Erdogan assails his latest ‘terrorist’ threat: journalists

il manifesto
il manifesto global
4 min readOct 29, 2015

Turkey. Three days before new elections in Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan is shuttering more media sympathetic to the opposition.

by Fazila Mat, Istanbul, il manifesto global, Oct. 29 2015

Prprotest outside the Kanalturk and Bugun TV building in Istanbul © LaPresse — REUTERS/Osman Orsal

Three days before the early elec­tions in Tur­key, AKP has laun­ched a new attack on the press. This time in the cros­shairs of the con­ser­va­tive govern­ment is Koza İpek Hol­ding, a media group close to the Isla­mist move­ment of Fethulla Gülen, whose fal­ling out with Pre­si­dent Recep Tayyip Erdo­gan for­ced him into exile in the Uni­ted States.

Bugun TV and Kanal­türk, two Koza İpek tele­vi­sion net­works, were shut down Wed­ne­sday after police for­ced their way into hea­d­quar­ters in Istan­bul, arre­sting a jour­na­list and disper­sing a pro­te­sting crowd outside with tear gas.

The police raid fol­lo­wed a court order from the capi­tal Ankara to depose the lea­der­ship of 22 Koza İpek sub­si­dia­ries, accu­sing the com­pany of finan­cing the “Fethul­lah Ter­ro­rist Orga­ni­za­tion,” or FETÖ, as Erdogan’s Justice and Deve­lo­p­ment Party (AKP) refers to the Gülen Movement.

The oppo­si­tion, howe­ver, asserts the move was poli­ti­cally moti­va­ted, poin­ting to the fact that most of the admi­ni­stra­tors appoin­ted to take over the company’s’ ope­ra­tions are mem­bers of the AKP or advi­sers to the party’s mini­sters. And, in a pre­lude to what was coming, the govern­ment had ban­ned seven chan­nels a few days ago that are close to the Gülen Move­ment, inclu­ding Bugun and Kanaltürk.

‘A threat to all’

Beyond the sho­w­down bet­ween the AKP and the Gülen Move­ment — which has been going on for a year and a half and con­cerns a power strug­gle bet­ween two camps on the Isla­mic right — the very fact that two tele­vi­sion chan­nels cri­ti­cal of the govern­ment have been blac­ked out days before a cri­ti­cal elec­tion makes this trou­bling situa­tion even more alarming.

“Such a situa­tion repre­sents a threat to other news outlets that aren’t pro-government,” says Gül­se­ren Ada­kli, pro­fes­sor of com­mu­ni­ca­tion scien­ces at the Uni­ver­sity of Ankara. “This exe­cu­tive, if he deems it neces­sary, could put his hand on the Doğan Media Group or the new­spa­per Cum­hu­riyet.”

It’s already hap­pe­ning: Main­stream media com­pa­nies Doğan and Cum­hu­riyet have already been the focus of attacks. Seve­ral jour­na­lists wor­king for CNN Turk and the new­spa­per Hür­riyet (both popu­lar outlets under Doğan) are at the cen­ter of a smear cam­paign spea­rhea­ded by jour­na­lists close to the govern­ment and an ano­ny­mous net­work of social media trolls towing the AKP line.

The Col­lec­tive Memory, a social media research group, has drawn up a map of con­nec­tions bet­ween a num­ber of these Twit­ter accounts, esta­bli­shing the exi­stence of no less than 113 pro­fi­les that all revolve around the name of a pre­si­den­tial advi­ser, Mustafa Varank. His name was later disco­ve­red to be rela­ted to the deci­sion to ban the seven chan­nels from digi­tal tele­vi­sion platforms.

A well-known broa­d­ca­ster for CNN Turk, Ahmet Hakan, was recen­tly phy­si­cally assaul­ted, while the mogul Aydin Doğan, owner of the con­glo­me­rate, was accu­sed of sup­por­ting the PKK (Kur­di­stan Wor­kers Party) by jour­na­lists sym­pa­the­tic to AKP.

All this because during the pre­vious elec­tion cam­paign these media gave space and voice to the oppo­si­tion and the pro-Kurdish People’s Demo­cra­tic Party — the party that on June 7 bloc­ked the AKP (for the first time in 13 years) from hol­ding a majo­rity of seats.

Employees and the edi­tor of Cum­hu­riyet, who a few mon­ths ago publi­shed an arti­cle with pho­tos alle­ging the govern­ment sent wea­pons to jiha­dist groups in Syria, are still on trial. The new­spa­per was also the sub­ject of a police raid and an attemp­ted attack by vio­lent extre­mist groups for its posi­tion on publi­shing car­toons of Moham­med, after the mas­sa­cre at Char­lie Hebdo.

But the list goes on, exten­ding to at least 20 news sites sup­por­tive of the PKK and the Kur­dish poli­ti­cal move­ment — or just any voice of the left. Some web­si­tes of LGBT and atheist maga­zi­nes were shut down by the Infor­ma­tion and Com­mu­ni­ca­tion Tech­no­lo­gies Autho­rity, whose head is a for­mer mem­ber of the Tur­kish intelligence.

The sel­fie president

Not to men­tion the case of Nokta maga­zine, which was rai­ded and ban­ned for publi­shing a mocked-up cover with Erdo­gan taking a “sel­fie” in front of a soldier’s cof­fin. (It was a refe­rence to Erdo­gan tel­ling fami­lies of dead sol­diers to be “happy” for their child’s mar­tyr­dom in the fight against the PKK, which the govern­ment con­si­ders a “ter­ro­rist organization.”)

The crime of insul­ting the pre­si­dent is now one of the most fre­quent cau­ses of action, and it con­cerns eve­ryone: from ordi­nary citi­zens and kids posting on Face­book to the mana­gers of new­spa­pers, like Bülent Kenes, the edi­tor of Today’s Zaman, arre­sted for twee­ting cri­ti­cally of Erdogan.

As the jour­na­list Umur Talu said, “The pro­blem of free­dom of thought and expres­sion is not a mat­ter that con­cerns only the field of wri­ting and journalism.”

Two things, he said, make the social ten­sion unbea­ra­ble. “The first is the direct pres­sure exer­ted on those who refuse to sub­mit to such pres­sure. The second, and one on which we focus less, con­cerns the pres­sure impo­sed and the threat that has taken us hostage — volun­ta­rily or not — because mil­lions of peo­ple are for­ced to surrender.”

Mea­n­while, polls indi­cate the elec­tion Sun­day will yield a result simi­lar to the one on June 7, but AKP Deputy Secre­tary Meh­met Ali Şahin­said vowed that, “if neces­sary, we will hold elec­tions for a third time.” It’s even rumo­red that the vote could be post­po­ned. But they can’t change the facts on the ground: More than half the popu­la­tion of Tur­key is no lon­ger wil­ling to accept this situation.

Originally published in English at il manifesto global.

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