在冷战结束，苏联崩溃之后，各国共产主义政府都被推翻了。一转眼，美国成为了地球上唯一的超级强国，而共产主义在世界政坛的影响力似乎一下消失了。因此，各国政治哲学家以美国政治学者弗朗西斯·福山的理论为基础，曾经认定世界历史这个时刻到达了最终境地。
但是，从那时候起西方社会并没有一帆风顺地发展。恰恰相反，欧洲经过不断的政治冲突，正经历着每况愈下的社会动乱。这类现象破坏了苏联解体后的自由美梦，令各国的专家怀疑，西方自由主义遇到了前所未有危机。这并非仅是理论上的危机，也有及其重要的现实意义。
首先得先定义，何谓西方自由主义呢？这个问题所牵连的层面很多，然而下定义是必要的。简言之，西方自由主义的中心是世俗主义，民主法治原则，以及推动社会进步和市场自由化。
目前为止，这些原则在欧洲的实践中从三个方向面临严重挑战。第一，自由主义首当其冲的对手是宗教极端分子、伊斯兰国，及类似的恐怖组织。然而，从长远来看，伊斯兰主义对欧洲的威胁是微乎其微的。无论欧洲最近的恐怖案件在全球掀起了多大的波澜，无论恐怖分子行为多么残酷，最终，恐怖案的后果只是暂时性的破坏而已。
其次，西方自由主义影响最广泛的敌人是来自内部的，那就是法西斯主义的复兴。现在，欧洲的右翼政党正走在极端主义的道路上。说欧洲的反动政治正在爆发毫不夸张，因为欧盟的会员国家都普遍存在反动情绪。这种极右意识形态的核心是国家沙文主义，政党提出的政策打着国家安全的旗号进行对少数民族的歧视；更有甚者，在波兰匈牙利等欧洲国家，执行罪大恶极的体制性改革。
然而，当自由主义和反动思想相对抗的时侯，历来都是自由主义意识形态受到破坏。因为极端分子愿意使用自由主义敌不过的残酷策略。如何脱离这个恶性循环呢？首先我们必须承认自由主义本性的弱点，同时还要追究到问题的症结 — — 西方自由主义对阶级意识的缺乏。认清这点之后，劳动阶级被排斥在欧洲主流社会之外的现象就不难解释了。我认为，要挽救西方自由主义，根本的方法是在自由主义中加入社会精神和阶级意识。否则，欧洲未来会处于水深火热之中。
With the end of the Cold War and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, communist governments around the world fell one by one. Seemingly overnight, America assumed the role of hegemonic superpower; the influence of communism in the public sphere had instantly disappeared. Using the work of Francis Fukuyama as their theoretical inspiration, scholars of all nations embraced the belief that this new juncture represented the final stage in world history.
But since then it has not been smooth sailing for the Western world. Quite the opposite. Europe has witnessed continuous political conflict and worsening social unrest, shattering the dream of freedom born in the aftermath of the Soviet Union’s collapse. This instability has led experts to come to the conclusion that Western liberalism has arrived at a moment of crisis. The crisis of ideology at hand is by no means confined to the realm of theory. It is of vital, practical importance.
First, a definition is required. What exactly is meant by Western liberalism? This question contains multitudes, but a definition is a precondition for further analysis. In brief, the guiding principles of Western liberalism can be said to include secularism, democratic rule of law, social progress, and economic liberalization.
At the present moment, these principles and their practice face challenges from three directions and must be defended vigorously in each case. The most apparent threat to liberalism is the religious extremism espoused by Da’esh and similar terrorist organizations. But when viewed from the long run, the danger posed by such groups should not be exaggerated. No matter how brutal the actions of these extremists may be or how shocking the world may find their recent terror attacks; in the last analysis, the carnage perpetrated by these groups may be viewed as a kind of temporary damage.
Western liberalism’s most dangerous enemy is an enemy that comes from within: the resurgence of fascism across Europe. The European Right moves towards wholesale ideological extremism. To say that a reactionary wave has beset Europe would be no exaggeration. This reactionary sentiment can be readily observed in all of the EU member states. At its core is a kind of nationalist chauvinism. Waving the banner of national security, far-right governments have passed discriminatory measures against minorities, or, in the cases of Poland and Hungary, have attempted heinous restructurings of the state apparatus itself.
When liberalism is forced to confront this kind of reactionary ideology, historical experience tells us that liberalism endures serious damage. Extremists are willing to use brutal tactics that liberals do not have the means to confront. How might we break free of this vicious cycle? We do so by recognizing the third danger facing liberalism: the weakness of liberalism itself. Liberalism, as it has been implemented, lacks class consciousness, and has all too often neglected those excluded from the economic mainstream. To save Western liberalism, we must imbue it with a socially-minded spirit and class consciousness. Otherwise, Europe will be unable to escape the rising tide.
