Houthi Rebels, Israel and Global Trade: Modern Piracy Takes the Global Stage
By Marion Cordebart, Scarlett Dezan, Cléo Gerigny, and Alexandra Morosova
Pirates are not only of the fantasy realm, they exist and operate even today in several parts of the world. With recent developments in the Middle East, Houthi attacks and cases of piracy in the Red Sea have grown in number. The operations are carried out by Iran-backed rebels based in Yemen, and target ships linked to Israel in the Red Sea. We aim to analyze these events and their effects on the transatlantic relationship.
Ever since the beginning of Israel’s attack on the Gaza Strip, the group has been hijacking commercial ships and launching attacks with drones, missiles, and speedboats. By blocking resources from reaching Israel, Houthis justify their actions through a discourse of humanitarian aid toward Palestine. Although the rebels claimed navigation would remain secure for all international merchant vessels (except for those with any links to Israel), this has not been the case. On December 9th 2023, the Houthi announced a prohibition on ships from all nationalities traveling to and from Israeli ports, unless humanitarian aid was permitted to enter the Gaza Strip. This zone is the busiest route connecting Asia, Europe, and East Africa, with roughly 12% of global trade passing through this corridor. Following this drop in maritime security in the Red Sea since the attacks, shipping vessels around the world avoid the region, instead rerouting through the Good Hope Cape, which adds shipping time and costs as well as halts production and supply.
The hostilities in the Red Sea may have long-term consequences in the Middle East and on the global economy. The economic consequences are astronomical, potentially leading to long-term price increases and impacting the global economy through increased inflation. Additionally, according to a Yemeni researcher, Mohammad Ali Thamer, the formation of a US-led coalition involving, Canada, Bahrain, France, and the Netherlands signals the coalition’s broader interest in securing a hold on the Red Sea through militarisation and expansion of the Western sphere of influence; especially since the Red Sea is a region in which the US recognised strategic significance since October 1973. Due to the immense instability in the region and its position as a focal point of international competition, such intervention even risks escalating hostility into a wider regional or global conflict.
Transatlantic Cooperation
The United States announced a global mission on 18 December 2023 dedicated to suppressing the Houthi rebels’ activities in the Red Sea. Entitled Operation Prosperity Guardian, the mission’s aim is to preserve freedom of navigation in international waterways and counter the threat of Houthi attacks against commercial shipping in the Red Sea. This is a large-scale operation, bringing together the 40 countries of the Combined Maritime Forces and the leadership of Task Force 153, including some European countries such as France, Italy, and the Netherlands. The operation has carried out strikes against the Houthis in Yemen since 12 January.
More recently on 19 February 2024, the European Council decided to launch in parallel Operation ASPIDES, commanded by Italy and already joined by France, Germany and Greece. Although the aims are relatively similar to the US operation, with its main goals being restoring maritime security and freedom of navigation, the Europe-led operation claims to be purely defensive. On the other hand, Operation Prosperity Guardian has involved strikes on Yemen aimed at disrupting the Houthi’s ability to launch attacks. This European-centered operation also means that some countries, like France, who were part of the American operation have now fully joined ASPIDES, effectively removing themselves from the American operation.
This does not mean that there will be no cooperation, as both operations will work side-by-side to provide a persistent naval presence in the Red Sea and increase the operations’ capability to neutralize the maritime threat posed by the Houthis. But these two distinct operations underline some broader tensions in the transatlantic alliance that require further exploration.
Impact on the Transatlantic Relationship
A recent joint statement by the US and EU condemning Houthi actions demonstrated common values, including values surrounding the necessity of navigational rights and freedoms, between the transatlantic partners. Additionally, the US and EU have similar interests in trying to mitigate the potential rise in global inflation and shipping delays resulting from the current situation. Ultimately, these common concerns resulted in the unanimous vote for the aforementioned EU Defensive Maritime Operation to join the navy operation led by the US. Many view this as a ‘complement’ to the US Operation Prosperity Guardian, ultimately strengthening transatlantic cooperation.
However, others interpret the US-EU relationship as one filled with tension, in which the US tries to ‘control’ the EU. Additionally, some analysts suspect fissures between the Western partners. For example, Ursula von der Leyen has commented that the situation in the Red Sea reflects a need for a “stronger European presence”, seemingly deemphasizing the rhetoric of Europe being a ‘complement’ to the US in favor of the EU standing on its own in the geopolitical sphere. Such a move toward greater EU autonomy has been demonstrated by France’s withdrawal from the US operations in favor of EU operations in addition to the EU’s choice to begin independent operations as opposed to joining the US directly. David Des Roches, associate professor at the Near East South Asia Center for Security Studies, argues the EU is indeed trying “to forge its own identity in the military realm distinct from NATO, which it sees as US-dominated”.
The US and EU also differ in their tactics in the Red Sea. As mentioned, the US and UK use both defensive and offensive measures on water and land, while the EU ASPIDES operation will only intercept drones and missiles to protect ships and not offensively neutralize threats on land. Ultimately, the EU seems to want to distance itself from the actions of the US, especially as some experts worry the US strikes on Houthi targets in Yemen may escalate the conflict within the region. However, as skeptics argue that defense posturing alone is not enough to deter the attacks, the EU may be pressured by the US to increase their range of activities in the Red Sea. With such diverging approaches adding to diplomatic sensitivities, in which multiple EU states remain hesitant of severe action at the risk of damaging ties with central Middle Eastern allies that do not support US strikes, transatlantic cooperation may be under threat.
Looking Ahead
Despite military counter operations by the United States, Honour Lane Shipping has estimated that the Houthi attacks in the Red Sea could continue for up to a year. To minimize the resulting supply chain disturbances and overall economic burden, NATO members are still calling for stronger cooperation. Experts including US Navy Rear Admiral (Ret.) Mark Montgomery believe that stronger cooperation will be beneficial to resuming normal European trade operations with Africa and Asia. Many foreign affairs specialists further remark on the need for the EU, US and UK to urgently call for a ceasefire between Israel and Palestine, emphasizing the necessity of a collective transatlantic response. Calling for transatlantic cooperation is crucial for collectively addressing this conflict in a more effective and united way.
Looking ahead, a potential solution lies in the Arctic. In the event that a ceasefire is not negotiated and Houthi attacks continue for a prolonged period of time, the Northern Sea route presents an alternative opportunity for resuming trade. Running from the Barents Sea to the Bering Strait, this route has been considered as a potentially faster and more eco-friendly alternative to the Suez Canal. Although it is not currently practical due to environmental challenges, the establishment of such a passage may be worth the effort in the long-term. This alternative route could provide a way to avoid Houthi attacks and keep vessels safe, whilst also reducing international economic and political reliance on ships passing through the Red Sea.
Marion Cordebart is a Second-Year Politics, Psychology, Law and Economics Student majoring in Economics.
Scarlett Dezan is a Second-Year student pursuing a Bachelor of Science in Politics, Psychology, Law and Economics at the University of Amsterdam, particularly majoring in Politics.
Cléo Gerigny is a Second-Year student, pursuing a bachelor of Politics, Psychology, Law and Economics at the University of Amsterdam, and majoring in Law.
Alexandra Morosova is a Second-Year Politics, Psychology, Law and Economics (PPLE) student at the University of Amsterdam, majoring in Law.
All four writers are 2023–24 European Horizons Transatlantic Fellows.
