Women and Politics: Overcoming Barriers of Political Representation in Somalia

MOGADISHU, Somalia: Somali women have been under-represented at all levels of government administration since the Somali Republic was established in 1960.

In 2012, As Somalia ended the transition period, women were promised 30% representation in all sectors of government. Yet this remains a gentlemen’s agreement and the gender quota remains excluded from the provisional constitution. This lack of incorporation of the gender quota is reflected in the uneven representation of women in parliament in the last three indirect elections, in 2012 (14% representation); 2016 (24% representation), and 2021/22 (20% representation).

Combining a survey and interviews, this research examined the public perception of women’s political participation as well as the opportunities and challenges they face in their pursuit of political representations.

The survey was carried out in seven large urban cities across Somalia (Kismayo, Baidoa, Mogadishu, Beledweyne, Galkayo, Garowe and Bosaso) to determine the societal views on gender quota and women’s political participation and obtained 1,000 responses.

This study employed qualitative research methods utilizing a mix of online and in person one-on-one interviews. Sixteen women were interviewed consisting of women’s rights and non-governmental activists; members of current and former parliaments (both the Senate and the House of the People); Member of Parliament (MP) candidates and former candidates; public sector workers at the federal, regional, and local levels; and cabinet ministers.

Those interviewees were a highly educated mix of local and returned diaspora and who came from all regions of Somalia: Galmudug; Hirshabelle; Jubbaland; Puntland; Somaliland; South West; and the Benadir Regional Administration.

This research further discussed the challenges and opportunities that women candidates and politicians encounter once elected. It looked at the origins of their interest in politics; why they seek political office and the opportunities and challenges they face in running for office and after being elected.

The study also compared differences and similarities between the last three indirect elections in 2012, 2016, and 2021–2022.

The study found that:

· The civil war changed Somali society in profound ways, transforming the role of both men and women. The war served as “defining moments, turning points, and catalysts.”1 Women’s societal responsibilities expanded, with the majority becoming heads of households. Many women also took on jobs outside the family, often becoming the sole breadwinners.

· Since the anti-colonial struggle for independence began, Somali women have been politically active, from a complete absence in parliament in the first decade after independence, to almost 20% in the most recent election. This was a decrease from 24% in 2016 and below the global average of 26.1%, according to the InterParliamentary Union. Somali women continue to face many obstacles in their pursuit of political representation and participation.

· Many elites such as clan elders, some religious actors, and male politicians advance the narrative that Somali society opposes women’s political participation and representation. However, a survey of 1000 participants across seven major cities in Somalia shows that there is an openness to and acceptance of women’s political participation. In fact, 80% of survey respondents agree or strongly agree that women have the right to take part in the governance of their country.

· When politicians and traditional leaders came together to create states, first in Somaliland and then in Puntland, women took charge of the logistics of the conference, hosting hundreds of delegates and were responsible for housing and feeding the male delegates. Women were also peacemakers when disagreements occurred, convincing the male delegates to come back to the peace tent. Yet, women were excluded from being official delegates.

· Many of the women candidates ran due to their personal experiences with some believing that they could improve the governance. Some of the women candidates had worked in government and saw gaps in existing laws and service delivery, and others witnessed the community’s needs through their involvement in peacebuilding and development operations at the grassroots level through community organizations and NGOs.

· Women aspiring to enter politics face a variety of challenges which are structurally entrenched in the culture, society, economy and political institutions. Two major hurdles are identified in this study. First is access to economic support for women running for office. While men relied on clan members and wealthy business owners for financial assistance, women self-funded their campaigns, selling property or jewelry. The second hurdle for women’s political participation is the 4.5 clan power-sharing agreement and the collusion between clan elders, religious actors and male politicians. Other challenges included weak institutionalization of the parliament and women MPs inability to collaborate with each other.

· Women candidates and advocates employed a variety of strategies to overcome these challenges. Before every election, women lobbied to ensure that the gender quota was implemented. Prominent civil society activists were appointed as Goodwill Ambassadors in the 2016 and 2021/22 elections to monitor the implementation of the gender quota and call attention and action to election bodies, federal and regional governments, and the international community.

· Women also lobbied political leaders and clan elders with mixed results. In the Senate, women’s representation in the 2021/22 election increased from 24% to 26%, while it decreased in the House of the People from 24% to 20%. Once elected, women confronted a parliament, where the laws and policies were inconsistently applied by the largely male leadership, and they were sidelined and relegated to committees that were considered irrelevant. In the last election, women made some headway as MP Sadia Yasin H. Samatar was elected as first deputy speaker of the House of the People, the first time a woman has held this position. In the presidential election, a woman Member of parliament, and former deputy prime minister, MP Fawzia Yusuf H. Adam competed against 38 men

· Survey participants identified taking care of family (43%); peacebuilding (23%); economy (20%) and politics (13%) as the most important ways women contribute to their country. Some participants said that women were better off remaining at home while others believed that women contributed to the economy; peacebuilding and politics because they are the foundation of society

· A large majority of survey respondents (80%) believed that Somali women should take part in the governance of their country. This was a surprising finding and in contrast to the elite narrative that there is societal opposition to women’s political participation. Survey participants also identified raising awareness, civic education and financial support as the most important initiatives to encourage and promote women’s political participation.

· The majority of survey respondents conveyed positive views of women politicians finding that they represent society (58%); other women (24%); clan (9%) and personal interests (8%). They said that male politicians represent society (53%); personal interest (22%) and clan (20%).

· Cultural practices also hinder women’s struggle for political representation and leadership. Somali society is patrilineal and patriarchal that believes men uphold the clan lineage and gives authority and leadership to men. The clan patriarchal institutions, especially the 4.5 clan power-sharing agreement, is biased against women. This manifests itself with high levels of gender inequality, inequity, injustice and opposition to women’s political participation.

· The safeguarding mechanisms as well as tremendous advocacy and lobbying efforts of the women’s movements, civil society organizations and pressure from the international community during the 2016–17 electoral process, resulted in female representation rising from 14% to 24% in each of the houses of the parliament.

· Women who are in an interclan marriage, however, struggle even more to get into politics. Male candidates are never questioned about their marital status or the clan connection of their wives. Female candidates are routinely asked about the clan affiliation of their husbands and children.

· Lack of resources is a major obstacle. Even though women are the breadwinners and the backbone of household finances, they are not part of the market economy. Women are underrepresented in fields that are dominated by men such as telecommunications, online and physical banking, money wiring firms, healthcare and education.

· Until the 2021/2022 election, there were no women in the leadership of the bicameral parliament. From the beginning, women MPs were marginalized. This lack of representation at the leadership level affected even which parliamentary committee were assigned. This changed with the election of MP Sadia Yasin H. Samatar.

· Women parliamentarians do not have office spaces, staff and advisors to support them, allowing them to work for their constituencies. Many expressed frustrations at not being able to return to their constituencies with development projects or to discuss communities’ concerns. Women MPs believed that they are sabotaged, undermined and sidelined in addition to being excluded from leadership posts. Younger and middle-aged women reported they had experienced sexual harassment in parliament and other government offices.

· Some participants questioned the legitimacy of the 2021 elections as most of the seats were designated for a specific person who brought along his/her own competitor, or “malxiis”, who immediately stepped aside, leaving one candidate to run unopposed. In many cases, these designated candidates won all or most of the votes. Particularly striking was the number of women who acted as “malxiis” since they only had to pay half the usual registration fee and the person designated to win also got a 50% discount.

· Women’s representation declined in all member states and in Somaliland during the 2021/22 poll. In Galmudug the number of total seats increased by one, but the number of female parliamentarians remained the same at nine, resulting in a percentage decline from 25% in 2016 to 24% in 2021/22. Hirshabelle’s total seats increased by one, but the number of female MPs declined by 50%, from 10 to 5 seats. Of all the FMS and Benadir Region, Hirshabelle is the lowest at 13%. In Puntland, the total number of seats allocated remained the same at 37, but women’s representation declined from 7 to 6. Puntland is currently at 16%, the second lowest in meeting the gender quota.

READ THE FULL STUDY: HERE