Understanding Alt-Right Antisemitism

Originally written back in March, Ben’s article appears even more relevant in the wake of the events in Charlottesville, Virginia on August 11–12. It takes as its starting point the necessity of a clear analysis of the revitalization of antisemitism in the United States, a task whose urgency was made all too clear by the throngs of neo-fascists bearing swastikas and chanting “Jews will not replace us” in the streets of the city.

To many observers, the Charlottesville rallygoers’ fixation on Jews and appropriation of Third Reich symbolism may seem anachronistic: in American politics, Jews have never functioned as a constitutive Other — an outgroup against which an “authentic” people are called to rally and thereby constructed as a political subject — to the extent that they did in pre-Nazi Germany and much of pre-World War II Europe. However, as Ben demonstrates, this fixation actually stems from the centrality that antisemitic conspiracy theories occupy for the intellectual vanguard of the alt-right, the “white nationalist” movement that emerged in the wake of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign. These conspiracy theories are crucially similar to those that emerged in the early 20th century and particularly in the 1930s, a period that, similar to our own, was characterized by a profound economic, cultural, and political crisis. By drawing this connection, Ben lays the groundwork for a materialist analysis of antisemitism of considerable strategic import for anyone who wishes to fight against it seriously.

— Adam Baltner

UNDERSTANDING ALT-RIGHT ANTISEMITISM: What The New White Supremacy Means for American Jews, and Why It Matters | by Ben Lorber

(Note: This article references many alt-right/white supremacist websites. All hyperlinks to these web pages go to cached replicas of the pages, not the website itself.)

For the American Jewish community, these are strange and frightening times. With a wave of bomb threats to Jewish community centers*, attacks on Jewish cemeteries, and antisemitic graffiti on college campuses, American Jews face the largest grassroots surge of antisemitism in living memory. Yet, while over 75% of American Jews did not vote for Trump, the state of Israel has rushed to his side. Stranger still, the white supremacist alt-right movement seems to simultaneously hate Jews, and love Israel. Steve Bannon, Trump campaign mastermind and former architect of the antisemitic and white nationalist Breitbart News, shows firm support for Israel, while neo-Nazi hipster Richard Spencer compares himself to Theodore Herzl, and calls his movement “white Zionism.”

This confusing reality has scrambled the coordinates of the American Jewish community, whose leaders have spent decades painting criticism of Israel, and more recently the BDS movement, as “the new antisemitism.” Even though it is well-known that the same forces of white supremacy put all our communities in danger, many Jews and non-Jews still struggle to understand exactly how this new antisemitism fits in with other forms of bigotry on the far right, such as Islamophobia, anti-Arab racism, anti-blackness, and anti-immigrant racism.

This article examines the ideology of antisemitism on the alt-right, and its intersection with alt-right Zionism, in comparison with anti-Jewish ideologies of the 20th century. By unearthing the inner logic of fascist mentality, we do not seek to grant legitimacy to these beliefs, or pretend they can be defeated through reasoned debate alone; rather, by situating anti-Jewish ideologies in their historical context, we hope to orient ourselves in our current political moment, in order to understand how to transform it.

ALT-RIGHT ANTISEMITISM

For years, the online white nationalist movement has been obsessed with the “Jewish Question,” or “JQ.” Dredging through the swamps of the alt-right internet on sites like the Daily Stormer, forums like 4chan and podcasts like the Daily Shoah, it is common knowledge that, alongside all sorts of racist and sexist drivel, one is inundated with raw, in-your-face neo-Nazi memes, slurs and clickbait recycling the crude anti-Jewish tropes of the last century.

Rather than attempt to glean a coherent ideology from what one sees in these spaces, it is more worthwhile to turn to the pseudo-intellectual, “suit-and-tie” white supremacists who provide their inhabitants with the ideological scaffolding for their posting. In online publications like Alternative Right, CounterCurrents, Radix Journal, and the Occidental Observer that appear more similar at first glance to academic journals than hate sites, the alt-right attempts to develop a coherent American white nationalist ideology, grounded in 20th-century anti-modern, anti-liberal thought and situated alongside other far-right movements across Europe. Epitomized by clean-cut, upper-middle-class “hipster intellectual” fascists like Richard Spencer, this new movement seeks, in the words of one anti-fascist blogger, to make neo-fascism “just as much of a philosophic project as Marxism and anarchism…using jargon and rhetoric that feels more like the Frankfurt School than like the [neo-Nazi group] National Alliance.”

Most attempts on the alt-right to “theorize” antisemitism rely heavily on the work of Kevin MacDonald, a retired evolutionary psychology professor who still collects a pension from California State University, Long Beach. Dubbed “the neo-Nazi movement’s favorite academic” by Southern Poverty Law Center and “the Marx of the anti-Semites” by conservative writer John Derbyshire, MacDonald began his academic forays into the “Jewish Question” in the late ’90s by claiming in books like A People That Shall Dwell Alone that Judaism represents a “group evolutionary strategy” developed and perfected over two millennia of Jewish adaptation in the diaspora, whereby a tight-knit Jewish “ingroup” embeds itself, like a virus, within the pores of its host nation, siphoning off resources, rising to the elite and disarming all defenses against their invasion. Once the formal legal structures separating Jews and gentiles were dissolved in the 18th-century European Enlightenment, MacDonald argues, liberal “emancipated” Jewish activists “construct[ed] highly focused ethnic networks in politics, the arts, the media, and the social sciences — all the critical centers of power in the modern world”, building progressive movements for multiculturalism and universalism within Gentile society while hypocritically maintaining covert “hyper ethnocentric” networks of support among fellow Jewish activists.

The alt-right turns to MacDonald’s later books, particularly The Culture of Critique, to understand the “Jewish problem,” which it claims underlies basically all progressive legal, political and cultural forces of modern American history. Throughout the 20th century, claims MacDonald, American Jewish political figures, lobbyists, lawyers, journalists, activists, and other “opinion makers” spearheaded from behind the scenes both the civil rights movement and the movement for relaxed immigration policies. It was Jewish political and social capital, ultimately, that opened the gates of the USA U.S. to millions of non-European immigrants, integrated our schools, cities and neighborhoods, and worked behind the scenes in various ways to engineer “the racial reconstruction of America”.

During the same time period, MacDonald insists, a liberal Jewish elite engineered the hegemonic takeover of the humanities and social sciences, using the disciplines of Boasian anthropology, Freudian psychoanalysis, and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School to propagate cultural relativism, sexual liberation, and the deconstruction of all ideologies deemed “authoritarian,” respectively. Through movements like the New Left, finally, Jews brought the “culture war” to the streets of America. Today, Jews have successfully transformed American sensibilities, mainstreaming white guilt, moral relativism, multiculturalism, feminism, LGBTQ rights, political correctness, “cultural Marxism,” and the thousand other evils of liberalism.

Another common alt-right trope portrays Jews as the “globalist elite,” the secretive cabal that controls global institutions like the IMF and the EU that impose an exploitative neoliberal agenda of austerity, deregulation and debt servitude upon the nation-states of Europe. The much-villainized progressive Jewish philanthropist George Soros embodies for the alt-right the conviction that the “globalist elite” is “socially liberal and fiscally conservative”; or, put differently, that the same “Jewish power” underlies both the economic agenda of the 1% and the social-cultural agenda of the 99%.

All things considered, for the alt-right, “the organized Jewish community,” writes Greg Johnson, editor-in-chief at Counter-Currents, is the principal enemy — not the sole enemy, but the principal enemy — of every attempt to halt and reverse white extinction.” While other hated ethnic and religious groups, such as blacks, Latinos, Arabs and Muslims, represent external threats, Jews, they claim, destabilize white European-American society from within through the gradual, imperceptible institutionalization of creeping “white genocide.” The Jews are the master puppeteers, the hidden architects of white dispossession — in the words of neo-Nazi leader Victor Gerhard, “to rail against blacks and Hispanics without mentioning Jews is like complaining about the symptoms and not the disease.”

The Jewish question, accordingly, is the esoteric secret of the alt-right cult, a meta-narrative reserved only for the initiated, those who through a leap of reason learn to see beyond appearances to the essence of white dispossession. “I think it is easy to understand black crime, illegal immigrants, that’s in your face,” said Richard Spencer in an interview with the Forward. “But the Jewish question is extremely complicated.” Or as Kevin MacDonald says, “my general impression in talking to Alt Righters is that many begin with an awareness of White decline, race differences in traits like IQ, and minority hostility, and then progress toward an understanding of Jewish influence as they read more widely.”

Only by uprooting the Jews from America, according to the alt-right, can whites successfully reverse-engineer the social, cultural and political processes of their own dispossession, ensure their survival, and chart the course of their future. From this perspective, bomb threats and cemetery desecrations represent the sickening attempt of American white supremacy not only to chase away what today will corrode the foundations of the white ethnostate of the future, but also to uproot, from the soil itself, all that corroded the white ethnostate in the past.

Before we move on, let’s be clear: Jews did not orchestrate the racial and social justice movements of the 20th century! This argument, while grossly antisemitic (more on that soon), is demeaning to the communities of color, LGBTQ folk, working people and others who fought, and still fight, for their own liberation. Moreover, this narrative erases the existence of Jews of color and non-European Jews, monolithically portraying all Jews as “white-passing” descendants of European Ashkenazim (even while it strenuously denies, obviously, that these Jews are in fact white Europeans).

THE JEWISH ETHNO-STATE

For years, many white nationalists demonized Israel’s oppression of Palestinians as the manifestation of a uniquely Jewish power, Jewish evil or Jewish influence. “Old-school” white supremacists like David Duke still depict Israeli leaders as Satanic baby-killers thirsting for Palestinian blood, and still claim that Israel controls media, banks and “Zionist occupied governments” the world over. These motifs are remakes of the blood libel myths of the Middle Ages, and the Jewish world conspiracy myths of the 20th century, respectively. Clearly, they are far removed from the principled anti-Zionism of the Left, which views Israel’s oppression of Palestinians not as a “Jewish problem” but through the structural lenses of settler-colonialism, apartheid and white supremacy.

Recently, however, the alt-right has changed its tone. Many now call for a pragmatic acceptance of the existence of Israel, arguing that the only way to end the parasitic, destabilizing force that diaspora Jews exert upon Western nations is to relocate those Jews to Israel. “As ethno-nationalists, we believe in the “Ein Volk, ein Reich” principle,” explains Greg Johnson, in “White Nationalism and Jewish Nationalism”: “one people, one state…[an] ethnic self-determination of all peoples…a kind of classical liberalism for all nations, in which each people has a place of its own.” Israel, for Johnson, is not the symbol of the wicked “eternal Jew,” but the sign, rather, of its overcoming. “I do not oppose the existence of Israel,” explains Johnson in a chilling passage. “I oppose the Jewish diaspora in the United States and other white societies. I would like to see the white peoples of the world break the power of the Jewish diaspora and send the Jews to Israel, where they will have to learn how to be a normal nation.”

Johnson is hardly the first antisemite to reason that pesky, subversive diaspora Jews have no business in the European nation-state, and need some blood-and-soil nationalism of their own. A hundred years ago, in the heyday of European state-building, it was common for white Europeans and Americans to believe that, as Henry Ford’s early-1920s pamphlet “The International Jew” put it, “in a world of completely organized territorial sovereignties, he [the Jew] has only two possible cities of refuge: he must either pull down the pillars of the whole national state system or he must create a territorial sovereignty of his own.” Early Jewish Zionists shared this view. In fact Theodore Herzl, in a diary entry, articulated a vision that disturbingly enough could today make him Greg Johnson’s business partner: the Zionist movement, he proposed, could work with “respectable anti-Semites” willing to liquidate Jewish property in the diaspora, reimbursing these folks for their assistance in the colonization of Palestine. In the completion of this task, Herzl reasoned, “the anti-Semites will become our most dependable friends, the anti-Semitic countries our allies”.

Perhaps to the delight of Herzl, other alt-right theorists view Zionism as an ethnonationalist project worth emulating in itself. Richard Spencer, who once referred to his movement as “a sort of white Zionism,” dreams of an “ingathering of the exiles” of white Europeans into a new white ethnostate built in North America. Striking a Herzlian pose, he explained in a 2013 speech that “our project would be a new kind of political and social order. It would be a state for the 21st century — or 22nd…a home for Germans, Latins, and Slavs from around the world…a reconstitution of the Roman Empire…the Ethno-State would be, to borrow the title of a novel by Theodor Herzl (one of the founding fathers of Zionism), an Altneuland — an old, new country.”

While the alt-right may see Zionism as an ethno-nationalism much like their own, this does not mean that they see Israel as a sign that, finally, the Jews are becoming “a nation like all other nations.” A key motif of alt-right antisemitism holds that in the modern era, Jews act duplicitously by, as MacDonald puts it, championing “the idea that Western countries have no ethnic core…while supporting Israel as a Jewish ethnostate”. Using the specter of the Holocaust, Jews in the post-World War II era, according to the alt-right, demand that Israel remain a “Jewish state” while pathologizing as “fascist” or “racist” any attempts by whites to champion ethno-nationalism in Europe and America. Thus echoing old antisemitic motifs of the “deceitful Jew,” the alt-right sees the liberal Zionist Jew, progressive on all issues except Palestine, as no different than the Jewish reformer of post-Enlightenment 1800s Europe who preached universalism by day and practiced ethnocentrism by night, or the Jewish anti-war activist of the 1960s who preached universal brotherhood while covertly maintaining belief in Jewish superiority (a phenomenon MacDonald claims to have encountered firsthand during his hippie years).

The alt-right watches in rage while, as one writer expressed in classic Freudian formation, the Jew fulfills for himself the white race’s desire for ethnocentrism while castrating the white race with “the double standards of political correctness that condemn whites for even daring to think about the subject [of ethno-nationalism], but freely allow Jews not only to express their desires for, but to actually have, their own ethnostate.” And the same fetishistic glance which Spencer casts upon Herzl is cast by Kevin MacDonald, of all people, upon the very diaspora Jews he despises. “I have at times been accused of being an anti-Semite,” MacDonald grants in a 2004 speech entitled “Can the Jewish Model Help The West Survive?”, “but the reality is that I greatly admire Jews as a group that has pursued its interests over thousands of years, while retaining its ethnic coherence and intensity of group commitment…Taking seriously the idea of Judaism as a model for [white] ethnic activism is a tall order indeed.”

On one point alone, the Left agrees with Richard Spencer: Zionism is a form of ethnonationalism, racism and white supremacy. Just as Bibi and Trump, on the diplomatic stage, look like they were born for each other, Herzl and Richard Spencer do indeed strike a parallel pose in history. While we as leftists also hold liberal Zionism as hypocritical for condemning racism in America but overlooking it in Palestine, we see this, not as some mythical “Jewish deceitfulness,” but as a fairly typical blind spot held by liberal non-Jews and Jews alike who, for admittedly understandable if not quite forgivable historical reasons, have failed on the one hand to engage with the incredibly illiberal political developments in Israel-Palestine, and on the other to interrogate the concept of Zionism according to the premises of their own liberal politics. Perhaps liberal advocates of the two-state solution would be embarrassed to find that white supremacists like Greg Johnson support their policy proposal, albeit through the overt, rather than covert, logic of racial separatism.“I do not favor the destruction of Israel,” he says, “because I want the Jews to live there, not among my people. I favor a Palestinian state, because I want the Palestinians to live there, not among my people.”

20TH-CENTURY FASCISM

When fascism last appeared on the stage of history, the economic, cultural and political institutions of the world were, like today, in deep crisis. After the Great Depression hit a Europe still emerging from the ravages of the First World War, millions of people faced poverty, dislocation in a world of shifting borders, unstable identities and an uncertain future. Meanwhile, rapid changes in technology, media communications, and industry were revolutionizing the scope and texture of human society, and the competing world-systems of capitalism and communism proposed very different models for the future of humanity.

Over and against what Corey Robin has called, in a different context, “the social vertigo induced by modern industrial society,” fascism articulated a vision of populist ethno-nationalism centered around the certainty of blood, the constancy of soil, the honor of the nation, the valor of war and the heroism of the leader. To the modern citizen searching for rootedness in an age of abstractions, fascism offered the tribe, the people, the Volk as a concrete counterpoint to the shallow individualism of liberalism, the hedonistic consumerism of capitalism, and the bureaucratic heathenism of Stalinism. These, fascism asserted, were the only true realities, stable enough to weather the storm of modernity and propel its people into the future.

To the titans of industry, fascism promised not only the destruction of unions and left-wing movements and, therefore, an end to worker militancy and class conflict, but also massive profits through rearmament and the permanent war economy. To the petty bourgeoisie hit hard by inflation and unemployment, angry at the exorbitant wealth of those above them and eager to avoid the desperate poverty of those below them, fascism offered the myth of belonging, not to a vanishing class, but to a master race. To the working class, too, fascism substituted the allure of nationalism for the emancipatory promise of communism, and the difficult project of freeing oneself of exploitation through class struggle for the more comfortable one of blaming that exploitation on a scapegoat.

In an apparent contradiction, Nazi ideology saw the Jew as at once the ruthless profiteer of capitalism and its opposite, the fiery radical of communism. It was the Jew-as-banker, argued Hitler and Henry Ford, who sought to starve nation-states of their natural resources, industry and manpower through the rootless, parasitic networks of global finance capital. It was also the Jew-as-communist, moreover, who taught the workers and peasants of the West to occupy their factories, march through their city streets and seize the landed estates of their countryside, demanding reform and revolution. It was the Jew-as-modernist, finally, who dominated new media like film, television and radio, and introduced new art-forms like Surrealist painting and jazz music, to corrode the traditional, family values of white Christian Europe with the transgressive sensibilities of the modern world.

In his essay “Anti-Semitism and National Socialism,” Moishe Postone, a Marxist political theorist, argued that in the “international Jew” the Nazis found a way to concentrate, into a single image, the entirety of the destabilizing forces of a modern world in tumult and transition. More complex than the Othering typical of most racism, the worldview of antisemitism offered for those enthralled by Nazism the illusion of a total revolution against these immense, ungraspable forces, a “foreshortened anticapitalist movement” where “the abstract domination of capital, which — particularly with rapid industrialization — caught people up in a web of dynamic forces they could not understand, became perceived as the domination of International Jewry.” The image of the “international Jew” — at once the greedy financier suffocating the globe in a parasitic grasp, the sneaky agitator lighting fires of rebellion in the streets, the arch-media mogul clogging the airwaves with emptiness and filth, the master puppeteer dictating the motions of heads of state, framed in grotesque caricature the very historical processes that the new ultra nationalism needed to set into reverse in order to will itself into existence.

“What characterizes the power imputed to the Jews in modern anti-Semitism,” writes Postone,

is that it is mysteriously intangible, abstract, and universal. It is considered to be a form of power that does not manifest itself directly, but must find another mode of expression. It seeks a concrete carrier, whether political, social, or cultural, through which it can work… It is considered to stand behind phenomena, but not to be identical with them. Its source is therefore deemed hidden — conspiratorial. The Jews represent an immensely powerful, intangible, international conspiracy…centered in the “asphalt jungles” of the newly emergent urban megalopoli…behind “vulgar, materialist, modern culture” and, in general, all forces contributing to the decline of traditional social groupings, values, and institutions. The Jews represent a foreign, dangerous, destructive force undermining the social “health” of the nation.

It is not hard to see the unsettling parallels between the “international Jew” of 20th-century fascism and the “diaspora Jew” of the contemporary alt-right. What are we to make of them? Why has this modern antisemitism re-emerged today, at the burning core of a right-populist movement that in a little over the year rose from the slimiest pits of the internet and stormed the White House?

THE ANTI-GLOBALISM OF FOOLS

Our present historical moment, in which the ideology of the alt-right takes its root, bears more than a passing resemblance to the world-crisis of the 1930s. With the fall of the Berlin Wall, the prophets of neoliberalism promised that the “end of history” was upon us, that the twin systems of liberal democracy and free-market capitalism would render national borders increasingly irrelevant and bring rising incomes, falling inequality, and liberal tolerance to an interconnected planet. Perched atop institutions like the IMF, the World Bank and the Treasury Department, ruling elites of liberal and conservative persuasions alike promoted a “Washington Consensus” of multinational trade deals like NAFTA, and pan-European institutions like the EU that bolstered the profits of large corporations and the super-rich while hurting workers, gutting public services, and destroying communities around the world.

Like the 1930s, neoliberal capitalism has today triggered a worldwide financial crisis, throwing millions into poverty and dislocation. In countries across Europe, welfare protections have been scaled back, unemployment is high, unions have been undermined and millions are desperate for change. In America and Europe, the centrist parties of neoliberalism are collapsing, while millions of refugees — the greatest number of stateless people since World War II — knock desperately at the gates of a West gripped by xenophobia and panic, the very West whose endless war on terror has created the refugee crisis.

The eyes of the world watch transfixed as, from Brexit in Britain to Trump in America, Wilders in Denmark to Le Pen in France, a new wave of right-populist leaders emerges to offer a way forward for the frightened and fed-up peoples of Europe and America. Framed as a revolution against the “globalist agenda” of neoliberalism, today’s neo-fascist leaders promise to re-establish strong, sovereign nation-states, rooted in blood and soil, cleansed of “foreign infiltrators,” driven by the conviction, as Steve Bannon said recently of the United States, that “we are not just an economy in some global marketplace with open borders, but a nation with a culture and a reason for being.” While liberals feel smothered by the paralyzing sense that history has careened off course, these ultra nationalists feel, to quote Le Pen, that “what seemed impossible is now possible”, and that now is the time to declare, in the words of right-populist Russian intellectual Alexandr Dugin, “the 21st century has finally begun…swamp-drainers of the world, unite!”

But today, as in the 1930s, this “revolution from the right” is no revolution at all. Economic nationalists like Trump and Bannon offer a hearty critique of the globalist elite in theory, while building an administration that, in practice, plunges the country deeper into the globalist agenda of privatization, tax cuts for the rich, Wall Street mega-speculation, and community disinvestment. For all his fiery populism, Bannon is a self-professed “hard-nosed capitalist,” a former Goldman Sachs executive who, as Jacobin puts it, “like every rich, right-wing asshole…plays GI Joe in public- or Julius Streicher, if the mood is right- before settling in with a nice bottle of Amarone in a climate-controlled beachfront property.” While Bannon blames the “globalists” for the 2008 economic crisis that threw millions into poverty, he envisions not a world free from the system of capitalism that ultimately caused the crisis but a return to the 1980s, which he sees as a long-lost golden age when “enlightened capitalism” reigned free from government regulation, ruled by men with “Judeo-Christian values” of family, faith and tradition.

Indeed, the ideology of antisemitism appealed so strongly to 20th-century ultra-capitalists like Henry Ford because, in the image of the Jew-as-banker, it singled out one aspect of capitalism, the system of international finance, for condemnation while portraying other strongholds of exploitation, like large landowners and the titans of big industry, as patriotic defenders of the national interest. As Postone explains, modern antisemitism — which, for decades before Hitler took power, was already called “the socialism of fools” by worker’s movements in Europe — was a “particularly pernicious fetish form” because it tricked people into believing that by uprooting the Jews from Europe they were actually liberating themselves from capitalist exploitation. The “power and danger” of such meta-scapegoating, in any era of ultranationalism triggered by rapacious capitalism, is that it offers the mirage of a “comprehensive worldview which explains and gives form to certain modes of anticapitalist discontent in a manner that leaves capitalism intact, by attacking the personifications of that social form.”

Like their fascist forebears, Bannon & co offer a “revolution from the right” that repackages the emancipatory spirit of the left in diluted form, wrapping in the flag of family, faith, blood and soil what is essentially a colossal power grab by rich white men. Just as Hitler’s “international Jew” functioned in fascist mythology as a catch-all symbol of the million symptoms of modernity, so the “diaspora Jew” of today’s alt-right condenses within itself all the symptoms of a postmodern, post-neoliberal world in tumult and transition — with a hint of anti-capitalism thrown in to sweeten the deal.

“Every rise of fascism,” wrote Walter Benjamin, “bears witness to a failed revolution.” The alt-right, bearing witness to the failed promises of neoliberalism and experiencing an inflated sense of political possibility, right now strikes a pose on the world-historical stage. This pose is not actually emancipatory by any stretch of the imagination. But unless the left can articulate a truly emancipatory vision for a future beyond neoliberalism — and can build a movement that gets us there — the continued rise of neo-fascism and the horrific forms it will take will bear witness to our “failed revolution” as well.

CONCLUSION

In this brief analysis, much has been left out, including the complex relationship between antisemitism and Islamophobia on the alt-right. Indeed, many anti-Muslim tropes today, such as the myth of a global Muslim conspiracy that has covertly infiltrated American society, are taken straight from the playbook of modern antisemitism. It also should not be forgotten that, although American Jews experience a new sense of vulnerability in Trump’s America, white Jews still enjoy a safety, privilege and comfort that most other minority groups in the crosshairs of the alt-right do not. Indeed, the white American Jewish community has been deeply complicit in the race and class privilege, the oppression of black and brown people, and the institutionalized Islamophobia that plagues this country.

These times are made even more strange and frightening for the American Jewish community by the fact that the state of Israel, far from serving as a progressive “light unto the nations” or protecting Jews against antisemitism, stands in full support of Donald Trump and, increasingly, the forces of right-populism sweeping the world. Israel lends to the new fascism a valuable public relations tool, allowing leaders like Trump to deny charges of antisemitism on the one hand and lending them a “kosher” stamp of approval for the “Judeo-Christian” war against Islam on the other. And while the institutional leaders of American Jewry lay awake at night, worrying about the latest campus plot to delegitimize Israel, the fastest growing white supremacist movement America has seen in decades sets its sights not on Israel but squarely on American Jewry itself.

American Jews must take to the streets alongside other marginalized groups against the rising fascist menace in our country. Rather than seek the protection of kings, we must show up for all who are under attack and trust that they will show up for us as well. In the long run, only this solidarity can save us. To our institutions that dwell close to positions of privilege and comfort, and remain complicit in white supremacy, we must say what the proud Mordecai, in the recent holiday of Purim, said to Queen Esther as she waited nervously in that same palace, unsure whether to use what influence she had over King Ahasuerus to try to protect the marginalized in his kingdom: “Do not think that you will escape [the fate of] all the Jews by being in the king’s palace. For if you will remain silent at this time, relief and salvation will come to the Jews from another source, and you and the house of your father will be lost. And who knows if it is not for just such a time that you reached this royal position!”

Seven decades ago, in conditions not terribly different from our own, my great-grandfather was making his home (thank g-d) in America, while in Europe, his parents and siblings, along with millions of other Jews, were labeled as Other, stripped of their rights, and murdered because some fascist managed to convince enough people that these strangers in their midst — a motley crew of impoverished peddlers, small craftsmen and traders, rabbis, factory workers, and a few intellectuals and businessmen — were somehow orchestrating a grand conspiracy to destroy their nation from within. Let us all do everything in our power to prevent this from happening again to any people.

Ben Lorber is an organizer, writer and a member of the DSA Jewish Solidarity Caucus. He lives in Chicago and works as Campus Coordinator with Jewish Voice for Peace. He blogs at doikayt.com, where this piece originally appeared.

Adam Baltner teaches English and studies German Language and Literature in Vienna. He is also a member of the DSA Jewish Solidarity Caucus.