Poland and Migration Security
by David Thomas
As Europe welcomed extraordinary numbers of Ukrainian refugees after the escalated Russian attack on Ukraine on February 24th, 2022, it had to navigate the implications that this enormous migrating population has laid on European states, their institutions, economies and populations. UNICEF records that as of November 29th, 2022, an estimated 7.9 million Ukrainian refugees have fled their country, with millions being dislocated internally, creating the most significant displacement of people, in size and pace, since the Second World War.
I argue that while the securitization of migration has sometimes viewed large movements of people intra-state as potentially destabilizing, Poland has given further evidence that this mindset is not always the most useful for comprehending migration security. Indeed, for Poland, accepting refugees during the war has been an overwhelmingly positive experience. Resultantly, Western countries should not be afraid to continue to admit refugees fleeing the conflict in Ukraine.
Nevertheless, any significant flow of people, such as those fleeing Ukraine and entering other European countries, can be perceived by governments as a threat to their sovereignty. Additionally, in situations where there is a significant influx of refugees or migrants, academics have noted that right-wing parties may utilize anti-immigration policies as a main component of their platforms.
Therefore, to challenge how this notion is not always the most effective for understanding the migrant movement, it is notable to consider the reasonable ease with which the Ukrainian refugee population was accepted into Polish communities. Especially considering that the nation, over the past decade, has experienced a sizeable media discourse on migration. A study found that conservative media focused on the potential disadvantages of immigration and amplified the voices of those protesting it. These news outlets often choose to focus on the broader context of immigration to Europe and, less specifically, to Poland. In contrast, centrist and left media sources considered the incoming movement to Poland and, more precisely, economic migration and war refugees from Ukraine, with Wyborcza dedicating a paper to giving refugees a voice.
Interestingly, while the far-right Confederation party has condemned immigration in recent years, and stated that Ukrainian refugees receive too many benefits, the rest of the political spectrum, even including traditional right-wing parties, have been specifically supportive of incoming Ukrainian migration due to the war. While there has been a vocal minority expressing resentment for the support their government has given Ukrainian refugees, 83% of Poles are still in favour of admitting more Ukrainian refugees. Moreover, it found that 50% of Poles actively aided incoming Ukrainians. While more research and polling would be needed for certainty, these polls suggest that the whole political spectrum, excluding the far-right periphery and the vast majority of the general population, has welcomed the incoming sizeable numbers of Ukrainian refugees.
While some security studies articles focus on the multiplier effects of refugees on both political and economic issues, the Polish example further demonstrates how large influxes of migrants do not always lead to negative effects on these systems. In economic terms, Poland has spent 8.36 billion euros in assistance for and maintaining the Ukrainian refugee population during 2022, the largest amount in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). While this is a considerable investment, there is evidence that the incoming Ukrainian population is and will continue to contribute to the Polish economy.
Modern economists point to the benefits of immigrant communities, stating that kinship and mutual aid often allow greater capacity for resilience. Most importantly, I have found that the evidence for migrants performing economically worse than locales is poor to nonexistent. With this in mind, a survey conducted by the Polish EWL Migration Platform has shown that two-thirds of Ukrainian refugees fleeing to Poland have higher education and wish to find employment in the country. While two-thirds of them have dependents and half further wish to return to Ukraine after the end of hostilities eventually, EWL states that these educated individuals will greatly contribute to the Polish GDP by replenishing staff deficiencies and assisting in the expansion of Polish enterprises. One-third have noted their intention of staying in Poland after the war and thus will continue to partake in the Polish economy beneficially.
Furthermore, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe’s (OSCE) committee on migration has emphasized that as the war is turning into an enduring struggle of attrition, member states must look past temporary solutions and establish permanent housing, job opportunities and proper access to education, all while managing the requirements of incoming refugees. The OECD’s International Migration Outlook 2022 notes that Poland is an EU country that is transitioning away from short-term policies by allowing Ukrainian refugees the opportunity to attain three-year residency permits, perhaps making them more likely to stay and contribute.
Years before the current escalated invasion, Ukrainians made up the majority of those applying for permanent residence in Poland, followed by Belarussians, Russians, Vietnamese and Armenians. Therefore, the high representation of Ukrainian communities prior to February 2022 in Poland may have played a role in the ease with which a large number of war migrants were integrated into society and the economy. Although a study released in February 2023 did emphasize how local Polish and religious communities, individuals, and NGOs aided the refugees and, in some cases, have moved from an emergency phase of aid to one of adaption and integration. This support for Ukrainian refugees may have been additionally strengthened by a widespread belief among Poland and other Eastern European countries that unites them against Russia’s irredentist aspirations.
With this in consideration, Poland had the highest number of refugees, 1.38 million as of mid-September 2022 and recorded more than 9.7 million border crossings by February 2023. The willingness and active assistance of the population and the government’s ability to successfully provide support paved the way for the easy incorporation of highly educated refugees into the economy over both short and long-term periods. Resultantly, Europe and the West should continue to aid Ukraine by accepting its refugee population as a humanitarian endeavour, but also due to the benefits made by the short and long-term contributions of Ukrainian refugees, especially considering the overall support of the Western populace.
David Thomas is a Queen’s University Belfast student undertaking a Master's in Violence, Terrorism and Security.
