The Source of Azerbaijan’s Armenian Genocide Denial

Caucasus-Asia Center
Caucasus Asia Center
10 min readFeb 18, 2022

In April of 2021 US President Joe Biden did something that no other president had done: he recognized the Armenian Genocide as a genocide.[i] This statement was met with cries of joy from the USA’s large Armenian community. While Armenians around the world have fought for this recognition, two countries are well known for denying that this event ever happened or at the very least downplaying it: Turkey and Azerbaijan. The USA’s ally, Turkey, reacted to this statement with outrage, adding more tension to already crumbling American-Turkish relations. Turkey acknowledges that a tragic incident occurred, but claims the number killed is inflated and denies that it qualifies as a genocide.[ii]

Meanwhile, in Turkey’s sister country and strategic partner, Azerbaijan, President Aliyev stated that Biden’s statement was “unacceptable” and “significantly damaged the emerging cooperation trends in the region,” referring to the robust ties between Azerbaijan and the US.[iii] The country’s foreign affairs ministry posted a statement shortly after Biden’s declaration, claiming that “those who politicize the so-called “Armenian genocide” are silent on the massacre of more than 500,000 people by Armenian armed groups at that time, as well as the massacres committed by Armenian Dashnaks in Baku and other regions of Azerbaijan in March 1918” and that “the events of 1915 should be studied by historians, not politicians… Armenia, which wants to cover up the events and try to portray itself as an oppressed country, did not accept Turkey’s proposal to investigate the events of that period by a joint historical commission.”[iv] Many American politicians and historians dismiss these statements as cries of nationalism and propaganda, but these historical claims are widely adhered two by the populations of Turkey and Azerbaijan.

While many believe that the motivations are purely political, the same can’t be said for these nations’ citizens. Political analysts often claim that Turks and Azerbaijanis are merely victims of their governments’ propaganda. But is that really the case? While the Azerbaijani community in the US is miniscule compared to the Armenian-American community, it is important to consider their viewpoint if the matter is to be settled.

I interviewed several Azerbaijani immigrants who live in the United States. Those I interviewed have lived outside of Azerbaijan for over a decade, exposed to numerous points of view. Most Azerbaijani immigrants are not very politically active, as most are still adjusting to life in the United States. Each had differing opinions on whether the US should get involved in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, Azerbaijan’s government, America’s immigration process, American presidents, and life as an immigrant in the USA. However, when discussing the Armenian Genocide, their answers were almost unanimous, addressing the exact same concerns and political points as Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Every Azerbaijani I talked to, all of them university-educated, open minded individuals capable of criticizing their home country in other aspects, downplayed the Armenian Genocide and did not recognize it as a genocide. All names are omitted to protect the interviewees.

“Armenia is attached to the past” was the response I got from one man, who I will refer to as Farid. Farid immigrated to the USA in the early 2000s and works for the U.S.-Azerbaijanis Network (USAN), a grassroots movement that encourages Azerbaijani immigrants to be more politically active. Farid, along with others I interviewed, had an arsenal of historical claims that I cannot confirm or deny as I am not a historian. However, none of those I interviewed said that the killings never happened, but said something similar to what the Turkish government claims. Most said the numbers were inflated. Others referenced the numerous Turks and Muslims killed at the hands of Armenians during the same time period, a few saying that Armenians killed just as many, if not more Turks at the time. Most seemed to imply that these killings were just a tragic outcome of a horrid war, that these civilian casualties were motivated by the World War surrounding it rather than a planned ethnic cleansing. One woman, Julia, said that there was a relocation of Armenians due to the war, but there was no genocide. Another, Murad, suggested that the deaths happened because the Armenians were starting an uprising, implying that the Turks acted to prevent violence. These beliefs are prevalent regardless of education, class, or time in the USA. Julia has a PhD and immigrated in 2016, and Murad has a degree in engineering and has lived in America since 2009. Across the internet, the exact same points are made by Turks and Azerbaijanis across the world.

Azerbaijanis protesting sham of an event organized by Armenian lobby & embassy in the Congress -1

The first major point Turks and Azerbaijanis use to refute the Armenian Genocide comes from a case of mistaken numbers. The Armenian side claims that the Turks killed 600,000 to 1.5 million Armenians over two years.[v] However, the number of how many Muslim civillians were killed by the Armenian Dashnaks and Hunchaks in Eastern Anatolia varies just as greatly. The sources Turkish and Azerbaijani opponents use for internet debates have various issues. Door Mark Leverne notes massacres in Erzinjan and Erzurum of 1918 where 10,000 were killed and 250 Muslim villages were burnt down, but does not differentiate between Armenians and the French.[vi] Edward Roger Owens notes that 2 million died between (1912–1922), but does not differentiate between civilians and soldiers and implies this is the total death count as a result of the war, not those killed by Armenians.[vii] A few sources, such as William St. Clair, say these killings took place from 1850 to 1915, a period of 65 years, building a narrative that the massacres of Armenians were done as an act of revenge or self defense. These numbers are sometimes mistaken for being the death tolls over two to three years. Many sources cited in these online discussions lead to a long page of unsourced claims or are pages from news sources sponsored by the Turkish government.

[Image Courtesy: Twitter handle @more&more]

The only source I did find that was remotely relevant was Rudolph J. Rummel’s Statistics of Democide: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900, a source commonly cited by Turks. Rummel states the number of Muslims civilians killed between 1914 and 1915 was around 128,000, and overall would be 600,000 but notes that this number does not differentiate the Muslims killed by Russians and Armenians. He acknowledged the presence of Russians, halving the total and attributing 75,000 deaths to “Armenian irregulars” between 1914 and 1915.[viii] Rommel acknowledges the Turkish claims of 1 million deaths, but states there’s no affirmation other than former Young Turks and their officials. A few of those I interviewed mentioned Russian influence, stating that they believed the Armenians were brainwashed by the Russians, and that they felt sorry for the Armenians in that regard.[ix]

With all these numbers and technical issues, in addition to a language barrier, it’s very easy to mistake one statistic for another. When these statistics are used, it is often the time period, the presence of another party, and the responsible party that gets lost in translation. In addition, all the non-Turkish sources estimate the number of Armenians killed to be between the numbers claimed by the Armenian side. The only way for this issue to be cleared is to remind others of the context of their sources, or to find a reliable source. Despite skepticism, the Turkish and Azerbaijani side seems to believe that such a source exists.

The single greatest objective I heard from each interviewee revolved around Armenia’s refusal to open their national archives. After looking into this issue further, this is also the biggest talking point parroted across the internet by Turks and Azerbaijanis, promoted solely on Turkish media outlets such as TRT world. The Turkish outlets that I read claim that Armenia is refusing to open its archives from 1915, arousing suspicion from skeptics.[x] While I could not find an Armenian response to this, I did learn that while Turkey did open its own archives, there are a few sections of said archives that remain sealed and claims that Turkey destroyed some of their documents, so the Turkish archives are not as transparent as they claim to be.[xi]

According to those I interviewed, when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan came to power, he offered to open an investigation into the Armenian Genocide through an international court. This investigation would involve Turkey and Armenia opening their archives to scholars from the USA and Europe to do an investigation to determine whether or not the events constitute a genocide. Supposedly, through this trial, Turkey would be forced to pay reparations to Armenia. Armenia apparently refuses to open their archives and refuses to go through with this. “By not opening the archives, it’s clear that they are hiding something,” said Julia.

Farid explained to me in detail why Azerbaijanis and Turks believe Armenia has not brought this issue to an international court. According to him, “Armenians are afraid of two things. The first is if the archives are studied, it would be disclosed that Armenian militants killed 600,000 Turks and the numbers would be under question.” He, along with multiple interviewees, also added that the number that Armenians claim were massacred were greater than the number of Armenians that lived there, another fact that would be revealed with the opening of the archive.

The second thing that Armenians fear, according to him, is “if the genocide issue is removed, Armenians have no ideology to unite around.” Everyone I interviewed implied that Armenians have a fixation on nationalism. The grassroots leader discussed that the Armenian Genocide issue and the Armenian church are part of the Armenian identity and part of a “national ideology”, stating that if this issue disappeared, the Armenian government would fear that Armenians would forget about nationalism.

Since all the outlets discussing this archive issue were from Turkey, and thus subject to bias, I am still unsure about the validity of these claims, especially the historical claims. However, whether this archival debate is a legitimate claim or not, it is currently the backbone of Armenian Genocide denial and needs to be addressed. It appears as if this archival argument has not been addressed in Western outlets and is ignored by every Western government. By doing so, this point continues to be believed by Azerbaijanis, Turks, and Armenian Genocide deniers around the world. Those I interviewed said they were willing to accept another view if their points were addressed. However, the thought of this point taking the main stage in the Armenian Genocide debate raises many questions. If these points were addressed or debunked, would it make a difference? Or would this lingering tension and nationalism from the recent war continue to make the Armenian Genocide’s existence a subject of eternal debate? Is it insulting to expect Armenia to provide answers to a group of people it shares such a brutal history with? Or is the burden of proof supposed to be on the claimant? If Armenia really hasn’t opened their national archives, could opening them bring a little bit of harmony to these neighbors? Or would there be inevitable claims of hiding and destroying evidence? Is it solely the responsibility of Turkey to resolve this issue? Or should activists for Armenian Genocide recognition focus on what they can do instead of what they can’t? Would convincing Turks and Azerbaijanis outside of their home countries make a difference? Or would it only raise more issues?

However, one thing is clear: by dismissing Azerbaijan’s statements as propaganda and excuses, American politicians and Armenian activists are ignoring the actual causes of denial. While it is generally accepted among Western historians that these events constitute as a genocide, simply dismissing the objections of Azerbaijanis and Turks as genocide denial only escalates the dispute and deepens denial. Whether these claims are true or not, American politicians should come to understand this issue from both sides if they ever wish to resolve it. Azerbaijanis in the West need to find their voices, however few, if they wish to be included in this conversation. Lastly, Armenian activists should take the Azerbaijani point of view into consideration, lest their pleas for recognition continue to fall on deaf ears.

Author: Courtnet Weigal is a fellow at the Caucasus-Asia Center.

[Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. They do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of the Caucasus-Asia Center or its members.]

[i] The White House (April 24, 2021). Statement by President Joe Biden on Armenian Remembrance Day. Available at: https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2021/04/24/statement-by-president-joe-biden-on-armenian-remembrance-day/

[ii] Din, B., 2021. Biden recognizes Armenian genocide. [online] POLITICO. Available at: <https://www.politico.com/news/2021/04/24/biden-recognizes-armenian-genocide-484539> [Accessed 22 January 2022].

[iii] Mammadli, N., 2021. Azerbaijan Condemns President Biden’s Statement on So-Called “Armenian Genocide”. [online] Caspian News. Available at: <https://caspiannews.com/news-detail/azerbaijan-condemns-president-bidens-statement-on-so-called-armenian-genocide-2021-4-25-1/> [Accessed 22 January 2022].

[iv] Republic of Azerbaijan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2021. Commentary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Azerbaijan on the Statement by President of the United States of America on Armenian Remembrance Day. Baku.

[v]Morris, B & Ze’evi, D. (2019). The Thirty-Year Genocide: Turkey’s Destruction of Its Christian Minorities, 1894–1924. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978–0–674–91645–6.

[vi]Levene, M. (2018). Devastation: Volume I: The European Rimlands 1912–1938. Oxford University Press.

[vii]Owen, E. R., Owen, R., & Pamuk, Ş. (1998). A history of Middle East economies in the twentieth century. Harvard University Press.

[viii]Rummel, R. J. (1998). Statistics of Democide: Genocide and mass murder since 1900. LIT Verlag Münster.

[ix]Ibid.

[x]Ileri, K. (2021). ‘Armenia has refused to open their archives’: US lawyer. [online] Aa.com.tr. Available at: <https://www.aa.com.tr/en/americas/interview-armenia-has-refused-to-open-their-archives-us-lawyer/2228020> [Accessed 22 January 2022].

[xi] Dixon, J. (2010). “Defending the Nation? Maintaining Turkey’s Narrative of the Armenian Genocide”. South European Society and Politics. 15 (3): 467–485.

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Caucasus-Asia Center
Caucasus Asia Center

The Caucasus-Asia Center, a non-partisan org, works toward building people and business links between the Greater Caucasus and countries from across Asia.