Antiquity of Bengali Folktales
Some of us are aware of antique Bengali folklore and fairy tales. But defining exactly where and when a story was developed is almost impossible. We can define the antiquity of Mayanamati and Gorakshavijay stories comparing those with similar stories found in southern and northern parts of India. But there are another segment of orally transmitted Bengali folktales those were never written till the mid-16th century. These include some of the fairy tales, tales those are probably developed to entertain village listeners, not exclusively for children and Bratakatha — stories told by men and women as part of rituals performed addressing particular god at home. Some stories describing Bengali trader’s sea-voyage or their drawing social respect almost like a king suggest the story’s old origin while sea-voyage to that extent was not at all acceptable in Puranic period. Sea-voyages elaborately described in Mangalkavyas, the post 13th century literature seem quote from memories as we find only fantasy of the life in ocean there, no historical clue. The language used in post 13th century Bengali literature is quite modern and fine in comparison to the tales we are talking about.
These are not stories preaching moral that suits the ethical standard set in the post-puranic era. The goals characters achieve at the end are sometimes more social than personal. Do these stories present an old Bengali society where community’s requirement superseded personal needs? If there is goodwill behind composing the stories, that is social benifit for which characters, especially women sacrifice their lives. The society these talk about is utterly paternalistic, but it’s women who take lead to maintain that social structure. Sometimes several women join hands to fulfill a common goal. These stories were created orally and might have been preserved as orally–transmitted poems for few centuries before collected and written by researchers of medieval Bengal. And the eternal truth we discover from these stories is, human nature do not change with changes in the pattern of civilization. Emotions those stir us the most these days, moved people same way thousand year back.
Puranic era brought a big change in Bengali worldview — there is fundamental difference in societal norms, rituals, and philosophy between pre-puranic and post-puranic era. The social environment and religious concept found in Charyapada, or even Goraksha literature vanishes in post-puranic era. Pre-puranic era is the period when instead of Shiva, Surya the sun god was supposed to marry Gauri, and Shiva the romantic one is spotted instead of our known puranic Bholenath. More interesting is this Shiva in place of our familiar lover Krishna goes for boat ride with sixteen hundred female followers. We are talking about a period when puranic gods like Ram, Krishna, Ganapati and the like did not gain popularity in Bengal. In fact if we consider folklore of Bengal as illustrative example of Bengal’s religious view, even powerful Vedic gods like Agni, Indra, Varun, did not create an impact comparing to Thua, Bhadali, Dhata (Dharmathakur) and other folk deities. These are stories where Bidhatapurush and his messengers sneak into the newborn’s room to write the baby’s fate on its forehead or comes down to earth to change the fate written once being moved by the plight of a king. Surya is mentioned here, but he comes in a regional form mismatching the one from Vedas. The stories related to Thua and Bhadali–lore, Surya-lore and stories like Shankhamala collected by Dakshinaranjan Mitra-Mazumdar are examples here. We remember the Goda-yama of Maynamati songs, the Yama who does not resemble Yama- the puranic god of death. A closer look at the gods mentioned in these stories helps us understand that like in Maynamati songs, Dharmathakur, who seems very much a Hindu transformation of a Buddhist god, is worshipped as significant deity in these folk stories. At the same time, these stories do not show any sign of Bhakti-movement that swept Bengal in 15th century, neither they bear slightest influence of Ramayana, Mahabharata, Puran or Bhagavata which became the influencer behind all post 15th century literary creations. The story of Madhumala, and also Malanchamala, refers to 12 Vedas and 8 Puranas which comes as shocking statement to us who are familiar with Hindu historical and conventional beliefs of 4 Vedas and 18 Puranas. Did the stories emerge at a period when Veda’s and Puranas were not structured the way we know them? We do not have any concrete evidence here, but can see clearly that these stories did not have association with mainstream (Brahmin) literature which today we consider dominant one in Indian literary tradition.
Linguistic and stylistic analysis says that most of these stories might have been developed in the gap between end of Buddhist literary era and beginning of Puranic literary era. The metaphors and similes do not follow the rules the sanscritized literature. These tales never describe the hero and heroin from their head to toe like Indian classical literature does — so we never see stereotypes like sesame-flower like nose of the female protagonist here. Only her extravagant long black hair finds mention. This is remarkable while not even humble poets in post-puranic era could avoid stereotype of describing human body parts comparing faces with moon and lotus flower, female breasts with pomegranate and thighs with banana-stems. There is no monotonous description of gorgeous lady’s jewelry too. She appears in flame-coloured jute-silk saree. Yes, jute-silk was not only auspicious in ancient Bengal, it was costly and fashionable one which only the rich of the land could access once. Even in the beginning of 20th century, many orthodox Bengalis used to dress in jute-silk cloth for auspicious ceremonies, not Banarasi.
Let’s take few lines of Shankhamala’s story those resemble remarkably with Mayanmati song. I remember when the Shankha trader’s sister describes the inability of a woman to retain her youth during her long stay abroad. We must remember professional demand forced merchants to stay years abroad while their young wives stayed at home, counting days for their husband’s returning home. She says, “Neither (The youth) is something that I can preserve in the barn\ Nor this is vermillion powder purchased from a trader that I can preserve in a casket.”
With the same tone, Gopichand’s wife in Maynamati songs expresses same grief little elaborately:
“(My youth) is not like paddy, rice or clothes I can preserve in storehouse.
This is not ration I can supply king’s forces in battleground.
This is not a letter I can stamp like emperor’s excise-men
Not flowers in gardener’s home using which I can make garland
Youth neither is oil in oilman’s home I can sell in the market.
Nor is this thread in the loom, colour of which can be changed.
Tell me how I shall keep my mutinous youth pristine
Give me an answer my voyageur, if you are listening.” (From Maynamati song)
The stories Shankhamala, Puspamala and Malanchamala were evolved in the rural or ancient urban areas of this country. The elements of purity, conception of love and moral feelings are different here. These are written in combination of prose and lyrics. The charm of rural life, gurgling of juvenile delight, energy of enchanted youth, love of pure women, renunciation of saints and the devotion of martyrs are the emotions combined in these tales. The way feminine ideas are depicted differs significantly from later expressions of feminine ideas. Needless to say the femininity expressed here doesn’t conform to modern feminism. Malanchamala’s character becomes strong with her strong determination, Kanchanmala’s devotion to husband’s welfare becomes her strength and Rupalal’s remorse for rejecting a true wife brings us memories of some long-lost regional values back. Madhumala’s as well as Malanchamala’s story may seem awkward if compared to modern feminist concepts and even with puranic feminism. This makes us remember the power of extreme penance stated in Buddhist and Jain tradition — Malanchamala transforms into a goddess through self-sacrifice. The way ghost, evils and supernatural elements arrive on her funeral pyre to threat her and the way she turns them back showing courage makes us remember Mara’s attack on mediating Buddha. Her endurance makes her comparable only to an Indian yogi. In the one hand glimmer of wealth and on the other, celebration of the very spirit of renunciation — this essence of Indian monastic traditions of Buddhist and Jain philosophy shows clearly in the story.
Major evidence of the antiquity of these Bengali folktales, of which Bratakatha is a significant branch, lies in their illustration of society based on trading economy. Descriptions of sea-voyage found in later Mangalkavya’s composed in 15th\16th century seem artificial comparing to description in these folklores. How women created patterns with rice-paste on their courtyards seeking divine help to ensure safe journey of near ones, how wives opened their hair to clean the feet of their husbands before they set out, how sailors asked the traders whether they have been granted permission for a long journey by all their family members as well as gods, how eight temple towers (Ashtachudā- ātchālā) were properly decorated and the arrangements were made for god’s food during their absence — become our source for historical reconstruction. The sailors used to mark their boats with vermillion-oil paste, specially decorated the principal one of the fleet, prepared lamps those were lit round the clock, hanged canopies bedecked with jewels and flag emblemed with the name of the trader on the front of the fleet. Also the dishonesty of some traders in a market is vividly painted in some lines collected in Thakurdadar jhuli.
“Some traders sell poisonous wood instead of the cinnamon.
Some sell cheap goods for a fortune
Some pack useless stone in nice casket
On pretext of having precious ones in the basket.”
These tales talk about a period when caste-division did not define strong social — discrimination. The prince and the trader’s son are getting the same royal treatment. Also when wedding is celebrated, the caste of the bride and groom is not mentioned but the extravagance is narrated in detail. Another interesting aspect is the absence of Brahmins in these stories. In couple of places Brahmin appears but as astrologer or teacher without much importance. On the other hand, when the trader’s mother in Shankhamala tells her son: “You are not a fisherman, nor one of those who deal in flowers. Don’t you know that you are a merchant?” — we see utmost pride of merchant community regarding their social status. This story certainly does not belong to a feudal society where Brahmins and Warrior clan grab the highest attention. We know of such a high value of business class only in Buddhist\Jain influenced period, much before familiar Puranas gained power. When merchant class is in power, normal that the names of prominent characters would be named after gold, gemstones, silver and conch-shells which have enormous value as asset. The way these group of tales associates pride with diamonds and precious gemstones, was not possible during a Brahmin dominated era, when poverty and spiritual wealth became matter of pride. When stories show wealth defining social status more than caste, we can place those stories prior to puranic era when caste-identity was not a matter of concern.
This category of folktales is adorned with numerous idiomatic expressions, the meaning of many of which is difficult to decipher these days. Many of them seem riddles used to enhance the power of story. Also independent idioms and phrases like “Khanar Bachan” or “Daker bachan” were presumably developed during the same time. Translating idioms in another language in not possible. We will try to discuss the stories of this period in detail in our next episodes.
