnout has definitely furthered these gains. Among independent voters, however, Republican messages of self-sufficiency and independence have resonated much better on a smaller stage than Democrats’ trademark collective action ideas.

Now, with the GOP’s agenda stagnating in Washington, Democrats must continue to aggressively pursue clear-cut alternatives at the state and local level.

State seats, county board, mayoral positions, etc. are more than policy incubators for the Democratic policy. These positions are also stepping stones for higher office like Congress. Democrats have the opportunity to build productive relationships with their constituents, ones which won’t be shattered by vapid TV ads.

State and local positions can also be used to reinforce partisan messages in other races; just like Republican mayors in the Georgia 6th ripped Jon Ossoff’s inexperience from day one.

Most importantly, renewed grassroots energy will allow Democrats to credibly re-brand their greater, national agenda — as comprehensive, but not obtuse; as both ambitious and tested.

Only then will they have the luxury of choosing a new majority leader, reconciling Bernie followers with moderates, and making durable progress on the national stage.

Preslav canvassed for Jon Ossoff, and will be pursuing a J.D. at University of Illinois in the fall.

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