Filistin meselesi, Türkiye için yalnızca bir dış politika konusu değil, aynı zamanda bölgesel güvenliğin sağlanması açısından da hayati öneme sahiptir. 2010 yılında Tunus’ta patlak veren Arap Baharı, bölgedeki ülkeleri siyasi ve ekonomik anlamda istikrarsızlaştırmış, özellikle Suriye’deki iç savaş, Türkiye’yi doğrudan etkileyen ağır sonuçlar doğurmuştur. Türkiye, bu süreçte sınır komşusu olmanın bedelini ağır ödemiştir. Yine Filistin’deki çatışmaların Türkiye’ye sıçrama ihtimali, bölgesel güvenlik açısından büyük bir risk oluşturmuştur.

Türkiye’nin Filistin konusundaki aktif diplomasisi, hem bölgesel istikrarın korunması hem de küresel güç dengeleri açısından önemlidir. Türkiye’nin bu süreçteki rolü, yalnızca kendi ulusal güvenliğini değil, aynı zamanda bölgedeki diğer aktörlerle olan ilişkilerini de şekillendirmektedir.

Türkiye’nin Filistin davasına kayıtsız kalması, hem bölgesel güvenliği tehlikeye atabilir hem de tarihsel sorumluluklarının göz ardı edilmesi anlamına gelir. Filistin’deki ateşin Türkiye’ye sıçramasını önlemek için, Türkiye’nin proaktif bir dış politika izleyerek çözümler üretmesi elzemdir.

Türkiye’nin Filistin meselesindeki rolü, aynı zamanda uluslararası güç dengelerini ve Türkiye’nin bölgesel liderlik iddiasını da etkiler. Türkiye’nin Filistin konusundaki duruşu, sadece Ortadoğu’da değil, küresel ölçekte de önemli sonuçlar doğurmaktadır. Özellikle, ABD’nin İsrail’e olan desteğinin Filistinliler üzerinde yarattığı baskı, Türkiye’yi bölgesel bir denge unsuru olmaya zorlamaktadır. Türkiye’nin bu çerçevede yürüttüğü diplomasi, hem Filistin’de insani yardımların sürdürülmesi hem de çatışmaların önlenmesi için kritik bir rol oynamaktadır.

Bu bağlamda, Türkiye’nin Filistin meselesine yönelik yaklaşımı, bölgedeki radikalleşmeyi ve insani krizleri azaltmak için önemli bir stratejik hamle olmaktadır. Bu strateji Türkiye’yi, İsrail’in saldırgan politikalarına karşı bölgesel bir denge unsuru haline getirmektedir. Bu durum, Türkiye’nin hem kendi güvenliği hem de bölgedeki istikrar için hayati bir sorumluluk üstlendiğini göstermektedir.

Türkiye’nin Filistin meselesinde sürdürdüğü bu aktif diplomasi, yalnızca mevcut çatışmayı yönetmekle kalmaz, aynı zamanda uzun vadede bölgesel ve küresel barışın tesis edilmesine de katkı sağlayabilir. Bu nedenle, Türkiye’nin proaktif dış politikası, Ortadoğu’daki güç dengeleri açısından da kritik bir öneme sahiptir.

Fatih Yıldız

Evet, Müslüman daima çağın nabzını tutabilmeli. Ancak bu tutuş, tavizlere yol açabilecek bir tutuş şeklinde değil, ideal İslam ile aynı çağı yakalamak şeklinde olmalı. Sıra dağlar gibi yiğit omuzlarda yükselen, asırları kuşatan, yüce İslam medeniyetini dipdiri ayakta tutabilmek adına çağa boyun eğdirmek olmalı.

Geçmişteki yaşantıya hayran olmakla yetinmemeli. İslam büyüklerinin, geçmişte kazandığı zaferlerle, inşa ettiği eserlerle, imar ettiği şehirlerle övünmekten başka bir çabaya girişmeyen her Müslüman mirasyedidir. Oysa Müslümanlar çağının aynasında akislerini bulacak nice büyük eserler vermekle mükelleftir, mirasyedi olmakla değil. Evet, “Ecdat ne yapmış be!” deyip üzerine ekleme yapmayan mirasyedi değil de nedir?

Bir Müslüman mirasyedi olmamalı, geçmişteki İslam yaşantısına hayran olmakla yetinmemeli. O yaşantıyı kendi zamanına tatbik etmeyi bir görev bilmelidir.

Fiziki köleliği, fikri köleliği ve zihni sömürgeyi kabul etmemelidir. Zira Müslüman hürriyetsiz yaşayamaz. Gerek maddi gerek manevi esaretin, bir Müslüman’ın inancıyla bağdaşmadığı iyi bilinmelidir.

Tarih ve toplum kavramı, kültür ve medeniyet kavramlarıyla bitişiktir. Tarihini unutan bir toplumun, kültür ve medeniyeti erimeye başlar. Bu yüzden her Müslüman’ın kültür ve medeniyetine bağlılığı inancının ayrılmaz bir unsurudur. Bu bir salt bekçilik çabasından da öte bir hafıza, bir ayna olmak suretiyle gerçekleşmelidir. Zira, kültür ve medeniyeti yaşatmak bir müzecilik işlemi şeklinde değil, kültür ve medeniyetin çağ içinde doğurganlığını korumasını sağlamaya çalışmaktır. Eğer bir duraklama varsa, medeniyetini ilerleme yönünde kamçılamak için diriliş ateşini harlamaktır.

Medeniyetimiz bugün öyle büyük kahramanlar ister ki, gecesini de gündüzünü de, zamanın her türlü şatafatına aldırmadan davasına feda etmeye hazır olacak..

Öyle kahramanlar ki, dişini tırnağına takarak medeniyetinin, yüce uygarlığının, mukaddes sancağının yükselmesi için her türlü çürük fikirle savaşacak. Filhakika, savaş meydanlarında vatanı korumak için çarpışmakla, medeniyetimizi tahrip edenlerle fikir noktasında mücadele etmek birbirinden farksızdır.

Fikirde, sanatta, anlayışta, anlatışta, buluşta, ve hayatın her safhasında, dünyanın en büyük adamlarını yetiştirmeyi inancın bir bütünü bilmektir medeniyeti yaşatmak.

Maksat gösteriş ve gürültü değil, İslam toplumunu inşa etmektir.

Bunun içinde her alanda inşa edicileri yetiştirmek bir borç bilinmelidir. Evvela her birey, önce kendi öz talim ve terbiyesini sağlamalı, sonra nice terbiye edicileri yetiştirme görevine atılmalıdır. Medeniyeti fertler taşır. Dava eri medeniyetini yükseltecek fertleri yetiştirmek için cehdetmelidir.

Cihadı sadece cephede savaşmak olarak yorumlamak gibi dar ve sınırlı bir anlayışa bürünmemeli. Kültür ve medeniyet savaşını da bu savaşa dahil etmeliyiz. Çünkü, kültürünü ve medeniyetini kaybetmiş toplumların, toprakları da sömürülmeye müsait topraklar olacaktır.

Kültürsüz, mefkuresiz ve hedefsiz bir toplum, iki ayaklı cenazelerden oluşur. İnanç eri, düşmana karşı amansız bir kültür savaşanı vermeye mecburdur. Milletine ve nesline bir gaye ve hedef vermek için mücadele etmek zorundadır.

Cephede hesap soramadıkları toplumlara, kültür ve medeniyet tahribi suretinde hücum eden, hasis düşmana karşı destanlık bir mücadele vermek için diş bilemelidir.

Bu toprakları kanlarıyla sulayarak, beşer tarihindeki en yüksek medeniyet olan İslam medeniyetini tesis eden atalarımız asırlarca bunun mücadelesini vermiştir. Atalarımızın bıraktığı mirası gelecek çağlara en güzel şekilde devretmek. İşte bizim boynumuzun borcu.

Evet, bu mücadeleye bütün beşer şahit olacak. Düşmanlar tahrip ettikleri medeniyetin, onları nasıl kuşatacağını izlemekle yetinecekler. İnancından hız alarak şahlanan bir aksiyon hareketinin dalgaları arasında boğulup gidecekler. Toplum, verilecek amansız bir kültür savaşı neticesinde küllerinden aranıp yeniden uyanacaktır. Düşünceye ve düşünene, kırmızı şal görmüş İspanyol boğası gibi saldıran, yurdun içerisindeki düşmanlar, diriliş hareketi ile birlikte aslan görmüş hayvan sürüsü gibi kaçışacaktır. Uyanış vakti yakındır. Uyanış bir hatırlatışla başlayacaktır.

Fatih YILDIZ

Mediator and parties:

The field of diplomacy is no longer populated just by representatives of foreign services, but also by representatives of other ministries, multinational corporations, civil society organizations, and even influential individuals who do not represent a particular state, organization or corporation.

Diplomacy, which is closely associated with this direction of policy, is a “space” where main actors are politics, culture, science and education, media, NGOs, users of social networks

We can say that the effectiveness of diplomacy also related Foreign Ministry.

In the conditions created by modern technology, traditional methods did not work. There were also cases when traditional actors of diplomacy were insufficient. Especially non-governmental organizations, multinational corporations and international organizations began to play an increasing role in diplomatic relations.

In this process, the decisions have ceased to be the decisions that statesmen and politicians have made alone, and have gained a dimension influenced by the masses.

Moreover, the impact of the decisions taken was no longer limited to the region in which it was made, and it extended to wide geographies with the effect of increasing interdependence in the world.

The effects of social media have increased the effectiveness and impact areas of diplomatic events. Thus, traditional diplomacy has also changed form.

Go to one of the most important case diplomaticy activities which dipmomat school ‘representation’. Represent their countries, their countries interest and so on. So this a not just representation is classically happening the rapid sending the diplomats to another host country to representative country. And also diffending interest and the why of the countries and the countries citizen in the host country.

but as we now representation is not just happing to establish in embassy understanding diplomat. But there are other forms of repretentation which is the important to. And diplomats to be effective in diplomacy. You need to have the so representation and those diplomats who represent their country.

you need to have also the commence the public of those countries. This they can use information formal and informal way to attract attention can support on the public of union of the country.

Effectiveness diplomacy and role of the actors of diplomacy to be affected from diplomatic activities.

and this form ministry and other institution which is bringing the foreign policy bring a diplomatic activities using the diplomatic matters.

What are the key task of diplomacy?

Key. Task of diplomacy is messaging, Negotiatoining, mediation and top. These are key. Diplomat use different methots. Sometimes use the cooperative strategy sometimes use the communicative strategy.

The choice or selection of methods will normally be influenced by one or more of the following five factors: form, organisational routine, context, diplomatic style and perceptions of diplomatic space.

Of these, form is defined as the preferred framework within which states and other actors seek to carry out their external relations.

Form can be bilateral or multilateral; transnational (e.g. through NGOs); societal or economic; open, private or secret.

Organisational routine is defined as the impact of organisational standard operating decision procedures (methods of work, choice).

The practice of states contributes to a particular style or approach to diplomacy at a political and bureaucratic level.

Diplomatic style contributes to international identity and diplomatic reputation

Diplomatic space can be thought of as the area which diplomacy and foreign policy are carried out.

Diplomatic space is not static and may be gained or lost.

Diplomatic space not just related physical one, conceptional, institutional — legal and setting constraints of the diplomacy is also important.

The conceptual component of diplomatic space is at the core of the idea, and takes us to the central purposes of diplomacy

Space can be used to: • develop a core group of recognised foreign policy ideas • assist the projection of diplomatic reputation • mitigiate pressure • facilitate changes of direction • support foreign policy initiatives.

The use of bilateral and multilateral relations

Bilateral relation, Multiletaral regime is can be example.

You can find the some example from the inhere.

Bilateral relations

The use of bilateral relations reflects factors such as historical links, alliance interests, the impact of regional organisation, resource possession and territorial boundaries.

Bilateral diplomacy provides a sense of control and management.

Bilateral relations aim to develop common ideas, often as dominant directing concepts in regional and international fora, and the protection of shared interests.

Multileteral relations

Multilateral diplomacy has now become an established and diverse feature of modern diplomacy, conducted through global institutions, permanent conferences and a variety of regional and pan-regional institutions.

The effectiveness of diplomacy by visits

visits are an important part of the repertoire of diplomacy.

You can use the Diplomatic visit. Diplomatic visit as a too being affective in diplomatic area

But not all visit can produce effectiveness.

Effectiviness of Diplomacy

You can see that as a Foreign Policy organization has a diplomat use the visit to be carrying effectiveness on the diplomatic relations.

Sometimes diplomats using the…

Task of diplomacy will be effectiveness of course although this task Foreign Policy organization not just Foreign Policy

What is the main task? To identify what are the main tasks. We are main four task: messaging, neogiating, mediating and talk

When we are analysing FP organization effectiveness on diplomacy, we look to this four area; messaging, negotiating, mediatiation and talk. how can be important to understand effectiveness of the diplomacy.

Telegram and like role of the not just the FP ministers but the other actors which are very actively play role on the diplomacy.

We can talking about the negotiation..

When and where the diplomat or the actors of diplomacy are the successfull or affective?

Diplomatic methods (Ana başlık)

Cooperative strategy, Communications strategies, Operational environment and the media, Resistance and delay, Counter-strategies, Expansion strategy, Active strategy (Alt başlıkları)

— —

Tasks of diplomacy

Ceremonial • protocol • representation • visits Management • day-to-day problems • promotion of interests • explanation and defence of policy • strengthening bilateral relations • bilateral coordination • multilateral cooperation Information and communication • assessment and reporting • monitoring International negotiation Duty of protection Contribution to international order • normative • rule making • mediation/pacific settlement

What is there a complex foreign policy agenda?

In general, the differences that exist in the central arrangements for conducting foreign policy in various states have been influenced by the expansion in the content of foreign policy, the loosening of central control and the increasingly technical nature of much of external policy. In advanced industrial states especially, the development of an increasingly complex foreign policy agenda — including such varied issues as energy, resources, telecommunications, transfrontier land pollution — as well as the more conventional or traditional political issues, has had several implications for central foreign-policy organisation

• What are the main functions of foreign ministers?

The main functions of foreign ministries are defined as: ceremonial, managerial, information and communication, international negotiation, duty of protection and contribution to international order. The balance of emphasis on each of these will vary between countries.

• How changes in communication environment influences on foreign policy decision?

The changed communications environment is one of the main factors influencing the organisational and functional development of foreign ministries. Changes in communication technology have affected several aspects of decision making. Speed of communication between the overseas post and centre has significantly altered, as has the ‘time’ relationship between the decisionmaker and event. The visual dimension of an event — drought, demonstration, the construction progress of a development project, armed clashes, military engagements — can be graphically captured both formally and informally by a range of actors.

• How the development of websites effect on the way foreign ministries to communicate and inform the public?

The development of websites by foreign ministries, embassies and delegations to international organisations is now standard practice. For foreign ministries, in particular, it is part of their renaissance as focal points for organising and projecting national presence. The foreign ministry websites serve to explain and record national foreign policy and rebut unacceptable actions or claims by other states. The construction of sites with differing emphases — such as visits, key events, or foreign policy statements — helps to convey the general political image and ambience of a state. Some aspects of site construction by delegations to international institutions remain embryonic.

• How “the Wikileaks affairs” led to change of communication in diplomacy? // “Wikileaks işleri” diplomaside iletişimin değişmesine nasıl yol açtı?

?The cables reflect many of the standard tasks of diplomacy: observations on receiving country policies, personalities; assessments; setting out views; exploring the views of others, and thirdparty reporting on the activities of other states’ diplomacy

• What are the common organizational characteristic of foreign ministries?

Foreign ministries tend to have certain common organisational characteristics insofar as they generally contain a mix of functional, geographic, protocol, legal and administrative divisions. Apart from the question of size, which tends to have a telescopic effect, with divisions or departments covering greater geographic areas the smaller the actor, differences in organisational structure occur partly because of particular foreign policy interests, e.g. the Cyprus foreign ministry devotes a separate department to the Cyprus problem.

• Why some foreign ministries are organized functional rather than go geographical departments?

Functional rather than geographic departments may be set up within foreign ministries for several reasons, including. Such departments enable a foreign ministry to monitor and follow the work of other agencies, and if necessary to take the lead.

9- How reorganizations of foreign ministries last two decades have addressed a variety of issues?

Foreign ministries have undergone major reorganisation over the past decade. Reorganisations have addressed a variety of issues such as: improving central coordination; the balance between geographic and functional departments; achieving a more proactive structure; the best way to handle economic matters, including trade and various questions to do with reviving presence and effectiveness.

10- Why states establish and maintain overseas representation?

In general, states establish and maintain overseas representation for four main reasons. First, representation is either part of the process of achieving statehood and identity in international relations or, for established states, essential to being considered a power in the international system. Second, embassies are an important but by no means exclusive means of communication, and a source of contact with the host and other states and entities, enabling a state to participate in international discourse. Third, embassies are a means of dealing with a variety of particular problems arising with respect to bilateral relations, nations and multilateral fora. Fourth, embassies are the agencies for promoting core interests and bilateral coordinations of a country

First, representation is part of the process of attaining identity and is seen as a force in the international system for states.

Second, embassies are a source of contact with the host and other states and entities.

Third, embassies are a way of dealing with the various specific problems that arise with nations.

Fourth, embassies are agencies that promote the basic interests and bilateral co-ordination of a country.

11-Why states want to establish diplomatic representation with a core group countries?

Most states have a core group of countries within their overall diplomatic representation. Those states within that group will be included for historical, alliance, ideological and economic reasons. For most states the membership of the core group is likely to remain relatively stable unless the state is undergoing major reorientation of its foreign policy or is in dispute. Adjustments in the ranking of countries in the core group, nevertheless, take place through modifications to staffing, budgetary allocation and tasks of those posts, in the light of such factors as changes in the volume of political work, trade opportunities, defence relations and tourism.

What are the other forms of representation? Name them?

Apart from a separate trade commissioner service used by some states, consular arrangements are used to varying degrees by most states.

Much depends on the scale of resources, perception of interests and role in international relations. These might be relatively limited or localised.

The growing international involvement of internal ministries has resulted in the proliferation of representative offices overseas. These include development corporations, investment agencies, trade and tourist offices and student liaison bureaux.

13- Why the growth of representative offices overseas and specialists has contributed to increase bureoucratic rivalry?

The growth of representative offices overseas and specialists from home departments in diplomatic posts has contributed to increased bureaucratic rivalry.

One aspect of this is the development of multiple information channels for receiving, gathering and evaluating information.

Another noticeable effect is on the traditional embassy functions of reporting and assessments, which can become downgraded through overloading from routine protocol associated with inward visits by, for example, representatives of domestic ministries or parliamentarians and other political leaders. Third, and most important, are the enhanced problems of coordination and control brought about by the splintering of policy

14- Which factors are seen as signals for the transformation of disputes and conflicts into higher levels of tension?

The transformation of disputes and conflicts into higher levels of tension — leading eventually to breaks in diplomatic relations or other states of abnormal relations — is generally signalled by one or more factors relating to, for example, negotiation or border provisions.

These include: abrogation of treaties or agreements dealing with security or non-intervention; the reintroduction of fundamental demands at a critical stage of negotiation; the cancellation and non-continuation of key talks; economic sanctions; and border closure.

15-How the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations treats as implications of the trastion to armed conflict?

The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations treats this question broadly in three areas: the implications for diplomatic agents, assets and protection of interests. The first two of these will only be briefly noted here. Under Article 44 of the Vienna Convention, the receiving state is under an obligation to grant those with privileges and immunities the right to leave at the earliest possible moment.25 Article 45 deals inter alia with assets, which in the event of a break or recall (either permanent or temporary) the receiving state has a duty to protect, including premises of the mission, its property and archives (Article 45(a)).

16- How the resumption of diplomatic relations may be achieved through other means?

It should be noted that the resumption of diplomatic relations may also be achieved through other means, including direct contact, friendly powers and intermediaries. The ending of diplomatic relations also does not mean necessarily the termination of consular relations. Consular officials have been used in those instances in which either there are no diplomatic relations, or diplomatic relations have been broken, for diplomatic and political functions

17- What are the political functions of foreign ministries in the post-2000 international system?

The contested and unstable international system post-2000 has also meant that the political functions of foreign ministries — assessments, options, advice and warning — have assumed greater significance. Rapid advances in international communications alter pace and methods of contact.

. For foreign ministries, adding value to function is a critical issue. However, for those with a stake in the international system, having a foreign policy is something that is increasingly expensive, often intangible, but an essential part of continued statehood and international presence.

In conclusion, the purpose of diplomacy is to execute the foreign policy of the sending state in the host country, and to foster order and peace in an anarchic world. And functions of diplomacy are communication, negotiation, intelligence gathering, image management, and policy implementation.

1- Identify the main tasks of diplomacy.

4- Why diplomats are considered as messenger?

Diplomats are messengers, for instance between sending and hosting state. The extent to which they have room to include their own interpretations and ideas in the messages varies considerably

5- Among these, Kennan’s Long Telegram (1946) has been one of the most influential messages ever sent by a diplomat. It is well worth looking at this document in some depth, too.

6- But let us conclude this section on another note. Non-traditional diplomatic actors are important messengers as well. Take NGOs, for example. For them, the target audience is not an administration back home but a public (national, regional or global). NGOs such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch issue regular reports on human rights abuses worldwide. These reports make a difference. In the worstcase scenario, they merely raise awareness, but the problem persists. Yet there are even cases in which states, put under pressure by public opinion, re-think their practices. President George W. Bush, for example, was heavily criticized for transferring Al Qaeda and Taliban suspects to Guantanamo Bay in Cuba in 2002. The in-depth research and diffusion of the research results by NGOs led to a public outcry against the detention facility. Bush did not yield to the pressure. Obama, however, worked towards closing the facility.

9- Since negotiations come in so many different shapes or forms, it is best to define them broadly. Thompson’s definition is helpful in this regard: “Negotiation is an interpersonal decision making process necessary whenever we cannot achieve our objectives single-handedly” (Thompson, 2009: 2). The multi-faceted nature of negotiations n

10- Game theory has established itself as an influential angle from which to approach this question. Game theory asks the question of how individual players can reach the best possible outcome for themselves while they are locked into a single game with one another.

11- Political Psychology cautions that negotiators are not always the computational machines that game theory makes them out to be.

12- More sociologically inclined approaches elaborate on the intangible aspects of power, for example by studying the repercussions of status and prestige on negotiations (Cohen, 2001a). Occupational culture is another important concept. Diplomats, no matter where they come from, converge around some taken-for-granted ideas about what diplomacy is and how to do it, including how to negotiate. This facilitates their negotiations (Salacuse, 1998). In the language of the previous chapter, there are convergences around background ideas that constitute diplomacy in general and diplomatic negotiations in particular in the first place

13- Usually, it is not just traditional diplomats who make up these networks, but there are actors representing NGOs, transnational corporations, international organizations, etc. as well. It is through the interaction in these informal networks that actors make up their minds about interests and how to act accordingly (Jönsson and Strömvik, 2005). Even more so, actors arrive at interpretations about the world and the seemingly self-evident oughts and ought nots for how to act through interaction in these networks. Some actors occupy nodes in this network that enable them to diffuse their understandings of the world, and these actors are not necessarily traditional diplomats.

14- International organizations, as Barnett and Finnemore point out, have a particular kind of authority that predisposes many other actors to listen to them. They are seen as non-political entities serving not themselves but the global community. This makes their word count (Barnett and Finnemore, 1999)

Samuel Huntington talk about a new post-Cold War world order.

Huntington’s main thesis argues, “The most important distinctions among peoples are [no longer] ideological, political, or economic. They are cultural”

However, Huntington argues that as modernization increases cross-cultural communication, the similarities among cultures increase.

“Asian societies are increasingly able to resist pressure from the Western countries”

Huntington’s text addresses the structure of global politics in the post-Cold War world.

His central argument is that culture and cultural identity shape the patterns of conflict in the post-Cold War world.

With the end of the Cold War, countries stopped identifying themselves with ideologies.

Now they began to emphasize their cultural identities to identify themselves

In general, similar cultures cooperate with each other when it comes to international policy. Of course, this also means that different cultures may conflict.

He argued that after the end of the Cold-War the next battles will be between the Western civilization and the Islamic world.

Huntington’s analysis also shows that globalization interacts with civilizations more and results in higher tensions.

• Hypothesis: the fundamental source of conflict in the new world will not be primarily ideological or economic.
• The great divisions source of conflict will be cultural.
• -The clash of civilizations will dominate global politics.
• -A civilization is a cultural entity.
• The world is becoming a smaller place with spread of communication

At the post cold war era the types of actors started to change like NGO’s, Companies, İos, Public opinion, media all of them started to effect foreign policy formulation states.

But we simply define foreign policy as one actors relation with the other actors.

In order the understand the process of the foreign policy making we focus on the 3 levels in international system;

1- Individual level

2- State level

3- İnternational level

In order the understand the process of formulation foreign policy we have to understand the relations or links among 3 levels.

The foreing policy analysis focuses on the process. this is interested in the resoult.

The foreing policy analysis is interested in why and how turkey took operation desicion.

There are 3 main aim of the foreign policy analysis;
1- To reach information about why or how stated take desicion on foreign policy formulate the process. (get to information)
2- İs to create a middle range teory (framework) in order to build a such a theory or framework recurrent actions (tekrarlanan davranışlar) or recurrent behavior should be determined of the state

as a resoult of the determinations process main argument should be determent or created.

3- Comperative foreign policy it focuses on the resoults. we talk about the resoult of the process. Outputs)

The main aim of the foreign policy analysis can be summerize as determind factors affecting states foreign policy formulating process.

Foreign policy analysis try to for a guess states future behaviors in foreign policy.

It compare the decisions. They analysis results of the foreign policy actions.

For example if you determine causes of war you can prevent.

Historical Evoluation of the Foreign policy studies

We can catagorize it into 4 part;
1- 1950–1973: First generation studies of foreign policy studies.
3 basic scholars in that term

the root crucial article or the studies about foreign policy analysis.

1. Richard snyder: Desicion makind as an approach to study of international politic. He published the article 1954.

He focus on the necessary of decision making proces.

2. James Roshenav: Pre-Theories and theoies of foreign policy: he publised the article 1966

Was create the middle way theory. He argue that he suggested to make scientific and strategic systematic studies. you have to reach the generalisation in the behavior of the nation states. You have to collect re-current actions in historical perspective.

3. Harold and Margaret Sprout: Man- miliev relationship hypothesis in the context of international politics. He or she published it in 1956.

They was concentrated on the language man, individual and their environment. we live in the society. and society affairs our values. Environment directly affect leader’s chooses. They try to find determine the relations between individual his or her relations.

They argued that the foreign policy can be understood as the individual’s psychological situations.

This studies form and shape the study of international foreign policy analysis in that period.

2- 1974–1980: Second generation studies: All Time The international system changing. Studies affected by changing in international system. The second Generation studies of foreign policy we’re interested in the process of making foreign policy concentrating on the subheading;

a- Studies on group desicion making: the group characteristics in formulation of foreign policy. Not just leader or int. System
b- analogous: (benzer) you have to find same cases from the historical perspective in order the fight the generalization of nations states. (using historical examples) and they compared the results
c- organizational and brokratic decision making model: examine the impact of organizational structure and bureaucratic structure of the state.

3- 1980–1993:Scholars of foreign policy analysis. They added some new factors lika a psychological and sociological factors. The change depends on the change in

a- they add the psychological factors are effect process of the foreign policy formulation
b- the brain of the decision-makers are not black or white page. Human brains have affected by values,life experience, beliefs
c- there is a crucial concept about the foreign policy. Robert Putnam’s 2 level game theory is about the states’ domestic and international level. Bureucrats and leaders goes to International level and negotiate with eachother then an agreement is signed but that is not enough. in order to apply to international law, the state must approve it.

4- 1993-today: studies focuses on the contemporary (çağdaş) foreign policy analysis.
Studies made in that period can be summarized under the three subcategories:

a- about the searching for a theory development of decision making process.
b- about the searching for the theory based on the leader characteristics.
c- searching for a theory development about the culture, identity and social groups.

Studies on foreign policy analysis actually have been devoloping.

Actually they formulated the FP goals for future under today’s condition. We are going to focus on the link between the foreign policy analyses and FP goals

How can we formulate the FP goals, FP aims.

We are going to make some categorization about the FP goals and targets. Actually, We define the FP as the one actor’s relation with the other. But there is a crucial aim of the FP.

States try to realize these goals (FP goals) by influencing the behaviors of the states. So the may name of the FP is to influence the behavior of other states or by changing the behavior of other states or by protecting the other states interets or the other states. (Diğer devletleri ve diğer devletlerin çıkarlarını korumak)

We define the FP as one actor’s relations with the other but there are some motivation under the definition

The main motivation of the state is to influence the other states, influence of the behavior of other states or changing the behaviors in international system.

or you can try to protect to other states. In order to realize these goals, aims with the foreign policy — States deterren? (4.26) some basic, some long term, some middle term goals. These are about the FP

Because of that we will make some subcategories under the goals. For example abstract goals,conflict goals, temporary goals. permanent goals.

We will have a look at the details of the (diternz) (5.15) of the motivation under the formulated process of the goals. For example imagine, you are a state or you are a decision maker of a state. And you will determine goal, you will formulate the FP your country. You have some priorities. You have some motivations. For example economical development is a one of the main motivations. Or protection your land, protection your border asetra. We will look at these motivations. The first subcategorizations, jeopolitical goals and the temporary targets. The targets can usually be jeopolitical base. Jeopolitical targets are the permanent targets. Jeopolitical targets do not change for a long term. Besides that some targets can be temporary goals.

Another subcategorization is about the impact area. The other subcategorization is about the impact area of the FP goals. It means some targets affect all component of the state. For instance, defending againist nuclear weopan attact. It is an example of such a target. So a nuclear attact direct the affect the all parts of the country. Because of that the protect against nuclear attack is a general target. It is about the all compenent of the state. But some target corcern about some segment of the state. Like increasing export. İncreasing export is one of the FP targets. But it is not (velled)—(11) -for directly you or directly mean. It is about the businessman.

So state can determine some goals about the some segment of the states like the increasing export. This is the goal. This is the FP target. But this is about the some segments of the states. On the other hand, it is also possible to classify the FP goals from the abstract goals to the concrete (somut) goals.

How can we describe (tanımlama) abstract goals of states? — Bir devletin soyut hedefleri neler olabilir? -Prestige. It about the abstract values. The concrete goals can be example field as the protecting territorial integrity. This is a concrete goal. Protecting against terrorism, againist nuclear weapon attack. So there are some determinants, there are some motivations under the FPG you can as a Decision Maker, you can formulate some FPG actually you have to do that.

Why formulating FP?

You have some motivations, you have some priorities. These are the determinants. We call them as the determinants. The determinants mens the your motivatins in formulating FP actions, in formulating FP targets. FP behavior.

Now we can discuss the main motivation of a state in the formulation process.

Which concerns affect the formulating FP gols?

We understand the FPG can be categorize the from abstract to concrete, from permanent to temprory asetra. But whatever you formulate the goals. You have to take into (konstreyşıns) some motivations some determinants some factors affecting formulating process of the goals.

Which are these motivations? Which motivations affect the FPG?

Bacis needs (bir devletin de temel ihtiyaçları var),

protecting and surviving the territorial integrity. Something else. security, military, economical security, enviremental security, all security targets. After the security a states basic need. This is a economic development. or meeting the economic needs. You have to need your societies economic need. (önce açsanız başka bir olayı düşünmezsiniz önce temel ihtiyaçlar)

Changing technology can change your perception or this can affect directly your FP chooses. Changing Technology.

Bu ve benzerleri, sizin dış politika hedeflerinizi etkileyen faktörler. Teknoloji değiştiği için ben kömürle çalışan bir fabrika kuracağım diyen bir lider yoktur.

Changing values or beliefs

opinion of the society

presure groups

opinion leaders

the organizations you have participated in and the agreements you have signed

your economic capacitiy

your sociological capacity

Political needs or cultural needs

Internal political conflict

Internal political conflict or creation of external threat

the legitimacy problem of the political regime

International society can make the operations against some political regimes.

international community can make the military operations against the some political regime.

For example Iraq, Syria, Libya

Cultural needs or ideolocigal needs or demands

Cultural needs is about the abstract goals. Prestige of a state.

Affecting goals or FP targest or identity or the ideolocigal motives. All of them can be listed under the culturel needs. And directly affectly chooses of FP.

Or efforts of state to increase capacities or increase possibilities. For example creating alliences (ittifaklar kurmak) or control over strategic areas. Securing raw materials (hammaddelerin güvenliği).

Needs for new market. For example for the China.

7. DERS

İnternational system can limit our choices or our decisions. So there are some domestic limition factors like republic opinion, presure groups, media asetra. and we can say the our capacities as the internal limitaions. Economical capacity, leg of military capacity , asetra and we have some external limitaions. The norm, rules of the İnt. Org., the character of İnt. system, international law, agreements, organizations we joined etc.

Actually these all factors motivating factors and limitation factors directly affected the decision makers actions, DM goals, point of views. Wihtin the context its possible to define the FPG into the mainly three groups. We can classify the FPG into three groups. Basic, medium and the long term goals. Basic goals are direcly link to phsical needs of the state. Like the protection of states existence. Or protection of states territorial integrity. or sovereignty. Protection of states, political, economical and the social structure. These are the basic goals. Basic needs of the states. When we look at the medium term targets, we can mention about for subgroups. We can identify the medium terms under for subgroups. The first one is the individual needs. For ex. the increasing export. İncrease the foreing treaty value for the businessman. Theses a need of the group need for a individual.

The Seconde one, to increase prestige of a state in international system or increasing prestige of a state is again one of the medium term targets.

Replutition of the state depends on its indistrial and scientific developments.

The Third, medium term target is the expansionist aims. States may aim to occupy the territorial of neighbory countries territory. İnder to handle the security treaths comming from the external sources. Some states may wish to access the natural resources, markets and the trade rules.

Because of that they can follow the expansionist policy. But this type of policy is inclueded in the medium term goals.

The last category under the medium term goal is about the creation relations, creating alliences, supporting friendly and allied countries, the maining can be to improve human rights and the promoting in international laws, international instutions. A states for medium terms goals is about the IR, like the membership like the support the other countries like the agreements.

Why? Because you have to protect to human rights, you can improve the human rights or you can increase to promoting international laws, int. institutions.

The third category under the foreign policy goals is the long term goals. Long-term goals can be defined as the dreams, the plans or far sighted thoughts (uzun dönemli düşünceler).

Dreams of the leaders. Long terms is about the dreams, plans…

A state can one to the regulate the int. system or change the int. system.

Or a state or a decision-maker want to change its our country position in int system. But the changing in position of your country in int. system can be long terms efforts. Because of that such needs such goals can be defined as the long term goals in the FP analyses. We focus on the mention about the some factors, some limitation, some motivations or types of goals. We have three types of determining factors on FP.

The first one is the National (law)(row). I mean three key elements.

Three key elements affecting FP. First National Raw/row/law

Second one is national interest

third one is national security

when we look at the national law, we say that the states in int system can be defined as actors who act in accordance with the speacial roles.

National Role can be defined as the special roles they defined. It means a state determines some rules for itself. State traditions, national characteristics’ role is huge. Being mediatior is a national role in international system. Determining the national role is one of the main points in the countries’ Foreign Policy.

(Ulusal rolümüz aslında bizim dış politikamız. Ulusal Rolü belirlerken, ulusal karakteriniz, inançlarınız, kapasitemiz. Bunların hepsi bizim rolümüzü belirleyici faktörlerdir.)

In the analyses of FP the concept of National Interests plays a decisive role. It’s difficult to define national interest. Another factor influencing the national interest. At the same time, there is a directly relations between your capacities and your environment the character of the international system. Another factor influence in National interest is history and geography. History and geography affect the from the perceptions to the life style.

National Security Another concept influencing the national goals but it’s also defines the details of militating the foreign policy. Security is accepted as the basic need of a state. It can affect possitively the negotiating power of a state.,

National Security is the most important concept use by the decision makers. For formulating or legimating the FP understanding.

(Biz dış politikadan bahsediyorsak belli hedeflerden bahsediyoruz demektir. Bu hedefleri nasıl belirliyoruz? Mesela bizim insan olarak kısa dönemli, orta dönemli, uzun dönemli hedeflerimiz var. Mesela hükümetler değişsede değişmeyen devlet politikaları var. Kıbrıs meselesi gibi. Bu motivastonlar hedeflerimizle ilgili. Long termler daha çok planlanmayan, daha değişken, rüyalarla hayallerle olan.

Burda 3 tane kavram devletin dış politikasını belirleyicilikte çok önemli: Ulusal Güvenlik, Ulusal Çıkar, Ulusal rol.

9. DERS

The next one is the neoliberal institutionalism (neoliberal kurumsalcılık).

They argue that the change in regime, bureaucrati system or the other the international actors will change the FP.

Neoliberal instutionalist emphasize the concept of interdependency. Interdependence between the states. The key element the Foreign policy is the cooperation.

Interdependence youhave to make a cooperation with the other actors so you depended the other.

Dış politikada karşılıklı bağımlılıktan dolayı iş birliğine yönelirsiniz diyor.

They say that the internal elements are determinance of Foreign policy.

While the same time they except the affect of the systemic jeopolitical cycle in the FP process. So they argue that the both the domestic units under the states and the İnt. system affect the process of FP.

Not just the internal element, not just the international system. All of them affect.

Like the realist or the like the classical liberalist, neo liberal institutionalist that acknowledge the states like the realist are the main actors in international system. They except the idea the state is the main actor in int sytstem like the realist and they except the structure of the system. International system is anarchic. They think that states calculate net profits or rational actors. But interdependency forces them to cooperate (işbirliği yapmaya zorlar)

Neorealists argues that the anarhic international system forces the states to cooperate. Neoliberal instutionalist interdependence this sutitation between actors forces them the cooperate

Klasik realistler sistem anarşik olduğu için işbirliği olmaz diyor. Neorealistler sistemin belirleyiciliğini ortaya koyup bu sistemin dış politikayı etkilediğini söylüyor. Liberaller U.a sistem anarşiktir ama bu anarşi işbirliğini zorlar diyor. Neoliberaller bu işbirliğini zorlayan şey bizim karşılıklı bağımlılığımızdır diyor.

In addition to neoliberal instutionalist give greek importance to the international law and international organizations.

When we look at the marxism, marxisim has the little in FP because according to approach it is not possible to talk about the existence the state in a place where class conflict exist.

For this reason, according to marxist the state is an executive tool of the class that dominate itself. In that case, there will not be a common understanding that reflect wishes of the general public in the foreign policy. It means the for the marxist the FP is not valued for the all compenent of the state. It is valued for just dominant class under the state. The state represent for the just dominal class in the states.

(There is a class strugle. Belli sınıflar var. One of them has the dominant position in the state. Actually the FP is valued for the is represent for the this dominant class. Not to general compenent of the state.

Because of that we can talk about the just one dominant class of the state. Beacue of that the marxism has a little interest in FP of a state.

Foreign Policy planned by government will not reflect the wishes the interests of the general public.

On the contrary, these FP choices will unable dominated social class in the state. Because the dominant class under the state is to maintain their current hegemonic position. For this reason, marxism does not attach, does not give the importance to the existence of state and the FP of this type of state.

Marxism has little interest in FP

Class conflict in the state

a dominant class

FP is valid (geçerli) for just a dominant class.

Because of that marxism doesnt give great -importance on the FP among the states. There is a Perspective of the marxism for the FP. Marxism focus on the FP from the theory of dependence. Theory of depence that the rights from marxism is corcern with the FP. We focus on the Galton and the Wallerstein perspectives.

Wallerstein at blaim the relation between the center states and the peripheral states. Peripheral countries defined as the 3 group countries or the development countries at means these types of countries have no capacity. They are poor and the unstable states.

Centrel countries are the develop peripheral countries.

According to this opinion, it is not possible for (peripheral) countries depending on centeral states to pursue a realistic FP independently. They can not deterren the territory.

Because they have (lek) of capacities because of thet can not fallow persue a independent FP. Territory states. Foreign Policy of the Peripheral countries can be deterren by the priotiry

Yani merkez çevre ülkelerin arasında bir ilişki vardır. Ve de çevre ülkelerin dış politikasını kendi önceliklerine göre kendi çıkarlarına göre formule edebilirken çevre ülkeler bunu gerçekleştirecek kapasiteye sahip değiller. Bunu merkez ülkelerin önceliklerine uygun olarak yapmalılar.

The last theory is the Constructivism. Constructivism began to occupy the agenda for the 1980. Constructivism defines thoughts and norms as the basic factors of FP.

Constructivism claims that national and international norms or the identities define the interest of the states, defines the priotiries of the state. Fundamental right, freedom and behaivor patterns. Socialazation and the learning process constitutide the identity and priorities of a states. This is the building process. Socially construction processs. First of all, The identity should be build, should be constract. The social constructed identity deterren the priorities and interest of the state. The identity and the priorities that constructed socially can change from time to time.

The change in the identity and the priority can change in FP of a state. For the constructivists, the world consist of the interaction between the actor and its environment. Social rules and the identity shape the international sytem and the FP.

So they focus on the existence of the rules, priorities, identities, norms.

They evaluate (değerlendirmek) in int system from the social constracted rules. So the mainting the starting point is to determine your priority and your interests. Actually, the determining interest and the determining identity process are valued for the all IR theories. But the metodhology is the different from the constructivist perspective. In order to create the priority or interest.

You have to construct your identity. You can construct your identity, internals of your relations between you and your environment. Process is build by social construct and the social constereced rules and identities shape the priorities.

İdentity can change. after changing the priorities you can chane your identity.

İdentity can be defined by norms, believes, historical backgrounds. All of them affects pritorites identity.

Kimlik sosyal olarak inşa edilen bir şey. Sosyal olarak inşa edilen bu kimlik devletin dış politikasını belirliyor. Yani bu sosyal olarak inşa edilen kimlik uluslar arası sistemi belirliyor.

We can categorize this topic with several question.

First question is what is brexit?

We should understand brexit well.

-Brexit is an shortened form of the words Britain and exit.

Brexit refers to the UK leaving the EU.

We need to get this right.

On 23 June 2016, citizens of the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union.

In referandum, 52% of voters voted to leave the European Union.

The referendum participation was very high at 72%, with more than 30 million people voting — 17.4 million people opting for Brexit.

After the Brexit referendum, United Kingdom Prime Minister David Cameron resigned

Secondly, Why is the UK leaving?

Before referendum, The Brexit campaign was supported by Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, Nigel Farage and other Brexit supporters on social media and on the Internet.

Nigel Farage is one of the most important political person for Brexit. He founded a party called Brexit Party in 2018.

The main objective of the referendum is immigration problem, the increasing refugee crisis, the UK’s inability to make enough money in the European Union, the recently rising Racism in Europe, Islamophobia and the insufficient integration of refugees within the European Union.

The anti-immigrants and the people who supported Brexit were not pleased due to refugee problem. The slow progress of the European Union led to the Brexit referendum.

Namely, Some of the reasons for the Brexit referendum are; Restrictions of the European Union and the false policies that come to prominence in the European Union, slow breakthrough movements.

In 2017, the UK officially informed the Council of Europe its intention to leave the EU by triggering Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty.

Thirdly, What are the commercial and economic relations?

Europe is the UK’s most important export market and the largest source of foreign investment.

— — The UK is the second largest economy in the EU after Germany.

Breakdown of the United Kingdom’s finances with the EU in 2017:

· Total EU spending in the UK: € 6.3 billion

· Total EU spending as % of the UK’s gross national income: 0.28%

· Total UK contribution to the EU budget: € 10.5 billion

· The UK’s Contribution to the EU budget as % of its GNI: 0.46%

Brexit was originally due to happen on 29 March 2019. That was two years after then Prime Minister Theresa May led Article 50 to start negotiations.

Member of Parliaments rejected Mrs. May’s Brexit deal.

Theresa May resigned after her Brexit deal was rejected three times.

-What is the new Brexit deal?

UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced a new Brexit agreement with the European Union (EU).

The President of the European Commission announced a fair and balanced agreement between the two sides.

Customs is the basis of this agreement.

New customs arrangements were made with this treaty..

The rest of the deal has not changed much more than the deal negotiated by Mrs. May.

Known as the withdrawal agreement, it includes:

§ The rights of EU citizens in the UK and British citizens in the EU

§ How much money the UK is to pay the EU

-Why hasn’t the new Brexit deal been approved?

Boris Johnson attempted to put his revised deal to Parliament on 19 October.////

However, the vote did not go ahead. Deputies chose to postpone voting ////

While the Brexit legislation has passed the first hurdle in Parliament, the government has currently paused its passage. /////

-Will a no-deal Brexit cause disruption?

**If the UK leaves without a deal, the EU will start carrying out checks on British goods. That is because the UK will leave the customs union and single market overnight.

**This could lead to delays at ports, such as Dover. Some fear that this could lead to damage to the economy.

**Many Brexit supporters say it is hard to predict what will happen, or believe .

There can be economic disruption will be short-term and minor.

But some economists and business groups believe no deal would lead to economic harm.

There are three models planned by Brexiti advocates;

1. The United Kingdom, like Norway, will join the European Economic Area and will continue to trade from there.

2. The United Kingdom, such as Switzerland, will remain a member of the European Economic Commission and will continue to make agreements as trade.

3. The United Kingdom may remain with the European Economic Commission such as Turkey model

- Hard Brexit means the separation of the United Kingdom from the common market and the Customs Union.

- Soft Brexit means existing trade agreements remain as uniform as possible

The government has projected that in 15 years, the country’s economy will be 4 percent to 9 percent smaller under Brexit than it would inside the bloc, depending on how it leaves.

The European Union has agreed to extend the Brexit deadline until 31 January 2020.

If Britain leaves, it will be the first member state to withdraw from the EU.

The balance of power in the world has changed over the centuries.

The separation of England may lead to the complete disintegration of the European Union.

-Konuşmanın temel hammaddesi, okumaktır. ⠀⠀⠀⠀

-Tarih insanın idrakini, edebiyat nükte ve mizacını, matematik dikkatini, dinî eserler fikir ve ruh derinliğini arttırır. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀

• Bir nesilde mücadele ruhunu sindirmek, o nesli öldürmektir. O nesli diriltmek ise, o nesilde mücadele aşkını uyandırmakladır. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
• - Dünyada huzur ve saadetin, hür ve insanca yaşamanın bir tek çaresi vardır, o da şudur; İnsanı, insan eden belki insanı sultan eden hakiki imanı kazanmak ve inkişaf ettirmektir. Tatbikat ve hareket haline gelmeyen iman ölüdür. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀
• - Zulüm ve işkenceler, insanın mahiyetindeki asalet ve cesareti meydana çıkarır, fıtratındaki kabiliyetleri inkişaf ettirir. Hayatta sıkıntı, musibet, dert ve meşakkatlere düçar olmayanlar; büyük feragat, hamiyyet ve cesaret sahibi olamazlar. ⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀⠀ -Münakaşa ile hiçbir dava halledilmez. Münakaşadan yavaşça çekil, öyle şeyler muvakkattir.
• -Büyük zatlar bunda müttefiktir ki; “Başkalarıyla uğraşan yolundan kalır” (Dinsizlerin, ve şeytanın ehl-i hizmeti başka şeylerle meşgul ederek, hizmete mani olma planı vardır.) -Düşün! düşün! Ne düşündüğünü de düşün! – Çok kere olur ki, hatası kendisine söylenmeyen bir kimse, hatasını hüner sayar. – Sana şifa lazım ise, acı ilaç iç. Dostun sözü acıdır. – Zihni faaliyet için takip edeceğim gaye, iradî dikkat cehdlerinden ibarettir. – İmanı kurtarmak, Kur’ana ve Nur’a hizmet gibi, mukaddes ve asil bir dava uğrunda, hayatımı fedadan çekinmeyeceğim. -Hususan yeknesak dünyevi meşguliyetler; insanın mahiyetindeki ulvi melekeleri körletir. Manevi terakkiyata medar olacak yüksek istidatları söndürür, kabiliyetleri verimsiz kılar. – Tembelliğe, basit ve manasız zevklerime, müsaade etmeyeceğim! -Nefse hakimiyetin en ehemmiyetli şartı; fikirlerin ve hareketin kuvvetli i’tiyatlar halinde birbirine raptedilmesidir. (Fikir ve hareket arasında öyle bir rabıta te’min etmelidir ki; zihinde teşekkül eden bir fikri, aynı vuzuh ve şiddetle ‘hareket’ takip edebilmelidir.) – Gayr-ı meşru veya lüzumsuz arzularıma mukavemet ve muhalefet etmeliyim. – Tenbel bir hayat seyrinin vicdan azabından azade kalması kâbil değildir. -Ruh haletinizi değiştirmekle, müptelâ olduğunuz dertten kurtulabilirsiniz.

Genç Adam! Sen bir memursun! Sen, Alah’ın yeryüzündeki halifesisin. Sen, iman ve islamiyet uğrunda, namus ve şerefini müdaafa yolunda vatan toprağını kanlarıyla sulamış,ruhuna ve bayrağına İslamın nişanı olan hilali nakşetmiş bir ecdadın varisisin. Kendini sakın hafife alma! Yekpare bir inanış, bakış ve ölçülendiriş manzumesi ile anlam kazanıp, rotasını kaybetmiş ve dümenini kırmış bu asrın insanına pusula olmalı, güneş gibi yeryüzünü topyekün kuşatıcı bir mana ile insanlığa arayıp bulamadığını göstermelisin! Garbın kanalizasyon çukurlarında tıkanmış kulakları, çamurlanmış basiretleri, Şarkın yüksek dağlarındaki feraset şelalerinin nuruyla açmalısın. Genç Adam! Sen Anadolu gencisin. Bu vatanın gerçek sahibisin. Apışıp kalmaya, donup duraklamaya vaktin yok! Vecd ve aşk çığırını açıp, Vatanda büyük uyanışa yol açacak fitili ateşleyecek olan yegane şahıs sensin. Çünkü sen Anadolu gencisin! Allah Allah nidalarıyla cihanı inletmiş şanlı bir milletin torunusun. Sen dünyanın umudusun. Beklenen ve artık gelmesi gereken sensin!

Anadolu genci, düşün! Bu dava İslam davası, bu sancak Allah Rasülünün sancağı… Bu yol ayaklarını kan revan içinde bırakacak kadar dikenli, bu iş ciğerini yakacak kadar çetin, bu mücadele damarlarını parça pinçik çatlatacak kadar zor. Fakat bin yıldır İslamın bayraktarlığını yaparak bu zorluğa takat getirmiş sahabe ruhlu asil bir milletin varisi sensin, dava bayraktarlığına bu asırda namzet olan da sensin. Senin ezberleme tekerlemelerden arınıp fikri bir güce sımsıkı sarılmaya ihtiyacın var. Dar bakanların vurduğu yaftalar ile aşkını kaybetme! Büyük davanın vecd ve divaneliğine, cesaret ve hamlesine malik bulunarak ömrünü fedakarlık hamuruyla yoğur. Büyük davalar büyük fedakarlıklar ister. Tek kalsan dahi sağına ve soluna bakmadan bir ordu edasıyla kararlı ol. Unutma ki, bu ruh ve bu mefkure ile tarihle nice azlar nice çoklara galip gelmiştir. “Yürüyeceğim” de, ayağını bas ve yürü. Kararlı ol ki bacakların seni taşısın. Gerekirse yardan ve serden geç, gerekirse canını tereddüt etmeden feda et. Canı veren yolunda canı vermeden içilir mi şehadet şerbeti? Elbet her kişinin harcı değildir yaşamaktan aziz olan şehadet mertebesi! Fakat sen her kişi değilsin, sen Anadolu gencisin. Senin hayatın da ölümün de davana hizmet etsin. Bu yol aşk ve iman yoludur. Bu yola imansız girmek isteyenler daha kapının eşiğine adım atmadan erirler!

Genç adam! Fikir ve davanı her daim yanlış ve çirkin göstermeye çalışan sahtekar istismarcılara aldırmadan divanesi olduğun idealin ne kadar berrak ve ne kadar gerçek olduğunu tüm kurnazlara parmak ısırtacak bir surette göster. Kabuğundan çıkmak için debelenen bir millete sahte oluşlarla sed çekilmesine razı gelme! Makine saltanatının imtiyazıyla topyekün hayata hakim görünen batıya karşı hudutsuzluk bayrağı altında kendilerini zorlamış bir memleketin hududunu tayin edemeyeceklerini ve buna teşebbüs edenlerin kalemlerinin parça parça kırılıp dağıtılacağını öğret! Hafakanlar basmış ve kafasını sağa sola vuran cemiyetin hasret kaldığı nizamı ana kaynak İslamdan aldığın feyizle mihraklandır. Bütün cihanı ve kainatı nizamlandırıcı İslamiyetin ipine sımsıkı sarıl ve elini gevşetme! Unutma, ana hazinesini ceketinin astarında kaybetmiş doğu alemine yoksun kaldığı vecdin mayasını tutturmakla mükellefsin.

Aziz Genç, Mücadele et! Büyük fikri besleyen ve onunla beslenen büyük aşk ve vecd liyaketine bürünüp, ehliyetsiz ve anlayışsız müdafaacıların kabuk ve kışır hesaplarında güme götürülen marifeti layık olduğu mevkiye eriştir. Kökümüzü kurutacak kopya metoduyla körükörüne taklit sefaletine fikir çapında bir tokat vur! Büyük bir ruh ve zaman fatihliği göstereceğimiz devrenin eşiğindeyiz. Artık gediği harikulade geçitlere çevirme vakti gelmiştir. Dem bu demdir. An bu andır. Zaaflarımızı tespit etmiş olarak, yepyeni bir ruh içinde doğmamız lazım. Nizamını kaybetmiş dünya, yeni zaman ve mekan şartları içinde yepyeni ve dipdiri bir doğuşa muhtaçtır. Dava budur, olacak olan budur! Bu dava ceplerde kaybedilmiş güneştir. İnsan cebince kaybettiğini uzaklarda arar. Yapmamız gerekenin kabuklarımızı kırmak olduğunun şuur ve iradesiyle çırpınmak ve cebimizde kaybettiğimiz güneşi gökyüzünün namütenahi derinliğine bırakmak, asırlık mahrumluğumuzun hıncıyla harekete geçmek…

Unutma, Evvela şahsını sonra bütün doğu alemini kurtarması için Türk milletine gereken yol İslamiyettir!

Aziz Genç, Olacaksın! Her türlü ahlaksızlığın, softalığın köküne kibrit suyu dökecek, bunun kurtuluş mücadelesini verecek ve derin ve gerçek mümin olmanın ölçülerini ferdlerde sulayıp yetiştirecek, ruhlara nakşedeceksin! Gerçek hürriyet hakikate esarettedir. Hakikat ve hürriyetin Allah ve Rasulünde olduğunu göstereceksin! Hakka teslimiyetten sonra dünya görüşünü kainat planında en ileri hakimiyete çıkarmak için ve insan hayatını en olgun seviyesine eriştirmek için gereken nizamı lif lif, çizgi çizgi ve nokta nokta örgüleştirmeye memursun! Mecbursun Genç adam, mükellefsin ve olacaksın. Ya ol, ya da öl!

Fatih YILDIZ

29.06.2019