Identity Politics, European Style

In Strasbourg Centre-Ville

Last week, the European Parliament and most of its several thousand employees packed up in Brussels and went down to Strasbourg, France, for the monthly plenary session. The cost each year is millions of euros, but it’s all done in the name of cooperation and reconciliation, with Strasbourg standing as a testament to peace between France and Germany.

The European Union is a constant balancing act. It has all of the normal tensions that come with a large bureaucracy, between different branches of government, individual interests, and so on. It’s all heightened by the fact that 28 member states need to be consulted on every matter, to some degree, and in every important sense need to be included at the table.

Strasbourg Hemicycle

We’ve been lucky enough to travel to the European Commission three times while we’ve been in Brussels, including two meetings with Commissioners themselves. The Commission, roughly equivalent to the Cabinet in the US, consists of 28 commissioners, one from each country.

This is repeated at every level of the EU where all member states are represented, or where the institution in question covers the entirety of the union. In the political group we’re working for, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), the group staff has to undergo changes every five years based on the nationalities of the group’s MEPs after European elections. This commitment to preserving various “national sensibilities,” as it’s sometimes termed, is admirable and challenging. It’s also indicative, however, of a larger, everyday part of the EU’s functioning: identity.

ALDE Summer interns

The intersection of identity and politics has fascinated me for at least several years now. To be clear, it’s not “identity politics,” the newly popular phrase that describes or derides politics based on enhancing or exploiting identities. Identity is a question in the EU of the nation and the continent first and foremost. At what point is the principle of national sovereignty invoked? How do European federalists, who advocate for a united European state, make their arguments in a political environment with heightened anti-international and anti-establishment viewpoints?

In practice, the convention that I’ve witnessed is either to tread softly around the issue or to forcefully present and defend the concept of a “European identity.” These two words in particular are a “redline” issue for many of the right-wing politicians, meaning that their mere presence in a bill or committee opinion can cause a political group to vote against the entire text. On a particular piece of legislation in the Culture and Education committee (CULT), which I’ve worked on for the past five weeks, the phrase “European identity” was included in a description about the Erasmus+ program, a student exchange program that is a hallmark of European connection and integration. While undoubtedly some, arguably even most, program participants have increased their sense of being European, the term is still a sticking point. To some on the right, “European identity” by its nature excludes or dilutes national identities; one cannot be both British and European in equal measure, they might say. Actually, on that one, they might be correct (thanks Brexit), but the counterargument of the majority seems to hold more weight: identities are naturally interlocking and intersectional.

From the outside, the balancing act between nations could be seen as a farce, or just overly bureaucratic. From observing it up close, however, there is no doubt that the process is necessary to keep all parties at the table, involved in the dialogue (to say nothing of the move to Strasbourg). It’s a good idea to have everyone with an equal voice, both to promote the democratic aspirations of the EU and to fend off the minority who wish to dismantle it. There may be no concrete “European identity” in the same sense that national identities are constructed, and that’s another debate entirely, but cooperation and compromise form the basis of a distinctly European Union identity.

Michael and me in Luxembourg

Written by Ben Gardner-Gill ’19, History major, FSI Global Policy Intern through The Europe Center at the Alliance of Liberals & Democrats in Europe.

FSI Internships

We provide placement, mentorship and a stipend to students engaging in off-campus internships at international policy and international affairs organizations. For 2018 and on please visit: https://medium.com/freeman-spogli-institute-for-international-studies/fsi-students/home

FSI Student Programs

Written by

The Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies at Stanford offers engaging, policy-focused Stanford student opportunities.

FSI Internships

We provide placement, mentorship and a stipend to students engaging in off-campus internships at international policy and international affairs organizations. For 2018 and on please visit: https://medium.com/freeman-spogli-institute-for-international-studies/fsi-students/home

Welcome to a place where words matter. On Medium, smart voices and original ideas take center stage - with no ads in sight. Watch
Follow all the topics you care about, and we’ll deliver the best stories for you to your homepage and inbox. Explore
Get unlimited access to the best stories on Medium — and support writers while you’re at it. Just $5/month. Upgrade