Myanmar Needs a Humanitarian Corridor Before It’s Too Late

StoryTelling Lead
Global Movement For Myanmar Democracy
7 min readJun 19, 2021
People flee into the jungle in Kayah State, Myanmar

In the east of Myanmar lies Kayah State, formerly known as Karenni State after the Karenni people who call it home. The mountainous land is inhabited by multiple unique indigenous groups, including the world famous Kayan women with their elongated necks. Karenni people have been fighting for independence since the end of British colonial rule in Burma/Myanmar, and have experienced violence and persecution at the hands of Myanmar’s security forces for decades.

When the military staged a coup on February 1st, Kayah joined in protest with the rest of the country, taking to the streets and going on strike to oppose the junta State Administrative Council (SAC) and security forces consisting of military and police. These protests were peaceful, but met resistance from security forces. Several protestors were killed in Kayah in March and April. As coup violence became more frequent, civilians began talking about forming People’s Defense Forces, and in May the Karenni People’s Defense Force was formed by young political activists and students with the goal of protecting civilians from the SAC security forces. These young men and women received basic training, but are not soldiers like those in the Ethnic Armed Organizations (EAOs).

In May clashes and violence escalated dramatically. SAC forces have launched artillery attacks on villages and residential areas, sending more than 100,000 people into hiding in jungles and mountains. Among the displaced are many women, children and elderly.

Displaced families sharing food

Displaced people in Kayah state have little access to food and water, and attempts to bring supplies to them are being blocked by the SAC forces. In some cases, aid vehicles have been set on fire and piles of rice left to burn at the side of the road. The situation becomes more desperate by the day, as people resort to using dirty water for cooking and eat nothing but thin broth. We reached out to some contacts in Kayah to ask them about the situation, and here are some of the things they told us:

“I am in the forests as a refugee with all my city people and my family. The military attacked my city with tanks, gunships, helicopters and rockets. The military blocked food trucks from coming into the city for the last two days. It is rainy season, and many people are in trouble.”

“One big problem is water. We brush our teeth with the same water we use for the toilet. There is one small river one hour drive from here. We have no petrol to go there.”

“Medicine has become an urgent need. Children have diarrhea from drinking dirty water. Fever is a common problem happening in IDP areas now due to rain. Many need soap, blankets, warm clothes and toilet bowls.”

Last week, UN Special Rapporteur Tom Andrews warned of an impending starvation crisis if aid does not soon reach the displaced populations in Kayah state. Apparently heeding this warning and appeals from civil society and religious, a ceasefire was declared between the SAC security forces and the EAO Karenni Nationalities Defense Force. While this has allowed many IDPs to return home to dead bodies and destroyed homes, other Karenni resistance fighters have already declared they did not agree to a ceasefire, and as long as the military SAC clings to power fighting is likely to break out again in the near future. A situation this desperate could occur again in Kayah state, or any other corner of the country where ethnic groups resist Burmese military rule. The IDPs in Kayah waited too long in these conditions without food, medicine and water.

This is why we are issuing a call to the international community for the creation of a humanitarian corridor into Myanmar as a temporary solution to preventing the deaths of civilians.

What is a humanitarian corridor?

A humanitarian corridor is a type of temporary demilitarized zone, “a safe route”, intended to allow the safe transit of humanitarian aid in and/or refugees out of a crisis region such as a war-affected area. Parties in an armed conflict formally agree not to use corridors for military action or subject them to attack. The majority of humanitarian corridors are established and run by the United Nations (UN) and the World Food Programme (WFP) and may be protected by UN peacekeepers. Humanitarian corridors have a long history spanning many conflicts and disaster zones, including situations even more complicated than Myanmar. Some examples are UN food aid to western Libya, in which WFP delivers food supplies to areas in Libya which food supplies are running alarmingly short, and UN Special Operation 200934, which establishes supply routes through corridors in the Central African Republic due to the ongoing crisis there.

Why does Myanmar need humanitarian corridors?

It has been more than 139 days since the Myanmar military seized power in February. The situation on the ground in Myanmar has continued to deteriorate since then. The economy has collapsed, and the banking system is hardly operating. With this comes humanitarian needs for the people who voluntarily left their jobs to support the anti-junta civil disobedience movement, and for the internally displaced people (IDPs) who flee when their hometowns become battlefields. They are in desperate need of international aid, especially to compensate for food and water sources that have been targeted by Myanmar’s military. Currently, there are no humanitarian corridors established in Myanmar, making it very difficult for the international community to safely support IDPs and protestors.

In addition to enduring months of violence and economic collapse, Myanmar is now bracing for a potential new wave of COVID-19. More than 2,000 cases have been confirmed in the past two weeks by the World Health Organization (WHO). Unfortunately, Myanmar’s healthcare system is nowhere near functional enough to combat this new wave: healthcare workers have been arrested by the military; many ambulances have been destroyed; even hospitals are under siege. COVID-19 prevention and treatment supplies such as PPE and oxygen are also in urgent need. While the international community has established online donation efforts for assisting Myanmar’s healthcare system, such as the Myanmar Emergency Medical Supplies & Services fundraiser, international transactions are under surveillance by the military.

Currently there is no route for the international community to safely deliver aid to people in need because either the Myanmar military or the ethnic armed groups control the country’s entry points. Therefore, the establishment of humanitarian corridors by the UN is urgently needed in Myanmar. Once they are established, WFP and other international organizations can at least deliver and distribute food, water, and medical supplies.

How can humanitarian corridors be established in Myanmar?

Since the 1990s, most humanitarian corridors have been called for and negotiated under the auspices of the United Nations. Humanitarian corridors are usually created through negotiations with armed organizations party to the conflict. They can also be established through a series of resolutions by the United Nations Security Council. In order to achieve this in Myanmar, the military and relevant ethnic armed groups must come to an agreement with the UN to cease fire within the corridors. While this may seem quite challenging today, Myanmar benefited from humanitarian corridors in the aftermath of 2008’s Cyclone Nargis. Such corridors’ broad humanitarian benefits should not be controversial to UN members, and their establishment could open the door to military intervention by UN peacekeepers. Thailand, where many Myanmar refugees have long settled in a system of nine camps operated by the Thailand-Burma Border Consortium, has previously been supportive of UN peacekeeping efforts in East Timor and may be amenable to such intervention in Myanmar.

Humanitarian corridors have been established and effective in areas which have even more political complications than Myanmar. However, they are not typically heavily guarded, and can sometimes be taken advantage of by armed groups. This should be considered thoroughly by the UN when establishing humanitarian corridors in Myanmar.

What can the Nation Union Government (NUG), the people of Myanmar, and the diaspora community do to support the creation of humanitarian corridors in Myanmar?

As the legitimate government of Myanmar, NUG could speak with the UN, the World Food Programme, the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), and the Secretary General’s office to advocate for humanitarian corridor establishment. It will also be beneficial if NUG consults with those groups who established and used humanitarian corridors in Myanmar during Cyclone Nargis. As for the diaspora community, advocating for the humanitarian corridor in Myanmar in your respective countries is the best way to support NUG’s efforts in this matter. Advocacy is especially impactful if you live in Japan, Korea, Australia, the United States, or the United Kingdom since these countries are the key donors to most humanitarian corridor programs. As for the people of Myanmar who are consistently demonstrating their opposition against the junta, consider devoting some protest efforts to urging NUG and the UN to establish humanitarian corridors in Myanmar.

At present, getting aid to displaced persons in Kayah state requires having the right connections and local knowledge of the situation. We have vetted the Karenni Crisis Appeal fundraiser and know that they are succeeding in getting supplies into displaced communities. Please consider donating even a small amount to make a difference in the lives of families sleeping outside during this monsoon season.

Many thanks to those on the ground who are living through this crisis that took the time to report on conditions and share statements and photos with us. We hope that help arrives soon.

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StoryTelling Lead
Global Movement For Myanmar Democracy

Working to share stories from Myanmar during the double crisis of coup and COVID-19