Blog #2

There was constant fighting among the various revolutionary groups. Additionally, there was an ongoing counterrevolution. As we have seen, the resistance was led by Zapata and Orozco in the south and north, respectively, and the Madero Revolution broke apart almost immediately. The revolutionaries then came together once more to oppose Huerta and his repressive dictatorship. After defeating Huerta, the original Constitutionalists (the Maderistas’ successors) divided into Constitutionalists under Carranza and Conventionalists under Villa and Zapata (who had come together in 1914 at a congress in Aguascalientes). Carranza prevailed, but the Constitutionalists’ planning and maneuvering were notorious, just like their proclivity for corruption. At the same time, the remaining conservative opponents of the Revolution persisted in their steadfast opposition.

There was a coalition of middle-class individuals, dissident elites, and diverse working-class and rural organizations, led by Carranza, formed by the Constitutionalists, who set out to rewrite the Constitution of 1857 and rebuild the war-torn country. They opposed major constitutional modifications and preferred only minor ones, to ensure that everyone had access to the political and governmental systems. While Villa and Zapata were still in the field, the constitutional convention veered to the left and produced the most radical document of its kind up to that point. This was due to a radical group of Constitutionalists led by Obregón who pushed for extensive concessions to workers and small farmers. “The Constitution of 1917 notwithstanding, laws were enforced on the state and local levels, and there was considerable corruption and arbitrariness even in the process of reform.” (Wasserman, 121)

Obregon gained support with his trademark pragmatism. He made various offers to reluctant generals, including a “cannon blast of pesos,” major government positions for influential political figures, land for agrarian revolutionaries, and unheard-of political power for labor leaders. (Gonzales, Ch. 7) President Obregón maintained this balancing act with previous opponents as well as potential adversaries. He made an agreement with new Zapatista commander Gildardo Magaa and began discussions in Vorelos about a major land reform program, while also letting several Porfirian-era caudillos to return from exile and restart economic activities, like as Luis Terrazas in Chihuahua. Obregón also rewarded high-ranking federal army leaders with large financial benefits while undermining their capacity to cultivate cadres of loyal troops by shifting commanders between newly created administrative military zones on a regular basis.

However, Obregón had significant problems because of the political circumstances in post-revolutionary Chihuahua. “The western provinces had produced the revolutionary movements led by Pascual Orozco and Pancho Villa, and fears of a Villista revival preoccupied the victorious Constitutionalists.” (Gonzales, Ch. 7) In 1920, Villa had been asked by Generals Salvador Alvarado and Ramón Denegrio to support Obregón in his power struggle with Carranza.” Villa, on the other hand, declined to take sides, believing that the approaching civil war would weaken both factions and boost his political influence. Obregón’s swift triumph, on the other hand, put Villa on the defensive. The federal government offered a prize of $100,000 for Villa’s capture and dispatched troops to Chihuahua. Villa eluded capture by fleeing to Coahuila, where he pillaged haciendas and hid from police. Despite Obregón’s objections, Interim President Adolfo de la Huerta engaged into negotiations with Villa and reached an agreement.

As for factionalism, many peasants had supported the Revolution in the hopes that they would be granted land and other resources that had been taken away from them by wealthy landowners. However, the constitution only provided for limited land reform, and many peasants felt that their needs had been ignored. “In 1923, fewer than 2,700 wealthy families still owned more than one-half of Mexico. Only 114 of these elite families held 25 percent of the land” (Gonzales, Ch. 7) Workers were also dissatisfied with the constitution, as it did not “go far enough in protecting their rights.” Gonzales, Ch. 7) While political and financial gains enjoyed by Morones and his inner circle, however, did not translate into significant benefits for industrial workers. “Real wages remained well below the 3-peso minimum daily wage that the national labor commission concluded as necessary for subsistence” (Gonzales, Ch.7)

I do not believe that the Revolution had come to a close with Obregón’s administration. While Obregón had significant achievements, such as the Constitution of 1917, he did not fully address the concerns of all the people. Although he did bring a degree of stability to Mexico there was still fighting and unrest amongst its people. There were many unresolved issues related to land reform rights, and labor laws. While Obregón had made progress in some of these areas, there was still a way to go before these issues could be fully addressed. I believe that he made a significant first step in the fight for the people of Mexico, but the war is far from over.