Doctor Roderigo Lopes and the Marrano Jews in England

A Biographical Research Report

The following is a collection of information surrounding Roderigo Lopes and the events leading up to his execution; as well as other Marrano Jews who settled in England and established themselves as affluent members of political influence, industry, and government. I have chosen to refer to Doctor Lopes in the Portuguese spelling of his name, Roderigo Lopes, as opposed to the Spanish spelling, Rodrigo Lopez, in acknowledgement of his disdain of Spain. Many during his time, knew him as Doctor Lopus. I have asserted only a few opinions in this article, my objective was to combine the most sophisticated scholarship I had access to, and create a cohesive narrative.

He is best known as a Marrano Jew who escaped the Portuguese Inquisition and sought new ideals and perhaps glamour, success, and influence in 16th century England. The history of Doctor Roderigo Lopes is a highly contentious one.

Inquisition

Just before the time Roderigo Lopes was born (1518–25), tens of thousands of Spanish Jews fled to Portugal, as a result of the expulsion of the Jewish population during the Spanish Inquisition in 1492. King John II of Portugal granted Jews asylum in return for payment. The Spanish Jews who left Spain despite converting to Catholicism, were characterized by the gentile elite as Crypto Jews or Marrano Jews; Jews who had pretended to convert to Catholicism to avoid execution, but who remained practicing Judaism in private.

Several months after this asylum, the Portuguese government announced that they would enslave all of the Jews who had not yet left the country. In 1493, King John II deported hundred of Jewish children to São Tomé, a newly discovered colony of Portugal, where many of the children perished. Following King John’s death in 1494, there was a brief period of freedom for the Jews under the new King Manuel I of Portugal. However, in 1497, Spain began exerting their force on Portugal and Isabella of Aragon, the Church, and King Manuel I announced that all Jews had to convert to Christianity or leave the country without their children. In 1506, 2,000 Jews were massacred in Lisbon and the rest were deported to São Tomé.

This distinct focus on expelling Marrano Jews, who even after converting–their conversion deemed not legitimate enough, more so than other religions, illustrated the bleaker, specifically anti-Jewish goals of the Spanish/Portuguese inquisition in comparison to earlier inquisitions, such as the first Inquisition in 12th century France. This brings to question, what about the marrano Jews, screamed heresy to the Spanish and Portuguese inquisitors: their religion? Their culture? Their existence? Nonetheless, anti-semitic societies throughout history remained dependent on physicians of Jewish origin, like Roderigo Lopes and many others.

Family Origins

Medicine as Religion

Lopes came from a lineage of doctors. His father, António Lopes, was a physician to King John III of Portugal. Of course, the only way this was possible was through Antonio’s coerced baptism into the Roman Catholic Church in 1497. Therefor, according to the public, Roderigo was raised in a New Christian family.

The Lopes’ might have regarded their dedication to medicine like they would have regarded their Jewish heritage. As most crypto-Jews were alas, forcefully converted to Catholicism, it was very common for these families to practice Judaism in clandestine. The way in which the Lopes’ were denied of their Jewish heritage may as very well had lead to their embrace of medicine as a family. I say this because the knowledge of Hebrew was considered extremely important in the study of medicine. The English scholar Roger Bacon (c. 1220–c. 1292) declared that Christian physicians were ignorant in comparison with their Jewish colleagues because they lacked knowledge of the Hebrew and Arabic in which most of the medical works were written.

There are no great details of Lopes’ childhood, I discovered that Lopes had several brothers but I was only able to find scholarship on two of them: Lewis and Diego. Lopes went on to receive his BA at the University of Coimbra in 1541, and he later received his MA in medicine from University of Coimbra or the University of Salamanca at around 1544 (this date is an estimate researchers have made since no document of his diploma survives). During the time Roderigo was studying, auto-da-fe (burning at the stake in public) became very popular in Portugal. The Portuguese inquisitors grew more ruthless and their punishments more barbaric.

A New Life in London

Marriage to Sarah Anes

Scholarship lends to two possibilities; first, that Lopes had been captured by a Drake during one of his anti-Spanish forays, have been brought a prisoner to England in 1559; or secondly, that Lopes came to England by way of Antwerp. Settling in London, he managed to pass the licensing requirements to become a physician. He changed his name from Roderigo Lopes to Ruy or Roger Lopez (Latinized). He chose to be baptized and became a member of the Church of England. In 1563, Dr. Lopes married a jewess named Sarah Anes who was shy of seventeen years of age at the time of their marriage. Lopes buys a home on Wood Street and also has his name affiliated with a home in Mountjoy’s Inn, Holburn, through a patient of his. The couple had four sons and two daughters. There is much evidence that shows his family practiced Jewish rites at home. According to the English-Jewish journalist and Jewish advocate, Lucien Wolf, Lopes was a subscriber to an underground synagogue in Antwerp. Interestingly, Dr. Hector Nunes (another Jewish physician of the time) whose wife was a devout jewess, sent through Lopes, a contribution for the upkeep of the secret Synagogue in Antwerp which I will return to in greater detail later in this paper.

Anes Family

Sarah was the eldest daughter of Dunstan Anes. The Anes family were one of the earliest Portuguese Jews to settle in England permanently. They were also one of the few families mentioned in the Santa Cruz list which was consisted of Portuguese who were engaged in espionage and smuggling to the detriment of Spain, under cover of a shipping trade with Lisbon, supposed to be carried on by loyal subjects of the Emperor. The founder of the Anes family, George Anes, was a Jew from Valladolid who saved himself by baptism during the time of expulsion from Spain in 1498, while many of his kinsmen took refuge in Portugal.

Sarah Anes’ father, Dunstan Anes, also known as Gonsalvo George, was the second son of George Anes. Most likely, Dunstan was born in Valladolid, and must have been an infant when his mother first came to England. He had married in 1548 to a Spanish lady named Constance, who was living in London, and they had eight sons and six daughters together. Dunstan became a Freeman of the Grocers’ Company in 1557 and he was also appointed “ Purveyor and Merchant for the Queen’s Majestie’s Grocery.” But this spice agency was only a small part of his business. He traded direct with Lisbon, where he established his second son, Jacob, as his agent. He dabbled in the illicit shipping business which Hector Nunez and Jeronimo Pardo carried on to mask their intelligence operations, and he acted as financial agent in England for the Portuguese Pretender, Don Antonio, purchasing all the stores and ships required for the Don’s campaign in defence of his country and throne against the Spanish invasion in 1580. He died in April 1594.

It is quite interesting to note that he gave Jewish names to five of his children Benjamin, Jacob, Hester, Rachel, and Sarah. And according to Wolf, he even had reserved for himself the Hebraic alias of Benjamin, for use on occasions when Dunstan and Gonsalvo would obviously have been inappropriate.

The Triangle

Jacob “Diego” Lopes and Alvaro Mendes

Roderigo’s brother Diego Lopes Alleman, was another player entangled in the espionage between Spain, England and Portugal. Diego married Catherine, alias Dona Esther, the sister of a wealthy international financier, Alvaro Mendes.

Perhaps the most shocking discovery of my research, has been the lack of information or importance denoted to Alvaro Mendes, given how influential he was at his time and how great his accomplishments were, as you will find in this passage. Lucien Wolf writes, “…quite inexplicable that not a word about him has hitherto appeared in any standard work of Jewish history, and only a few brief references to him elsewhere? chiefly in the ethnographic literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.”

Alvaro Mendes was born in Tavira, Portugal around 1520, to a Marrano Jewish family. He was an apprentice to a goldsmith and eventually became an acknowledged expert in precious stones. At around 1545 he was sent to the East Indies, probably due to his wealthy relatives from Lisbon who had been forming a great sales syndicate of Oriental produce under the Portuguese crown. He acquired a large fortune by farming the diamond mines of southern India. Ten years later, around 1555, he returned to Portugal and earned the approval of King Joao III, who appointed him to the position of a Knight of the Portuguese Order of St. Iago de Compostella. Mendes was also the protege of the Infante Luis, the father of the pretender to the throne, Don Antonio. (The connection was probably through Violante Gomez, who is a distant relative of Mendes). Around the time of Luis’ death, Mendes left Lisbon for Italy and France; although scholars suggest that Mendes was not a fan of Don Antonio, he remained loyal to him out of respect for his father, Luis. Five years later he settled in Paris and established himself there as financial adviser and confidential agent to Catherine de Medici. Mendes held a prestigious and powerful position court and his great wealth and political acumen, and furthermore, his devotion to Portugal and his hatred of Spain, brought him into contact with the leading statesmen of Northern Europe. Queen Elizabeth formed a high opinion of him.

Candidature of Don Antonio

During the winter of 1581, Don Antonio arrived in France, and Mendes was one of the first people to welcome him to France and even housed him. Mendes told Antonio to have zero expectations in attaining any immediate English or French support. He advised Antonio to set for the Portuguese Indies, where he would be assured of a welcome and where it would be some time before any effective Spanish force could be brought against him. After that, Mendes imagined Antonio would have consolidated his position in the East, return to Europe with money at his back, a King in fact as well as in name, and negotiate an alliance with either England or France on equal terms. This advice did not commend itself to Antonio. However, Antonio refused the advice and went to England to succor the support of Queen Elizabeth.

This was the point at which Doctor Lopes was brought in. Lopes became Antonio’s chief advisor and the main channel of communication between him and the government (since Antonio also didn’t speak any language other than Portuguese). For the next six months or so, in Antonio’s candidature for the Portuguese throne, we find in the background all the intrigues and diplomatic discussions of a consistent family triangle: Alvaro Mendes in Paris as the banker and general adviser of the movement; Lopes in London as the chief advisor to Mendes with the English Court; and finally Lopes’ brother-in-law, Dunstan Anes, as the financial agent in London. Anes dealt exclusively with finance and has been described as the most cautious of the triangle. Mendes had, in any case, a powerful independent position as he had served in multiple courts and gained the respect from figures like Catherine de Medici and Elizabeth I. But Lopes, may be described as the most reckless of the triangle. Wolf accurately characterized him as a natural romantic, who threw himself with vigour and without restraint into the political game. Documents surfaced that showed he was referred to as the Portuguese Ambassador in at least one State Paper. The title was unofficial and honorary, but nonetheless, it paints the tragedy of how far he had gone and how great this setback was for his reputation, after Antonio’s campaign failed. During these years, Lopes lost a great deal of money between lending Antonio money privately, which he did not recover, and later housing for Portuguese refugees.

In 1579, Alvaro Mendes moved with his family to the capital of Turkey, Constantinople, at the time to live freely as a Jew. The sultan grew very fond of Mendes and he was appointed as the Duke of Metilli and Grand Commissary of the Court. He eventually changed his name to Solomon Abenjaish. Mendes was a staunch supporter of Queen Elizabeth’s policy of an Anglo-Turkish alliance against Spain. While he did not succeed in actually creating an armed alliance, he maintained cordial relations between England and Turkey, and as a result, defeated many of the Spanish schemes for securing the neutrality of the Sultan in the war between England and Spain. Alas, Don Antonio’s disdain, or even jealousy, towards Mendes grew and he hired a man named David Passe to be his agent. David Passe spread malicious rumours about how Mendes acquired his wealth. He then proposed that the Sultan be aware of it and also confiscate Mendes’ wealth and divide it amongst Don Antonio. Roderigo informed Mendes of the news, and Queen Elizabeth dictated a letter defending the character of Mendes. Interestingly, Elizabeth refers to Mendes by his Jewish name in the letter. After Don Antonio’s display of indecency towards Mendes, he lost the support of Lopes and Anes. It is almost entirely clear, that English royals were well aware that figures like Roderigo or the Anes or Mendes families, were practicing jews in private. As long as these Jews were discreet about their practices, the top players in government were ok with keeping it an “open secret”.

Jewish Consciousness

How many of these Marrano Jews were truly Christian after all? More and more evidence shows that the aforementioned families regularly professed and practiced Judaism in secret. What leads me to make this bold statement was the discovery of the underground synagogue in Antwerp which the English knew of as well. This secret Synagogue existed between 1579 and 1583, and also in 1594. A list of the congregation of this Synagogue appears among the denunciations filed in the Lisbon Inquisition in 1585, and it is there stated that the Marranos imported two Rabbis from Italy to conduct the services for them on the Day of Atonement. Another Lisbon denunciation gives an account of a Jewish Prayer Book in Spanish which was printed and circulated in Antwerp in 1577.

Medical Practice and Reputation

Lopes was the first house physician at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, where a very high opinion was held of his skill and learning. Before 1569 he was a member of the College of Physicians, and in that year invited to deliver the anatomy lecture there, but he refused the offer. In 1571 he was acting as physician to Sir Francis Walsingham. Four years later he was acknowledged as one of the leading physicians of the metropolis, and shortly afterwards was appointed chief physician to the Earl of Leicester. Lopes maintained a correspondence with many friends and relatives on the Continent, some of whom, among them his brother Lewis Lopes, at his invitation, settled in London.

Lopes practiced Galenic medicine and was skilled in diet, purges, and phlebotomies. Gabriel Harvey, a contemporary of his, wrote that Lopes was one of the most learned and expert physicians at the Court, but attributed his success to “Jewish practice.” Another contemporary of his time, William Clowes, was deeply impressed by Lopes’ skills as a surgeon, and his recommendations for diets, purges, and bleeding. Lopes favored prescribing medicinal concoctions, such as “arceus apozema,” which may have included anise and sumac berries (the exact recipe is no longer known).

The positive effects of anise and sumac, in fact could have been discovered by Lopes, as he prescribed their use many years before an official description of anise appeared in The Herball or Generall Historie of Plantes, printed in 1597. Three years after he entered her service, Elizabeth I granted Lopez a monopoly for importing sumac and anise to England in 1589.

A reference that Mr. Cecil Roth made to Lopes in the State Archives at Florence, dated February 16, 1594, pays a tribute to his “ friendly and agreeable “ character and incidentally mentions that he had paid a visit to the Ghetto in Venice, in the company of “ his brothers and wife.”

Arrest and Execution

The following is an attempt to summarize the extremely convoluted chain of events that occured after Doctor Lopes leaked information that Robert Devereux, the second Earl of Essex and favorite of the Queen, had a venereal disease.

Roderigo, a Reckless Romantic

After Devereux found out that Lopes had told others of his disease, he set out to make sure Lopes was destroyed. Lopes was already in a downward spiral in his career, his reputation had been diminished by his failed political intrigue with the campaign of Don Antonio and he was in need of money. His practice was large and prestigious, but many of his patients, such as Leicester, Devereux, or the Queen herself, did not pay him generously. There were also his financial losses in respect of Don Antonio to be considered, aside from his reputation. It is possible that Lopes had little or no capital behind him and was living up to or perhaps beyond his income.

As a result, Lopes turned to reopen negotiations with Spain, this time without the approval of the English government. This was the fuel Devereux needed to take down Lopes.

Lopes and Manuel Andrada therefor decided privately to reopen their contact with Spain, and out of desperation I believe, they hoped in some way to make a profit on the transaction. At this point a new player appeared and with him the affair entered its second and more dangerous phase. Stephen Ferrara de Gama was a Portuguese, most likely of Jewish origin, who was another follower of the failed Don Antonio. He was, we are told, “ a man of great wealth and livelihood,” in his own country. Lopes had offered his services to the Spaniards in two distinct capacities; first, as a go-between in the peace-negotiations; and secondly, as a political agent in a position to thwart and disrupt the Portuguese faction in England. Lopes had named his price, the honouring of Antonio’s worthless bond for 50,000 crowns.

Robert Devereux and Manuel Luis Tinoco

Devereux was the heir to Walsingham, who had recently passed and was a patient of Lopes, I might add that Walsingham also had respect for Lopes. Devereux taking his position of the deceased spy-master, therefor had interest in Portuguese relations and indeed was a leader of the aggressive anti-Spanish party in England. Devereux looked to the Duke of Braganza, the only other person who might serve as a rallying point for Portuguese opinion and to resist a Spanish takeover, since Antonio was no longer an option. The chances of Braganza succeeding were not taken very seriously, but Devereux still sought to pursue this idea. For this purpose he recruited a young Portuguese named Manuel Luis Tinoco, another of Antonio’s ruined followers. According to Wolf’s findings he told Tinoco to go to Portugal and discover whether Braganza was willing to put himself at the head of a resistance movement and what support he could gather if he did so. Devereux lacked the breadth of experience and skill that Walsingham possessed as the spy-master to Elizabeth and alas, he employed a very sloppy plan, leaving Tinoco to create his own plan of action. Tinoco arrived in Brussels at the beginning of August and at once put himself in touch with Count Fuentes and Secretary Ibarra of the Spanish administration of the Netherlands.

The Letters

In January of 1594, news reached Essex House that Stephen Ferrara and Emanuel Loisie, a servant of Don Antonio, were arrested on suspicion of being double agents in the pay of Spain. Devereux obtained an order for the arrest of Ferrara and Loisie from Elizabeth. Ferrara was accordingly seized without a specific charge and he was put into the custody of Don Antonio at Eton. While they were being questioned in Guildhall at London, it was ordered for all Portuguese correspondence be detained and read; it emerged they had had some dealings with Lopes.

Several weeks after, Gomez d’Avila, a Portuguese of low rank, who lived near Lopes’ house in Holborn, was arrested at Sandwich. He was returning from Flanders, and a Portuguese letter was discovered on him. The names of the writer and the addressee were unknown to the English authorities and are still vaguely unknown. The contents, though they appeared to refer to a commercial transaction, were suspicious and led to the ultimate demise of Lopes. “The bearer will inform your Worship in what price your pearls are held. I will advise your Worship presently of the uttermost penny that can be given for them… Also this bearer shall teIl you in what resolution we rested about a little musk and amber, the which I determined to buy… But before I resolve myself I will be advised of the price thereof; and if it shall please your Worship to be my partner, I am persuaded we shaIl make good profit”. Gomez revealed nothing about the hidden meaning of the letter and he was taken into close custody in London. While waiting in an ante-chamber before being examined, he recognised some gentlemen in the chamber who could speak Spanish and he begged the gentlemen to take the news of his arrest to Lopes.

Ferrara managed to send Lopes a note from Eton, in the note he warned Lopes to prevent the Gomez coming to England from Brussels, ‘for if he should be taken the Doctor would be undone without remedy’. Lopes had not yet heard of the arrest of Gomez, and replied that ‘he had already sent twice or thrice to Flanders to prevent the arrival of Gomez, and would spare no expense, if it cost him £300’. Both the letters were intercepted by English authorities and Ferrara was sent for, confronted with the contents of his letter, and informed that Lopes had betrayed him, which I don’t think was true. However Ferrara immediately betrayed Lopes and told the examiners that Lopes had been for years in the pay of Spain. He said that Lopes was involved in a plot with Spain and that he was the principal agent in the negotiations. He also added that, in previous years, Loped had secured the release of a Portuguese spy from prison (Manuel Andrada) in order to send him to Spain and arrange for the poisoning of Don Antonio. The information was complicated and without much evidence so authorities waited for further developments.

During this same period, Gomez was being tortured in custody and had weakened. He confessed that he was an intermediary, employed to carry letters backwards and forwards between Ferrara in England and another Portuguese, Tinoco, in Brussels, who was in the pay of the Spanish Government. He also admitted that it was true that there was a plot to buy over Don Antonio’s son and heir to the interests of King Felipe of Spain.

Two months later, William Cecil, Lord Burghley received a letter from Tinoco, in which he communicated his desire to go to England, to reveal to Elizabeth certain secrets of great importance that could jeopardize her safety, which he had discovered in Brussels; and he asked for a safe conduct. A safe conduct was granted to him and shortly afterwards Tinoco arrived in Dover; he was at once arrested though, and taken to London. He was thoroughly searched, and bills of exchange for a large sum of money and two letters from the Spanish governor of Flanders, addressed to Ferrara, were found on him.

The letters, were sent to Devereux, who decided himself to interrogate the young man, since they were previously involved together. The interrogation was conducted in French. Tinoco had a story ready that he had come to England to reveal inform the Queen of a jesuit plot against her life but he broke down under the cross-examination and contradicted himself completely. The next day Tinoco wrote a letter to William Cecil claiming he was innocent and that there was a miscommunication due to his lack of knowledge of French. This letter further incriminated him and he was interrogated once more by Devereux, and he admitted that he had been sent to England by Spanish authorities in order to see Ferrara and convince him to win over Lopes to do a service to the King Felipe.

Every line of suspicion, in Devereux’s mind, led straight to Lopes. Ferrara, Gomez, and now Tinoco all agreed that Lopes was the central point in a Spanish conspiracy. That conspiracy, if they were to be believed, was aimed against Don Antonio. Devereux confronted Elizabeth with this information and in January 1594, Lopes was arrested. Afterward he was taken into custody at Essex House, while his house in Holborn was searched thoroughly, however nothing suspicious was found. Lopes was then examined at William Cecil’s house by Robert Cecil and Devereux; the Cecil’s were apparently convinced that Lopes’ connection with these arrested servants were not suspicious. They believed this plot was part of Devereux’s dedication to anti-Spanish efforts and that he perhaps suffered from paranoia. Robert Cecil informed Elizabeth that Lopes was in the clear; apparently, she was outraged that he had been arrested at all. Subsequently, Elizabeth burst out at Devereux, exclaiming Lopes’ innocence.

The End

Don Antonio’s servants provided more evidence incriminating Lopes. One of them revealed that Lopes had sent letters to Spanish agents, proposing to poison the Queen for a payment of 50,000 crowns. On the 28th January, after two days of angry silence after this quarrel with the Queen, Devereux scribbled a note to Anthony Bacon, Francis’ elder brother, who served as his chief intelligence officer, “I have discovered a most dangerous and desperate treason. The point of conspiracy was Her Majesty’s death. The executioner should have been Dr. Lopez, the manner poison. This I have so followed that I will make it as clear as noonday.” This letter containing a plot to assassinate the Queen did in fact exist, in Lopes’ defense, he was lying to Spanish spies about offering to kill the Queen to cozy up to the King of Spain, but I think he also thought he could extort money without committing the crime. He also used the excuse that Walsingham had previously employed Lopes to have contact with the Spanish Court and that Walsingham was in on deploying this method, however it was clear that after the spy-master died, Lopes had begun illicit contact with Spain unknown to English authorities and he was not even alive to validate this theory.

Lopes, Ferrara, and Tinoco were condemned on the morning of the 28th January, after Devereux scribbled his note to Anthony Bacon. Lopes went to trial during February of 1594.

What is most peculiar to me was the Queen’s doubts about Lopes’ guilt and her prolonged hesitation to sign his death warrant. For three months his death warrant remained unsigned. It is said that was much legal duplicity that led to her being forced to sign the warrant. There were several of those who defended Lopes’ honor, including Solomon Abenjaish, formerly Alvaro Mendes, who relocated to Constantinople. There was also the unexpected arrival, after the trial was over, of an emissary from the Duke of Mitylene of Constantinople to plead in vain for Lopes’ life.

On June 7, 1594 Lopes was finally executed, hanged, drawn, and quartered before a taunting mob in London. After he was executed, the Queen took pity on the Lopes family, perhaps illicitly implying his innocence; allowing Lopes’ wife to recover his entire forfeited estate (which was not much at this point) with the exception of one item; King Felipe’s ring. Perhaps this was one of the most bizarre anecdotes of the tragic chain events. Earlier in Lopes’ negotiations with Spain, he had offered King Felipe’s ring to the Queen as a gift but she refused it. We are told that the Queen indeed kept the ring for herself and she wore it in her girdle.

Bibliography

2.) Kottek, S. (1973). Doctor Roderigo Lopes. Some Items of Medico-Historical Interest. Medical History, 17(4), 400–405. doi:10.1017/S0025727300019037

3.) Wolf, Lucien. Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 11 (1924–1927), pp. 11–12

4.) Wolf, Lucien. Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 11 (1924–1927), pp. 12–14

5.) Wolf, Lucien. Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 11 (1924–1927), pp. 24–26

6.) Gwyer, John. The Case of Dr. Lopez, Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 16 (1945–1951), p.165

7.) 45 Baio, op. cit., pp. 212–3. 46 Ibid., p. 205

8.) Wolf, Lucien. Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 11 (1924–1927), p. 20

9.) Rambam Maimonides Med J. 2017 Jul; 8 Published online 2017, Jul; 31

10.) Archivio Mediceo dopo il Principato, filz. 4185

11.) Wolf, Lucien. Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 11 (1924–1927), p. 31

12.) Gwyer, John. The Case of Dr. Lopez, Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 16 (1945–1951), p.166

13.) Gwyer, John. The Case of Dr. Lopez, Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 16 (1945–1951), p.173

14–16.) Gwyer, John. The Case of Dr. Lopez, Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 16 (1945–1951), p.177

17.) Gwyer, John. The Case of Dr. Lopez, Transactions (Jewish Historical Society of England), Vol. 16 (1945–1951), p.184