From left to right: Dr. Evaggelia Psychogiopoulou, Anna Kandyla and Thanos Dokos.

Media Pluralism In Greece Is In Danger

A research conducted by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom in Florence is addressing issues such as political independence, social inclusiveness and protection of journalists.

Petros Konstantinidis
Published in
6 min readDec 29, 2017

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On 14 November 2017, the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) organized a conference on “Media Pluralism in Greece: Evaluation, challenges and prospects”. The conference was hosted by the Representation of the European Commission in Greece in central Athens. AthensLive was there to report on what was discussed during the event.

The conference was organised by the Greek think-tank, ELIAMEP, to officially present the results of the Greek part of the EU-wide research on media plurality, conducted by the Centre for Media Pluralism and Media Freedom (CMPF). ELIAMEP’s Dr. Evaggelia Psychogiopoulou and Anna Kandyla carried out the research on behalf of the Greek contingent, addressing issues such as political independence, social inclusiveness and protection of journalists. CMPF launched its Media Pluralism Monitor in 2009 and the first EU-wide research took place in 2016. The analysis that Psychogiopoulou and Kandyla presented in the conference consisted of the monitor’s results for Greek broadcast media for 2016. However, new developments in the media sector that took place in 2017 were also discussed, along with expectations for the future.

The results of the research were, unsurprisingly, not very pleasant for Greece’s broadcast media, which are to be found below the EU average in most indexes. More specifically, in basic protection and regulation of the sector, Greece faces a medium risk, as is the case for market plurality and political independence. As far as social inclusiveness and representation are concerned, Greece hits rock bottom in the EU, presenting a high risk.

But what does all this mean?

Basic protection refers to the laws and practices that are in place in order to protect the media sector. Standards and protection of the journalistic profession are insufficient in Greece, presenting a medium to high risk. As far as the independence and effectiveness of media authorities (specifically, the National Council of Radio and Television (ESR) for Greece) are concerned, the risk is medium. The ability of traditional media to have a universal reach is also considered to face medium risk, as is the access of Greeks to the internet. On a more positive note, the guarantees of the Greek Constitution regarding freedom of expression and the right to information seem to suffice; the risk in those areas is considered low.

As far as market plurality is concerned, the news is bad for Greece. Transparency in media ownership is almost non-existent, while commercial and owner influence over editorial content is visible. The economic viability of media faces a medium risk too, as is the case for the concentration of media ownership in the same market (e.g. television). The situation improves for the Greek media sector if we mix the different media together, as the risk of ownership concentration is low. Regulations put in place by the government in 2016 have improved Greece’s score, but, as the deck of Greek media is still being reshuffled with new players coming in and old ones leaving the table, we should expect further changes in the years to come.

When it comes to political independence, Greek broadcast media are suffering. Editorial autonomy faces a high risk, from which we can infer that there is practically no editorial autonomy — apart from a few independent news sources. The independence of public sector media is also coloured in red showing a high risk. This elevated risk is a result of the direct relations that exist between the government and the board members of the state-owned media ERT, with the government being able to appoint and dismiss board members at will. Regarding political control over media outlets, Greece is in the medium scale. Finally, state regulation of resources and support to the media sector, as well as the democratic electoral process in the media, face a low risk.

Regarding social inclusiveness in the media sector, Greece ranks very low within the EU. Access of minorities to the media is very limited (high risk) and so is the access of local communities and local media to the mainstream sources of information. Greek media are also inadequate in meeting the needs of disabled people (medium risk), while the presence of women in broadcasting media is also rather weak (medium risk). Finally, as far as media literacy is concerned, the Greek public gets an average score — which translates to a medium risk. Basic digital communication and digital usage skills, however, are significantly below the EU average.

All in all, the Greek broadcast media seem to be lacking important elements in order to keep up with their EU counterparts and this is worrisome for democracy in Greece. According to National Kapodistrian University of Athens professor of media studies Giorgos Pleios, who has conducted important research in the university’s media lab, numbers show that the media play a decisive role in electoral behaviour. With Greek broadcast media being politically biased — especially during the crisis years — we can understand the gravity of the situation.

Even in the case of the 2015 referendum on austerity, when 61,3% of the electorate voted “No”, the role played by broadcast media (all of which — except for state-owned ERT — were vocal supporters of the “Yes” vote) was evident. This was especially highlighted during the news bulletin of Mega channel three days before the referendum. When actor Kleon Grigoriadis (who was supporting the “No” vote) complained to host journalist Maria Sarafoglou regarding the bias of private broadcast media, she dismissed his claims. “It’s not my fault that all the social groups support the “Yes” vote,” she said.

Other important issues that Greek media face were also discussed during the conference, such as the representation of women and the dominant rhetoric regarding gender roles. “The Greek media are contributing to the normalization of violence,” according to Katerina Loukidou of the General Secretariat for Gender Equality (GSGE). Loukidou also presented the GSGE’s plan of action for the period between 2016 and 2020, through which the Greek state will push for a stronger representation of women in the media, in addition to television programmes that present feminist views.

As shown from the CMPF monitor’s results, Greek media need to progress a lot in order to reach EU standards. The economic hardships the country faces are certainly not helping the media sector to improve, but this cannot be an excuse for stagnation. First and foremost, according to Aristotle University of Thessaloniki professor Elsa Deligianni, “Greece needs a proper press council to regulate the media sector”. Along with Poland, Greece is the only EU country without a press council. The present government has taken some initiative to reform the country’s media sector according to EU standards, but there is still a long way ahead. And, like everything in Greece, the road will not be straight.

This publication has been produced within the partnership with Osservatorio Balcani e Caucaso for the European Centre for Press and Media Freedom (ECPMF), co-funded by the European Commission. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of media partner AthensLive and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union.

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Petros Konstantinidis
AthensLive

Journalist from Athens, Greece. Deep faith in democracy.