Not Without Us: Why Romani Exclusion Hurts Us All
If the European Union is to live up to its image of global peacemaker, it can no longer afford to ignore its biggest ethnic minority
The Decade of Roma Inclusion, a European initiative targeting the persistent marginalization of Romani populations, started out with a bang. Beginning in 2005, the Decade was, at that time, the largest multinational campaign created to address and mediate issues plaguing Romani communities across the continent. But the Decade was overburdened and under considered, suffering from the same fatal flaw as so many other efforts intended to promote the equality and well-being of Romani peoples — it excluded the population’s participation, and in so doing, perpetuated marginalization. Still, some valuable lessons can be gleaned from the Decade as the fight for Romani rights continues, especially the participation of women and girls.
The Decade was a collaboration between nine Central and Eastern European countries — Bulgaria, Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia and North Macedonia — with sizable Romani populations. The Decade had lofty goals of increased integration and reduced discrimination, and did pave the way for further campaigns, such as the current Council of Europe Strategic Action Plan for Roma and Traveller Inclusion. That said, its disorderly approach left it severely shackled.
Several member countries were EU hopefuls, signing on to signal their accession-readiness; when this was accomplished, funds were mismanaged or directed elsewhere. Furthermore, because there was little direct oversight, each country approached the same roles in different ways, making for an incoherent approach where mismanagement went unchecked. While the Decade made inroads in healthcare access and child literacy, there were pronounced disconnects between what was offered and what was needed; these failings have come to be indicative of Roma-related initiatives across the board, most of which pander to the EU and do not address root issues. The generality of approach — treating Roma communities as something of a monolith — has, paradoxically, perpetuated stereotypes and resulted in sloppy solutions.
There are several reasons for this, ranging from lackluster data collection to the reliance on preconceived — though ill-considered — recommendations. Romani communities are often sequestered; inability to gain research access has led to a dearth of accurate information. This has forced policy makers to rely on outdated information that has cemented stereotypes. Clearer data would allow for a more accurate reading of Romani issues — how have policies been implemented? what are success rates? where do they lag? — and thus more robust, targeted solutions. However, this will not be an overnight fix, as greater inroads between researchers and communities will be needed to mediate understandable distrust of outsiders.
One area that is consistently misread is education. Romani education, which should be seen as the foundational step for improved employment options and better quality of life, is stunted by insufficient accurate information. The typical approach to education has been on underlining the importance of Romani-language instruction. While this is important and should be considered — both for teaching ease and language preservation — it is not, Romani parents overwhelmingly report, a priority.
Indeed, a UNDP report found that most Romani parents are not overly concerned with the language of instruction and are not keeping their children out of school for this reason. Language prioritization assumes children are speaking these languages at home and are more comfortable in them. However, only 54% of Roma report using Roma languages at home (with the highest usage in Bulgaria) so the emphasis on language above all is misplaced. Greater obstacles are issues like textbook costs and commute length. Linguistic emphasis also ignores the intertwined nature of most issues facing Roma.
The international community tends to focus on desegregating schooling, and while this is a necessary goal and needs to be accomplished, segregated schooling is a natural byproduct of the more fundamental issue of segregated housing, which is not often considered. Indeed, the recent focus on Roma-only housing (meant to alleviate housing crises) has the unfortunate side-effect of isolating communities, and thus creating underfunded, understaffed Roma-only schools. This has likely only been inflamed during COVID, as remote learning has the potential to exacerbate educational segregation and leave behind students who do not have access to necessary (expensive) materials, such as laptops.
While COVID has been touted as something of an equalizer, it has highlighted persistent difficulties in Roma healthcare. As with other marginalized populations, the Roma have been disproportionally affected, with infection rates exacerbated by overcrowded apartments and sickness worsened by lower rates of health insurance. But while the international community scrambles to contain COVID world-wide, Roma populations also must deal with preexisting healthcare problems, two of the most pressing of which closely coincide with women’s rights and point, again, to a need for increased representation. Romani communities have high instances of infant and maternal mortality. This is due to poor healthcare access but also high rates of teenage pregnancy, as early pregnancy is dangerous both for mother and child.
These issues have cultural underpinnings, so engagement with actual communities is paramount, both in analysis and targeting. Contraception, for example, is mismanaged. Across the board, Roma women report being aware of contraceptive options (88% in one sample) but typically resort to abortion as the most frequently used measure. The international community emphasizes increased awareness, but that is clearly insufficient. More useful would be increased access to contraceptive options, especially less invasive ones, such as prophylactics or pills. Allowing Romani women to speak to this is crucial in developing effective strategies; they must be consulted at all steps along the way, to ensure that initiatives are responding to actual needs.
To be sure, burgeoning interest from organizations and countries is laudable and necessary. The Decade of Roma Inclusion was a significant step in drawing awareness to an overlooked people; hopefully, the current Council of Europe initiative will improve on the Decade’s work. Recognition of key issues is always the first step. However, it cannot end there. This awareness must be funneled into data-based solutions, not simply “what sounds best.” Increasing Roma grassroots campaigns and cultivating engagement in political life is imperative in fostering greater trust in local politics. It is crucial that Roma communities be involved in addressing issues of concern, with awareness that cultural boundaries may prevent women and girls from having their voices adequately heard.
The majority of the world’s Roma live in Europe. If the EU wants to live up to its image as global leader, it will have to come to terms with its member states’ poor treatment of Roma populations. We look to the UN and EU as beacons of global order, but the policies they promote are not the policies needed. We must look instead to Roma people themselves, and allow their voices to dictate the path.
LD
